The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, October 12, 1899, Page 7, Image 7
: . .v . * . . . . .a , * . * , Conservative * have received the support of a large majority of the senate had not the rules of that body and the early approach of the end of the session , combined with the obstructive tactics of a numerically insignificant minority , made it impos sible to secure a vote upon its passage. It should be observed that whatever pooling measure may finally be adopted by congress , operations under it will certainly bo free from objections such as those growing out of the instability which characterized pooling arrange ments prior to 1887. The contracts permitted will have the express sanction of a federal statute , and any railway corporation that may be injured by the failure of another to observe the terms of a pooling agreement to which both parties may invoke judicial aid in se curing the particular redress that is found to be adequate and suitable. Such agreements will naturally provide for a definite period of operation , with possibly continuance thereafter subject to notice of the intention of any party to withdraw. The possibility of unjust personal discriminations will , it may reasonably be hoped , be minimized by the discontinuance of separate soliciting for traffic , and the substitution of joint , for independent ticket and freight agencies. Mr. President , I believe it only reason able to assert that the facts to which I have directed your attention establish the existence of a natural tendency toward combination in the railway in dustry , that they demonstrate the futil ity and the fatuity of legislation inten ded to prevent such combinations , and establish beyond controversy the advis ability of restoring the pooling privilege , with federal supervision and legal effect and sanction added. Tt would be almost superfluous to introduce evidence , as would be easily practicable , that the prohibition of pooling itself a restriction upon freedom of contract artificially stimulates the tendency toward other forms of combination. All are familiar with the facts which amply prove this to have been the case since 1887. It remains to consider the relation between railway combinations and com binations in other lines of industry. Nearly every one who has addressed this conference has alluded to discrimi nations in railway rates as one of the causes of industrial combinations , and perhaps the most important public con tribution made by this body will , when in the lapse of time its results can ade quately be summarized , be found to bo the classification of combinations with regard to whether they are the result of superior efficiency in production , whether of machinery or organization , or of special privileges at the hands of government or the agents of govern ment. Whatever may be held as to the con sequences of the first class there 'can be no doubt that those combinations that are dependent upon special favors of any kind are harmful in the extreme. Railway corporations are ngonts of government in the sense that they are. empowered thereby to exercise functions usually and properly regarded as govern mental. If these agencies unjustly dis criminate among their patrons , those receiving unfair advantage may be able to dominate markets and destroy com petition. In the words of the present chairman of the Interstate-Commerce Commission , whoso clear and vigorous English is always quotable : "The ultimate effect of preferential rates is to concentrate the commerce of the country in a few hands. The favored shipper , who is usually the largo shipper , is furnished with a weapon against which skill , energy and experience are alike unavailing. "When the natural advantages of capital are augmented by exemptions from charges commonly imposed , it becomes powerful enough to force all rivals from the field. " Wo have found , therefore , in unjust ly discriminating rates a primary causn of a dangerous and harmful industrial growth. Wise statecraft will seek to remove the cause. But how ? Can this be accomplished by making it a felony to grant special rates , as suggested by the great orator from New York , Hon. Bourke Cockran , who has preceded me in indicating this cause of industrial combination ? Apparently not , for it is now nearly a decade since the interstate- commerce law was so amended as to provide the penalty of imprisonment , not- only for the railway official who makes but for the shipper who accepts any concession from the open published rates. Nothing could be more drastic , yet discriminations so accomplished have been a conspicuous feature of the railway situation during nearly the entire subsequent period , the existence of the evil has attained public notoriety , and its magnitude has alarmed and amazed the nation , yet no prison door has over opened to receive an individual convicted of violating the statute. These practices are not contrary to the ethics of modern business , soiling or buying at lower than the usual prices or giving or accepting special rates are not recognized evidences of depravity , the methods of making concessions are easily hidden , and those interested in their detection are , as compared with their beneficiaries , too frequently inex perienced and powerless. A little while ago I endeavored to show that discrimination is the natural result of competition among railways seeking the same traffic. These conces sions are not voluntarily granted by railway officials , but are wrung from them through fear of losing important traffic j they are grudgingly and reluc tantly given to those who control traffic that is vitally important. To quote Chairman Knapp once more : " * * * it is simply out of the question to have at once the absence of discrimination a.id the presence of competition. " And : " * * * the choice lies between competition on the one hand , with the inevitable outcome of discriminations which favor the few at the expense of the many , or like charges for like service , which can be realized only by permit ting and encouraging cooperative action by rival railroads. " Mr. President , I can add nothing to this extract from one who has been for years charged with the duty of attempt ing to enforce a statute that in its pres ent shape is unenforceable. To prevent railway discrimination , to destroy many of that evil class of combinations which is based upon illegitimate advantages , it is necessary to restore to railway cor porations under federal supervision the power to divide competitive business. Then the possibility of unjust personal discrimination will , it mny reasonably be hoped , bo minimized by the discon tinuance of separate soliciting for traffic , and the substitution of joint for inde pendent ticket agencies. The temporarily arily divergent interests of separate bodies of stock and bondholders will be subordinated to the general interest of all the carriers in the satisfactory ad justment of the railway system to the ends for which it exists , and the latter will constitute a powerful agency for the elimination of unjust discrimina tions , including those among competing localities and communities. Whenever the exact proportion of competitive traffic which will fall to each particular route is as certain as that it will receive all of the non-competitive traffic , both will bo treated with equity , for there will be no reason for favoring cities served by more than one railway. The selfish interests of carriers will then make powerfully for justice , while such regu lative instrumentalities as may be estab lished by the public will have the advantage of dealing with a railway system that has become practically unified. Until then the existence of unjust discriminations must not be charged against railway corporations or railway officials , but against the public agents , legislative or otherwise , which have insisted upon the continuance of the uneconomic , wasteful and socially detrimental form of railway compe tition. The mutual fire MUTUAL UECKIT. . insurance com panies of Nebraska are doing a tremendous deus business and House Rent Holcomb is president of one of them. When dis astrous and extensive losses come to the policy-holders in these companies will it transpire that , unconsciously and with no evil or fraudulent intent , they have been mutually deceived ?