The Conservative.
Unquestionably had doubts about
Droyfus's guilt till the influence of head
quarters made him solid with the other
generals , since when ho bitterly opposed
revision.
Speranza Letter Forged letter sent to
Picquart with the object of inspiring
ofllcial circles with the belief that he was
an agent of the Dreyfus syndicate.
Cour de Cassation Highest French
Court of Appeal. The body which de
creed the re-trial of Dreyfus.
M. Lemercier Picard , "War Office
agent and forger of the humbler type.
Laid a trap for the Dreyfus party , which
failed. He was imprisoned and hanged
himself.
General Le Pellieux , also on the
French General Staff. Supported Ester-
hazy and used the Henry forgery in the
Zola trial as an "absolute proof" of the
guilt of Dreyfus.
Colonel Schwarzkoppen , the German
military attache in Paris , to whom the
bordereau was sent , and who wrote the
petit bleu to Esterhazy.
Major Pauuizardi , the Italian military
attache , supposed , erroneously , to have
had relations with Dreyfus Sent the
telegram to his government on which
Henry based his forgery.
Colonel Sandherr , member of the Gen
eral Staff and a fanatical anti-Semite.
Died from brain disease soon after the
first trial , at which ho played a promin
ent part.
The Syndicate A figment of the im
agination of the anti-Semites , who came
to the conclusion that a number of
wealthy persons were financing and
"working" the Dreyfus campaign.
M. Paleologue , Foreign Office expert
and correct translator of the Paimizardi
telegram , which Henry falsified.
M. Bertulus , the magistrate who
made the preliminary examination of
the Estorhazy case.
Mme. De Boulancy , a relative of Ester-
hazy and an acquaintance of Colonel
Picquart. Esterhazy tried to drag her
into the conspiracy hatched against
Picquart by suggesting she wrote cer
tain letters. It was absolutely false.
M. Betrand , representative of the
government at Zola's second trial , and
violator of the law for the purpose of
saving De Clam , the forger.
M. Felix Faure , ex-President of the
French Republic , and ail unqualified
supporter of the General Staff against
Dreyfus.
M. Casimir-Perier , President at the
time of the Dreyfus trial. Had the
courage to speak out to the Court of
Cassation and announce that the prison
er was convicted on secret evidence.
Mme. De Pays , the mistress of Ester-
hazy. M. Gribelin , the keeper of the
archives , and an abettor of De OJam.
Captain Lebrun-Rouaud , an officer to
whom , so it was at one time alleged ,
Dreyfus made a confession. As a mat
ter of fact he did nothing of the kind ;
only the War Office , by purposely dis
torting the captain's report on the cir
cumstances , made it appear that he did.
Veiled Lady was du Paty de Clam
disguised , who handed the "document
liberatour" to Esterhazy , near the Arc
do Triomphe. It was suggested Ester-
hazy thought the lady was inspired by
revenge on Picquart.
TIIK &A11OK TKUST.
Newspapers and magazines have been
filled for many mouths with accounts of
the rapid transformation of our indus
trial life into capitalistic combines or
trusts. Very little has been said , how
ever , about the gigantic labor trust that
exists and has existed for a number of
years in this country. The most com
pletely organized nnd the most far-
reaching and compact trust ever known
on earth exists in the federation of the
wage workers of the United States. A
study of the ways and means employed
to secure results desired by labor unions
and their walking delegates will reveal
a perfect model of the principles upon
which the industrial combines of today
are working. The strife and loss of
time , of profits , and of capital through
the unreasonable and uneconomic de
mands of the labor trust are an in
separable part of the industrial history
of this country in the last quarter of a
century. When once that history comes
to be carefully studied and frankly writ
ten it will develop the fact that more
intolerant injustice has been practiced
by the labor trust than is ever likely to
be perpetrated by any or all the capital
istic trusts.
As long as the people are discussing
the trust question it is only fair to dis
cuss it on all sides , and the labor trust
side is certainly rich in information and
instructive suggestion. The labor unions
are based on the idea of securing a
monopolistic control of each land of
labor. They are organized and directed
for the purpose of increasing the wage
scale , shortening the hours of labor , and
improving the condition of their mem
bers in every way known to themselves.
The loss inflicted upon the industrial
world by their attempts to achieve these
ends in the last twenty-five years would
probably aggregate a larger total than
the entire cost of the Spanish war. '
The power of the walking delegate
and of the executive committee behind
him is greater in some respects than that
possessed by President McKinley. His
mandate can cause ten thousand ham
mers to drop to the ground at a
moment's notice , can stop the building
operations of a great city , and can
paralyze the work of the greatest foun
dries and factories. Why do the mem
bers grant this power to their leaders ?
In order to control the market of the
commodity which they have to sell
labor. It is the trust idea purd and
simple. They combine for the same
object as that for which the industrial
companies combine , and their combining
is to no small degree the cause for the
present industrial movement. If the
commercial trusts should try to force up
the prices of their commodities they
would be doing nothing more than the
labor unions have been doing by the
same method for years past. When
manufacturers control their output they
are doing nothing more than the labor
trust has done and is doing every time
a lot of union men try to persiiade or
force non-union men to stay out of the
places vacated in a strike. The labor
trust should bo the last party to find
fault with an industrial combine , for
both are working on the same principles
and are seeking the same end.
THE CONSERVATIVE believes in the
value of trade unions and labor organiz
ations. It believes that the men who
have nothing to sell but the work and
skill of their hands and brains should
organize for their protection and mutual
benefit. But it also believes that em
ployers have an equal right to combine
in like manner , and that the same bene
fits and the same limitations apply in
both cases. If the industrial trusts
need supervision and regulation in cer
tain regards , so does the labor trust. If
the unwonted power of the new com
mercial giants needs discussion and
investigation , it is also fair that the in
justice and damage committed by the
labor trust should be brought out , dis
cussed , and legislated against as vigor
ously as in the case of the capitalistic
trust. There are two sides to the ques
tion , and common fairness demands
that the labor side should be subjected
to the same tests as the capitalistic side.
When the newness of the trust move
ment shall have worn off , as it has in
the case of trade unions , the nation will
feel no more alarm over the one than
over the other. Both are the natural
evolutionary outcome from conditions
pressing upon the actors. The industrial
trust , like the labor trust , exists because
it has to exist. Both can attain certain
legitimate benefits , and both are capable
of abusing their power in certain cases.
There are economic checks upon the in
dustrial trusts that will keep them from
forcing up prices as the labor trust has
been allowed to do. When one considers
the political aspects of the two kinds of
trusts there remains little room to doubt
that the labor union is the one most
likely to abuse its powers.
Guy Barton ,
FOR imYAN. Nash , Dave Mofflt
and all the other financiallv athletic mem
bers of the Combine of Silver Smelters
and Refiners were in 1896 and will be in
1900 for Bryan. How , then , can pro
ceedings be instituted against the holy
conspiracy to raise the price of silver
while at the same time trying to raise
Bryan into the White House ? Standard
Oil people have put down oil prices.
Punish them by prosecution. The Sil
ver Syndicate has put up the price of
silver and " / < < up" for Bryan. Praise
the latter ; damn the former.