to Che Conservative *
from $2.60 in November to $3 05 al
present while the price of American
tin plates has gone up $2.00. The dif
ference , 95 cents , probably represents
the amount of tariff profits which art
milked from the tin plate and tin plate
bar trusts by the one set of men.
The Tariff Curse.
It is thus clear that "protection" is
responsible for the tin plate trust and itt
many Kins. The tin plate industry , be
cause it came ns an industrial mendi
cant , has always been a curse to this
country. It began by interfering wither
or raining thousands of well established
and independent concerns which asked
for no governmental aid but only to be
let alone. Beca'use of the increased
cost of tin cans in 1891 canning factories
were compelled to reduce wages , dis
charge hands and pay lower prices for
vegetables and fruits. The loss to
farmers who have since been unable to
sell their surplus products to cannere
has been enormous. The loss to labor
ers who are deprived of cheap canned
goods is also great. But dear tin and
sugar here have helped to more firmly
establish the canning industry in
England whence we get much of
our jams and marmalades after paying
a stiff duty on them.
Had there been no duty at all the tin
plate industry would probably have
established itself here during the cheap
iron and steel era , from 1893 98 , as did
the hicyclo and other steel industries.
It was , in fact , clieap steel which made
possible the very rapid growth of the
tin plate industry under the compara
tively low duties of the Wilson bill.
Lot congress abolish the duties on
imported tin plates and we shall at once
get rid of the evils of this iniquitous
trust high prices , watered stock , work
ing "agreements" with other trusts and
monopoly of material and product.
The whole structure rests upon our
monopoly-producing tariff systornr
New York , October 10 , 1899.
WHAT IS OTIS'S PULL.
The country is beginning to ask , in
the case of Otis , the same question it
has long been asking in the case of
Brooke : What is his pull ? What hid-
deji but potent influence keeps him in a
position for which he is manifestly .and
notoriously unfit ? The American people
can no longer be amused and diverted
by the mellifluous romances of the
Manila censor. They long for a few
* tc facts , oven though the facts bo disagree
able. Washington Post ( imperialist ) .
PIIOOP OF INFJSKIOKITY.
General Alejaudrino of the Filipino
army has a sharp tongue and a biting
wit. Ho canio to call dn General Otis
the other day and told the reporters : "A
colonial government under American
rule would be worse than under Spanish ,
* * ii " , * " " " Ai * "I " " " , * * * * '
& " * ( * * * ? * * * * V 4 * " '
&i EK ii&l
for you know nothing about the way to
govern colonies. Wo don't want to bo
experimented on for a century while you
learn how. " Here is conclusive evidence
that the Filipinos were born to be a
subject race. A people who repose no
more confidence than that in tlin be
nevolent assurance of Mr. McKiuloy can
not hope to be taken seriously as aspir
ants for freedom. In this country
everybody loves the president and' be
lieves he can do exactly what lie says ho
can. Chicago Journal ( hid. ) .
I.KT US LKAHN TO KEAI ) .
It would be comic , if it were not so
tragically serious , to observe how few
Americans today really know anything
about the declaration of independence
or the constitution of the United States
except the names. Not one voter in a
hundred can give a reasonably intelli
gent summary , even , of the contents of
those fundamental documents ; not one
voter in a thousand can quote a para
graph. Not only the noblest and wisest
creed ever devised by patriots , but the
actual charter and explanation of our
government , these papers have become
mere curios. Everyone has heard of
them , very few know what they are.
Very few care to know. They might
about as well be the hotel rules ban
nered inside a room , which no gnest
reads. And this is what we fondly
believe to be the smartest and most
business-like nation on earth.
There's Np Getting : Out of It.
There seems to be a wholly un-Ameri
can impression among some certain
people who believe themselves very
good citizens , that an American has no
business to discuss politics. It is a fact
so sure and clear that no sane man dare
dispute when he stops to face it , that
while despots very kindly save their
subjects the brainfag of worrying about
politics , a republic rests wholly on the
responsibility of every voter to bear his
share of the government. When people
are too lazy , too cowardly or too fas
tidious to "meddle" with their own
government , they have ceased to be fit
citizens of a republic. When a major
ity of them lose the ability or the care ,
then the republic is no longer. It is
definitely launched to some now sea of
despotism , of militarism , of heeleroc-
racy , or whatever its tendency may be.
But the United States has not yet
ceas ° d to bo n rvpublic. The people aru
still the government ; the administra
tion is simply a servant hired for four
years , honore'd by having and honored
because it has charge of the house sub
ject to its employer's will. Ifc cannot
even r < commend its own successor as
house-keeper ; it can oven ba turned out
of the house before it has served the
time for which it was hired. To pre
tend that the master of the house has
no right to criticise the servant is to
" . ' ' . " , ' - ' -I , ' '
.L.JWj t yfe.i & * > fe * tfiilv.
betray absolute ignorance of the Ameri
can form of government and of all
o'h'-rs.
Now , any government has to think.
A govt-rnm nr. und r one hat can think
in silenc ; a republic can think only by
discussion. And that is the way this
republic always has thoughtIt is the
way ir learned to think negro slavery
wrong after ii arly 100 years of deem
ing in "all right , " and "ilin will of God. "
It is th way it. came to think of th re
publican party and Abraham Lincoln.
It is the way it came to think of every
thing it has evtr done except the
Philippine war , the only large national
act in which the p ople or congress
were never consultt d. It is the way it
will do ev < rything as long as it remains
a republic.
This being the case , ifc is every citi
zen's du'y to know what is going on , to
form the mos * intelligent opinion he
can , and to discuss matters of public
policy in whatsoever forum is at his
command. It may be rosier or more
politic to shut his mouth and let some
one else think for him or let things go
by default ; but it is not his duty as an
American citizen. Ho may blind him
self with "party fealty" ( and many
noble men do ) ; he may shirk it for
laziness or cowardice ( and so do many
who are not noble ) ; but if he is the full
stature of an American he will know
his part and take it , at any cost.
Nor is there any disability clause.
Clergymen , magazine editors , college
professors even these are American
citizens. And it is well that they be.
Their professinn does not acquit them of
the duties of citi2"iiship. And no man
who at all understands the American
genius wishes them acquitted. They
must not skulk behind the petticoats of
their profession and beg off from the
plain duties of a citizen as if they were
more sacred clay , and exempt from
plain men's responsibilities. Privileged
classes do not belong in a republic.
Every back is entitled to the common
burden of the patriot. We may all
make mistakes in bearing it ; but to a
democracy no other mistake is so fatal
as the idea that we can get rid of it.
And it is noticeable that we never vir
tuously reprove editors , professors or
clergymen who "go outside their call
ing" ( as the thoughtless say ) to favor
our side of the question. Their im
pertinence becomes evident only when
they oppose us. Yet only an ignoramus
is unaware that the opposition is the
safety of all governments.
What Dewey Stiys.
The administration newspapers are
all trembling ( but mighty secretly ) for
Admiral Dewoy's sanity. How does ho
dare dispute the wise reporter and the
editorial hack , who have assured us ,
rather hysterically , that the Filipinos
are savages , Aguinaldo a selfish despot ,
and the whole lot saved from killing
