ff t
I
t3be Conservative. n
crata fuse with the republicans of the
South , the opportunity for free and
legitimate discussion of national ques
tions would not occur. It would be the
signal for an unseemly contest between
former friends and associates , which
would inevitably result in bad blood ,
political debauchery , and social disorder.
The sound money democrats of the
South are generally either men who
have succeeded in the various walks of
life and do not seek official station , or
men who have voluntarily or involun
tarily retired from the public service
rather than surrender their convictions
on what they regard as a vital public
question. They can afford to be un
selfish and patriotic without making
greater sacrifices than they have already
made.
In view of the certainty of Mr. Bryan's
nomination , immediate steps should be
taken to organize the sound money
democrats throughout the country. At
the proper time a national convention
should be called to take authoritative
action. There is probably a difference
of opinion among sound money demo
crats as to the propriety of making even
a presidential nomination. Those of the
southern states would , with few ex
ceptions , oppose making nominations
for state , county or municipal offices for
the reasons already stated. However ,
it is certain they would agree with great
unanimity , on the convention taking
action as follows :
1. The adoption of a sound demo
cratic platform , reasserting the principles
of the party as understood and taught
by its founders and leaders down to the
unfortunate episode at Chicago , and
applying those principles to living
questions.
2. To declare it to bo the duty of
sound money democrats , in the inter
est of sound democracy and the
public welfare , to use all honorable
moans to secure the defeat of Mr.
Bryan.
y. To appoint a national executive
committo composed of democrats , recog
nized throughout the country for their
ability and patriotism , to take charge of
the campaign , and see that sound money
literature is distributed and the advo
cates of sound money and sound
democracy are heard in every com
munity throughout the county.
If no nominations are made by the
sound money democrats for state , county
or municipal offices , the way will be left
open for affiliation with the free silver
democrats in all state and local elec
tions. If this policy is pursued the
division between democrats will be con
fined within its proper limitations and
the discussion will be applicable only to
the presidential contest.
The course here suggested , if carried
out , will be absolutely patriotic and un
selfish , and it is especially desirable in
the southern states. When the idea is
eliminated that white supremacy is in
v
any way involved in the contest , the
way will be open for argument. Then
ill antagonisms will be avoided and the
sound money democrats can challenge
their free silver brethren to make an
lonest inquiry into the merits of their
case. This , if there is any truth in
ogic , will result in the destruction of
3ryanism in the southern states , and
destroyed there it fails everywhere.
? rein the Conservative Review , Novem
ber , 1899.
POLITICAL.
The Turn Society of Spriugaeld ,
Mass. , has sent Congressman Gillett a
petition asking him to exert his influence
in congress against the policy of the
administration in the Philippines. The
action was taken at the suggestion of
; he national executive committee of the
societies of the country.
Winslow Warren , ex-collector of the
port of Boston , says in a letter to the
Springfield Republican that opposition
; o changes that imperil the American
ideals cannot be successfully united
under the leadership of William J.
Bryan , and that , therefore , the only
thing to do is to organize another party.
"Bryan's preeminence can , perhaps ,
best be explained upon the principle that
among the blind the one-eyed is easily
king , " says the Baltimore Sun ( dem. ) .
'The reign of small men has succeeded
to that of men who were really great ,
and the stupendous folly of Chicago
was the natural consequence of the little
modicum of brains by which the party
has been governed. "
William H. Smyth , the postmaster at
Atlanta , sees no occasion for the pro
posed constitutional amendment in
Georgia to limit negro suffrage. "Prac
tically , " he says , "the negroes now are
barred from voting by a statute that re
quires the citizen to have paid his taxes
without intermission for a period
approximating twenty years. Unless
he can make affidavit that all back taxes
have been settled for that length of
time , his vote is refused. Now , it is the
fact that scarcely half the negroes are
able to make the required showing , and
so they absent themselves from the
polls. "
The Portland ( Me. ) Press ( rep. ) finds
in the election returns "no rebuke to the
administration's Philippine policy , nor
is there anything that indicates an
enthusiastic endorsement of it. It is
hardly likely , " it Eays , "that if im
perialism or the trusts had been deter
mining factors , there would have been
democratic losses in Iowa and democratic
gains in Nebraska. The indications are ,
to our mind , that the comparative
strength of the two leading parties has
been very little affected by the develop
ments of the past year , and what slight
gains or losses have come to either side
have been due to local causes and con
ditions. "
RAILROAD ROBHERY.
The railroad companies of the United
States rccoivo an enormous sam of
money. It amounts every year to moro
than ouo and one quarter billion dollars.
According to the official report of the
interstate Commerce Commission , the
railroads received in the year 1897 , over
iwolve hundred million dollars. What
was done with this money ?
Railroad Extravagance.
Their operating expenses took
$758,000,000
fronts , interest and other fix
ed changes . . . . 418,000,000
Taxes 48,000,000
The railroad companies ought to pay
: axes , and ought to pay the rents they
owe , and interest on the money they bor
row. Practically all the remainder that
; hey take in is paid out immediately , in
ivages to the men and in other expenses
of running the roads.
Wasted in Wapcs.
Out of every ouo hundred dollars that
hey received they paid out moro than
sixty-four for wages and taxes and other
operating expenses. The remaining
thirty-six dollars was consumed in in
terest , and other fixed charges. So mo
railroad companies paid dividends , but
the shortage in the non-paying roads
about equalled nil the dividends.
Who Got it ?
Who got the 708 million dollars paid
out for expense of operating the rail
roads ?
401 millions wont for running the
trains , that is , wages to engineers , firo-
mou , and for fuel , supplies , etc.
145 millions was paid for maintenance
and repairs of road bed and buildings.
118 millions was paid for repairs and
renewals of cars and ougiuos.
These three items , all of which , prac
tically , go to manual labor , aggregate
G59 million dollars.
Olio Cent on the Dollar.
The salaries of the presidents , vice-
presidents , managers and all the general
officers of all the railroads in the United
States , amounted to ono per cent of the
operating expenses.
Out of every ono hundred dollars paid
out in operating expenses , by all the
railroads , the officers and managers received -
coivod one dollar. Insurance , lawyers ,
clerks , printing and office supplies , and
like espouses took nine dollars. The
remaining ninety dollars was paid out
for conducting the transportation and
keeping up the road bed and equipment ,
that is , to labor.
This shows where the money goes ,
that is received by the great railroad
companies of this country. Aside
from what they are compelled to pay in
interest on borrowed money , and in
fixed charges and taxes , the money
virtually all goes to labor , and the labor
of men who work with their hands.
