Cbc Conservative.
ordinarily let nlnno and goes through
life without n , fight.
Not that I bcliovo in tamely submit
ting to every injury or insult , or that a
nation , like an imlivirlunldocs not. pome-
times have to assert itself , even to the
extent of war. No morosnored duty rests
upon ( he United States than to see that
every citizen is protected , wherever ho
may bo , and to secure such protection
every dollar and every man within the
limits of this country should stand
pledged I care not where an American
may go , whether among the savage
tribes in Africa , among the semi-civil
ized nations of Asia or in the higher
civilized nations of Europe , it should be
understood that the banner we love is a
guarantee of safety which no nation or
individual can trifle with. It is snid
that the lives and property of American
citizens in Turkey have been wantonly
destroyed. If that bo true , reparation
should be demanded. And if that be
refused , I would introduce Dewey to
the Sultan before breakfast. And if be
neath the fire of his guns the grand
dome of the mosque of St. Sophia tum
bles into ruins , with all the pictiiresqne
splendor that attended the falling walls
of the temple of Jerusalem , I should
only say , let all the world take warning
and respect the stars and stripes. It is
to the gloiy of this country that in its
infancy it refused to pay tribute to the
pirates of Algiers , and sent Decntur and
others , who vanquished the pirates and
compelled respect to our flag. And I
care not how often , if necessary , that
lesson of the sanctity of the stars and
stripes is given.
Disposal of the Islands.
Many plans are suggested for the dis
posal of the Philippines. One is to
withdraw our army and navy and leave
the inhabitants to do the best they can
for themselves. Another is to continue
an armed force in possession for the pur
pose of preserving order until such time
as the inhabitants have organized and
put into active operation something
like a stable government. Third , while
leaving the control of internal affairs to
the inhabitants to establish something
in the nature of a protectorate one
that will guarantee peace within and
protect against invasion from without.
Fourth , to treat the islands as so much
property and sell them for what wo can
get selling to any responsible pur
chaser and one likely to establish good
government in the islands. Fifth , to
innko them colonies , to be governed by
the United States , thus introducing into
the life of this nation the colonial sys
tem which obtains among European
powers. And sixth , to incorporate these
islanders as fellow citizens , establishing
therein at first territories with the view
of subsequent admission into the Union
as states. All these plans have their ad
vocates. The air is full of argument
advocating and challenging the wisdom ,
legality and constitutionality of each.
I do not propose to enter into any dis
cussion of the legality or constitution
ality of any of these plans. I assume
that whatever the American people de
termine to do in reference to these
islands they will. If new laws have to
be enacted or constitutions amended , all
is within the power of the people , for
laws and constitutions , legislators , pres
idents and judges are but the means and
agents by which the American people
put into execution their deliberate pur
pose , and whatever that people deter
mine to do they will do , and there is no
power on earth that will or can stop
them. Neither do I propose to say
aught for or against the advisability of
either of the first four plans suggested.
Colonies.
The only matters I desire to consider
are those involved in the last two pro
positions , namely , the introduction of
the colonial system into this country
and the holding of these islands as col
onies of the United States , or , on the
other hand , the incorporation of the
people of those islands into our nation
ality as citizens thereof , either by their
direct admission as states or through
the intermediate process of territorial
organization. Each of these proposi
tions I believe freighted with peril and
I am glad that the determination has
been made to hold these questions open
for deliberate consideration and not by
hasty action to do that which ouco done
might prove to be of lasting and irre
trievable injury.
And , first , of the colonial system.
Confessedly it will bo a departure in the
history of this country an as yet un
tried experiment. It is said that the
Anglo-Saxon race has manifested a cap
acity to govern well ; that we are of that
race and that , therefore , wo could well
govern those islands as colonies. India
and Egypt are pointed to with pride as
the achievements of our race in the way
of government. I do not question the
capacity of the race on either side of the
waters to well and wisely govern others.
I object to it because it antagonizes the
principles upon which this government
was fonnded , which have controlled its
life up to the present time , and the per
fection of which has been the hope and
aspiration of every true American.
Those principles were expressed in the
declaration of independence in these
words :
"Wo hold these truths to be self-evi
dent , that all men are created equal ,
that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain uunlionable rights , that
among these are life , liberty and the
pursuit of happiness. That to secure
these rights governments are instituted
among men , deriving their just powers
from the consent of the governed. "
Upon these immortal principles this
government was established , and wo
have again and again proclaimed to the
world that they are the foundations
upon which this government rests , and
have appealed to our prosperity and suc
cess as evidence of the justice of those
principles. Somehow or other I still believe -
liovo in the declaration of independence ,
and do not take kindly to a statement
like the following in the September
number of the Boston Congregationalist.
"Tho Rev. W. T. Perrin , one of the
ablest of the Methodist clergymen of
Boston , defended the annexation of
Porto Rico , Hawaii and any other Span
ish possessions , holding that the people
of the country are realizing the absurd
ity of the clause in the declaration of in
dependence which says that government
derives its just powers from the consent
of the governed. * * * The logic of
events has made it our duty to do so ,
and duty is greater than theory. Gov
ernment derives its powers from God ,
and God alone , and the nations are re
sponsible to him. "
Despotism.
This assumption of divine authority
has been the cry of every despot from
Louis XIV. , who said , "I am the state , "
to that madcap on the German throne ,
who is credited with saying , "Mo und
Gott. " But with n diviner insight , and
a truer reverence wo have believed that
government derives its powers from the
governed. I glory in the fact that my
father was an old-line abolitionist , and
one thing which he instilled into my
youthful soul was the conviction that
liberty , personal and political , is the
God-piven right of every individual , and
I expect to live and die in that faith.
I know that a Massachusetts lawyer
years ago sneered at the declaration of
independence as a collection of glitter
ing poneralities , but it takes the audac
ity of a Boston preacher to say in effect
that the declaration is a lie. It is true
that during the century and a quarter
of our existence our conduct has not
been always on the plane of our avowed
principles. Very few nations , as very
few individuals , live up to their high
ideals , but surely this has been the ideal
of our life , and wo have striven to make
it moro and more real. The great war
between the states was but an effort to
make those principles more far-reaching
in their application , and every step for
ward along our history has been towards
a more perfect realization of this ideal.
Now , government by force is the very
antipodes of this , and to introduce gov
ernment by force over any portion of
the nation is to start the second quarter
of the second century of our life upon
principles which are the exact opposite
of those upon which we have hitherto
lived. It is one thing to fail of reaching
your ideal ; it is an entirely different
thing to deliberately turn your back
upon it. It is doubtless true that gov
ernment by force often secures order
and peace , but order and peace are not
the only purpose of government. Order
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