The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, November 09, 1899, Page 3, Image 3

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    Conservative.
AT/V'IN SAUND15KS I > KAI > .
"War Governor of Nuhruskii mill ISx-Soimtor
1'assos Alia } ' .
Ex-Governor Alviu Sauudors died
Nov. 1st at his homo on Sherman
Avenue , Omaha , at the ago of 85 years.
His death was easy and quiet and it
seemed to those gathered about his bed
that ho had merely gone to sleep.
Governor Sauudors' death removes
one more of the few survivors whose
lives connect with the early history of
the middle West. Ho supported Abra
ham Lincoln at the time of his nomina
tion for president and was largely instru
mental in bringing ic about. As a
reward , Lincoln appointed him governor
of the territory of Nebraska. The last
signature over written by Lincoln was
obtained by Governor Saundera , and it
is the most highly prized souvenir in
the possession of the Saunders family.
The signature-was obtained late in the
afternoon of the day of the assassination ,
when Mr. Sauudera called upon the
president to get his governor's com
mission renewed for the second term.
Governor Sauuders leaves a wife , a
sou and a daughter , the latter being
Mrs. Russell Harrison. Ex.
A daily study
ENGLISH MMEKTY. . .
of current events
iu Great Britain may be useful to Amer
icans. Our domestic imperialists have
for more than a year urged Americans
to consider the glory of British arms ,
the richness of British conquests , the
wide scope of British trade and the
merits of British policy in the crown
colonies. This has been done to lead us
into copying the imperial policy of that
country , regardless of the fact that
while it conforms to the British consti
tution it is repugnant to ours. The
iustitiitions of a constitutional empire
can bo extended by force. The free
institutions of a constitutional republic
cannot be extended by force.
American anti-imperialists have now
the right to call the attention of their
countrymen to the tolerance of oppo
sition in Great Britain. While the
Chicago Tribune is calling for the arrest
and execution of Carl Schurz , J. Sterling
Morton , George H. Boutwell and Bishop
Potter as traitors because they declare
that self-government ceases to bo self-
government when it is forced upon an
unwilling people , in Great Britain sub
jects of great eminence , members of
parliament in the lords and commons ,
are not checked or rebuked for their ex
pressions of dissent from the policy that
has forced the war on the two South
African republics. It is a strange situ
ation. While American imperialist
newspapers are tolling our citizens that
it is unpatriotic in them to express
sympathy for the Boers , Englishmen in
all walks of life are showing sympathy
and freely expressing it.
In this wejdo neb .refer to the Irish
members oflthe house of commons , who
habitually go to the extremes in criticism
of England that scorn to -warranted
by seven centuries of oppression to their
country. They stand apart from the
Englishmen who arraign the policy of
Chamberlain and Cecil Rhodes. Mr.
Stanhope , Mr. Evans and Sir William
Vernon Harcourt , in the commons ,
have announced that while they will
support the government in the prose
cution of "this unhappy war , " they re
gard it as unjustified and wrong.
Ilarcourt said : "The British nation
has a right to know what the proposals
of the government are. The govern
ment has no right to involve the nation
in a war in the dark. I disassociate
myself altogether from responsibility of
any kind for the measures which have
ed to this war , though I am prepared to
support the government in the unhappy
lonflict in which we are engaged. " Mr.
Stanhope , of one of the most distin-
uished families of England , which has
furnished soldiers and sailors and
scholars to build up the glory of Great
Britain , said : "The British high com
missioner in South Africa , Sir Alfred
Milner , is lacking in the qualities
necessary to a diplomat in his position.
I am convinced that the secretary of
state for the colonies and the British
high commissioner have for the last two
years been fully determined that war
and war only should end this crisis , and
that they have worked for this con
summation during the last year. "
In this position there is a lot of hardheaded -
headed English sense and that kind of
sturdy patriotism which may have to
interfere to save the empire from itself
These Englishmen are not misled by
specious talk about destiny and the
Providence of God. They propose to
drag into daylight the machinations
which have involved the country in war
They are patriots of the style o
Charles James Fox , who during the
American revolution said in the com
mons : "The noble lord who moved the
amendment said that wo were in the
dilemma of conquering or abandoning
America. If wo are reduced to that
am for abandoning America. I canno
conscientiously agree to grant anj
money for so destructive , so ignoble o
purpose as the carrying on of a wa :
commenced unjustly and supported witl
no other view than to the extirpation o
freedom. "
They have the spirit of Edmund
Burke , who in parliament said : . ' 'You
simply tell the American colonists to lay
down their arms , and then you will do
just as you please. Could the most
cruel conqueror say less ? Had you
conquered the devil himself in hell
could you be less liberal ? "
They are Englishmen like Chatham ,
whose son resigned his commission in
the army rather than fight against self-
government in America , and who said
in the house of lords iu the second year
of our revolution : "Wo have tried for
unconditional surrender ; try what can
bo gained by unconditional redress.
This country has been the aggressor.
You have made descents upon their
coasts ; you have burned their towns ,
plundered their country , made war upon
the inhabitants , confiscated their prop
erty , proscribed and imprisoned their
persons. I do therefore affirm that ,
instead of exacting unconditional sur-
ender from the colonies , wo should
jrant them unconditional redress. I
uld sell the shirt off my back to assist
.11 proper measures , properly and wisely
jonducted ; but I would not part with a
ingle shilling to the present ministers.
Their plans are founded in destruction
and disgrace. It is , my lords , a ruinous
ind destructive war ; it is full of dan-
ers ; it teems with disgrace and must
end in ruin. If I were an American as
I am an Englishman while a foreign
: roop was landed in my country I would
never lay down my anus I Never 1
never I never 1"
A session of the American congress is
ipproaching. Let us hope that it will
vindicate the belief that American
liberty of expression is no less than that
liberty was in England a century and a
quarter ago , and no less than it is now.
San Francisco Call.
Bryan has Bub-
BUOWNAND .
jected himself to
the most stinging
rebuke administered to a party leader
for years. When John Young Brown ,
who represents in this state contest
whatever there is loft of honesty and
good faith in bluegrass democracy , de
manded of Bryan why ho advocated free
government for the people of the Philip
pines if ho denied it to the people of
Kentucky by indorsing the infamous
Goebel election law , Colonel Bryan could
only turn pale and crawl. The very
question was an insult , deadly because
of the truth of the implication. The
failuio to answer to answer it satisfac
torily was absolute conviction on moral
grounds , and , what porhays hurts Bryan
vanity quite as much , lasting discredit
in the eyes of those who judge politi
cians solely by the measure of their
dialectical adroitness.
So Bryan leaves Kentucky poorer in
reputation , poorer in friends , richer in
enemies and ill-wishers , than when he
entered that state. And as he departs
ho is pursued by the impudent boast of
the political scoundren for whoso benefit
ho has sacrificed so much , that if he ,
Goobol , is elected in 1809 the Goobel
election law will bo used unflinchingly
in 1900 to count the electoral vote of
Kentucky for Bryan 1
Will it bo surprising if this colossal
error of judgment marks the turning
point in Colonel Bryan's political for
tunes ? If so , it should prove , Colonel
Bryan has no one but himself to blame ,