P5 > - * *
,
. SJTVi PV47' _ '
IF :
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Conservative ,
THE BOSS AND THE MACHINE.
In this case the man runs the machine
, . , and not the machine the man. Crokerism
is the best example. Unlike McKinley-
? | f ism , both boss and machine are visible.
, . The boss is not a true leader. He is the
' head of an army of subservient underlings -
lings but not a representative of the
people. The boss counts noses , not men.
Richard Croker is worthy of study and
admiration. He is a strong man. All
strength commands admiration. Only
the \vay it is used is admirable , how
ever. He represents kingship limited ,
not imperialism unlimited. He repre
sents inonarchial usurpation. Doubtless
he would make it hereditary if he could.
Richard Croker is the dictator of New
York politics. In many respects he is
like unto Oliver Cromwell. He is the
head of a faction , but not a people.
Crokerism is far safer than McKinleyism.
Croker is captain of the ship. The crew
may grumble betimes but they dare not
mutiny. Croker is to them their self-
preserving head. Not so McKinley.
Croker is no figure head. McKinley is
onlv figuratively the head of the re
publican ptirty. The Robespierres of the
machine can guillotine him any time
they dei-ire. They throttle him at all
times. Not so with Crnker. Croker is
monarch of all he surveys RO long as he
wears the crown. Only Croker can de
throne Croker That will bo when he
becomes weak. Then Richard of York
will be no more himself.
Thera is no use of denying that there
is much deserving condemnation in
Crokerism. On the contrary there is
much worthy of emulation in it.
Crokerism is safety against anarchy
because it represents a strong and abso
lute government. Oroker is a usurper.
' He has all the characteristics of a des-
I potic tyrant. Crokerism is the product
of a weak and indifferent people.
Weakness must be governed. A people
who cannot govern themselves are in
the swaddling clothes of social develop
ment. Croker studies the people , not to
see what they will , but to discover their
weaknesses that ho may have his will.
He represents absolute monarchy on
American soil.
All governments exist by the will of
the will. Indifferent acquiescence is no
less the will of the people than inde
pendent and absolute sovereignty
Crokerism and machine government are
the result of the treason of the people to
the primitive and universal truth , that
socialism is the union of those capable of
maintaining-themselves for their indi
vidual preservation and government
inaugurated by them for their owi
benefit. Crokerism is the. natural result
of free and unlimited suffrage and the
admittance of the unfit into the privi
leges of free citizenship. Orokerism
and machine government find their
f-f.
strength in the unfit , in those who con
tribute nothing to the maintenance o :
government : On. the contrary they ajre
argely a burden upon ifc. It is owing
to their nnfituess that the cohorts of
Crokerism find self-preserving strength
in the boss and he the voting strength
that upholds his usurpation in them.
The usurper invariably appeals "to the
people , " talks much about "the rights
of the people , " while he utterly ignores
the self-supporting among the people , or
else defies them. Tim was the method
of Crcsar and of Nnpoleon. It is also that
of Mr. Bryan. McKinley plays the
same game , but with the appearance of
profound moral intent. Croker descends
to no such vile hypocrisy. Richard , the
first , of New York , is not a leader. He
dares not lead. He pushes. He neither
makes nor unmakes public opinion. He
defies it. In this is his strength. It is
also his weakness. It is his strength
because it dazzles and pleases his cohorts
and slaves. It is his weakness because
it defies the self-supporting moral ele
ment in the community which could
behend him in a minute if it only had
manhood enough to will it. Croker's
strength lies in dallying with fate. The
same was true of Csewr and Napoleon.
The same fate awaito Croker if he lives
long enough. The strength of Croker is
in corruption. The strength of the
grave is there also.
No usurper , no tyrant , can withstand
the determined will of a free and inde
pendent people. A slavish , ignorant or
indifferent people must inevitably be
come the victims of a poor or indifferent
government , or an absolute despotism.
Like people like government is axiomatic.
A. weak or indifferent people require a
despotic government to their safety.
Any government which is not absolute
is not a government , except in form.
It may be a government do jure , it cer
tainly is not do facto. The most abso
lute government possible is that inaugu
rated or intelligently maintained by a
strong , free and in'dependent people.
Such a government is invariably des
potic to the weak. No more absolute
despotism exists than that of a prison or
an insane asylum. The more intelligent
it is the more absolute is it.
The SufVty in Crohorism.
It is unequivocally safe to say that
Crokerism is the best and safest form oi
government for New York City under
existing conditions. That is not assert
ing that it is the safest and best govern
ment that city could have. Nevertheless
it is the safest possible at present. What
safety would there be to life and prop
erty in New York with such a
machine made leader , and milk anci
water character as MeKinley at the
head of it ? "What safety would there
bo with such a "goodie goodie , " such a
universal sympathizer with the unfit , as
Mr. Bryan ? Anarchy would result in
no time.
Compare New York or Chicago , with
its heterogeneous and anarchistic pull
and haul- among its politicians , asto
safety of life and property ? There is F' <
not a citizen of New York who harbors
my great fear in that direction. There
is not a citizen of Chicago who actually *
feels safe on its streets at night. It is
doubtful if any observant and thinking
Ohicagoan feels really safe when ho
noes to bed. Think of the labor riots in
Chicago ! Look at the late anarchistic
outbreaks in Cleveland 1 Does any one
think such could occur in Now York so
long a Richard is himself ? No intelli
gent New Yorker does !
Herein lies a good part of the strenghh
of King Richard. The active business
classes , not the millionaires alone , know
that Crokerism is safe so long as Crokor
is king. Richard knows that to remain
on the throne he must be the incorpora
tion of public safety. The indifference
of the intelligent classes of New York is
largely due to this feeling of safety in
Richard I. The country has no such "W
faith in Mr. McKinley. It dare not
trust Mr. Bryan if it has any intelligence
whatever. He promises the army of
unfits too much that he can never ful
fill. Croker's trustworthiness lies in the
fa.ct that for every promise he demands
ab olut and faithful service. Bryan
promises everything and demands noth
ing. McKiiiley has nothing to promise.
The machine does that. Ir. fulfills what
it pleases. Croker represents a strong
and iinprinciplod king and a weak and
indifft rent people. Supposn both were
weak , what then ? Bryan represents a
weak and ephemeral ruler and a weak
and fluctuating constituency. "What
must be the result ? McKml y repre
sents a weak leader , a strong machine
cabal , and a more or le-s ; indifferent
constituency as to the nature of the
government Who dnres deny that
Crokerism is not the best and safest of
the lot ?
Crokerism is far better than a weak
ruler with a weak or indifferent people.
It is far safer that the man run 'the
machine rather than the machine the
man , as is the case with Mr. McKinley
and Mr ? Bryan. It is better still when
there isno machine ; when the people
are free and independent and select the
freest and strongest and most indepen
dent men among them to represent them
according to their intelligence. Chain-
gang representatives are slaves , not
men. A free and independent people
will neither dictate nor b dictated to.
Neither will they be led by the nose .
with machine made strings. The time
has come for a parting of the ways.
Neither MoKinleyisni , Bryanarohy nor
Crokerism is suitable to a free and
independent people. All three are un
constitutional. All throe are iisurpa-
tions. All three are begotten in iniquity
and conceived in treason. The rallying
cry should bo constitutionalism , not
anarchy ; -independence and not slavery ;
intelligence and honesty , not ignorance
and corruption. Shall it bo ?
FKANK S. BILLINGS.
