The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, February 23, 1899, Page 6, Image 6
wr * x&Trtiw > Trr. if'1 f ' - , ' Jk.-f- _ Conservative * men with whom the average member spends his time and with whom he con sults as to the state of ( lie country. Is it any wonder , then , that he easily comes to believe that ho hears the awful voice of the people , when , in fact , it is only the clamor of the "workers , " who are always the c.r v , too ? The Cincinnati Commercial estimates this class as 1,000,000 , all of whom want the law repealed , as against (59,000,000 ( of citizens who demand that it bo re tained and enforced. I am not responsible for the figures , but they are near enough for practical purposes. It is fifteen years since the people were heard at the general elections upon this subject , and since the congress described by Mr. Curtis , which had adjourned in August laughing and sneering at reform , heard the thunder of the elections , and fairly tumbled over itself to vote for the Pcndleton bill the following December or January. Probably the preent congress is not so different from its predecessor , except that one was repentant. The story of these fifteen years , with their marvelous extension of the merit system , constitutes one of the most not able chapters in our history. Civil ser vice reformers are apt to become impa tient with the tardiness of its advance. They arc prone to exaggerate the ob structive and destructive force of the influences that oppose its rapid and com plete supremacy. They sometimes for get how long the spoils method flour ished , and what a natural outgrowth it was in our democratic system of govern ment ; and in their impatience to pluck ( l it tip by the roots , and sow the place where it stood with salt , they forget that it is sometimes wise to make haste slowly , that this reform cannot move successfully any faster than the people. But , as one of those who have been its friends from the beginning , I have to acknowledge that it seems to me as if the progress this reform which has no purse to award and no offices to distri bute has made among the people of the l United States and in its official service 1Il is simply marvelous. > * l It is this progress that alarms the poli ticians and officeseekers. So long as the classified service did not embrace any very large proportion of the desir able places , so long , too , as the law was inadequately enforced and might , with the aid of official cowardice and fraud , bo evaded or circumvented , at least a tolerably decent deference to party pledges and platforms was maintained ; but , as it has gradually become appar ent that it is true , as Mr. Jenckcs said thirty years ago , that this system call it the merit system , the business system , the anti-spoils system , or what you may will work an entire change iu the ap pointment to and tenure of office of the subordinate civil-service of the govern ment , the significance of the situation has dawned upon them. This is the reason of the present dis turbance in congress , not that the law does not prove a success , but just be cause it does prove a success , not that the people do not approve of it for , if ever a law was the people's law , this is such a one but because it restores to the people their own offices not demo cratic nor republican offices , but the people's offices which they have created for the transaction of the busi ness of all the people , and which all the people pay for. I am not only surprised at the great progress made by the reform system during those fifteen years , but I am also impressed with the wisdom of the men to whom the responsibility of ina\igur- ating the now system was intrusted. In the first classification of places , covering the period from 1883 to 1885 , only 18,924 were included , simply be cause they deemed it prudent to pro ceed with care , and not in any sense for the pxirpose of limiting the scope of the law , which by its terms was applicable to all subordinate places , clerks , and offi ces in the departments. Mr. Cleveland in his first term added 1,989 to this clas sified service , exclusive of the places in the railway mail service. Yon will re member that Mr. Cleveland's classifica tion of that service , made shortly before his term expired , was suspended by his successor until May 1 , 1889. During Mr. Cleveland's second term he classi fied 86,705 places , not counting 5,216 navy yard employees , who had been practically classified through the action of the secretary of the navy in Mr. Har rison's term. Mr. Cleveland also clas sified 10,752 places that had always been regarded as non-political ; that is to say , as places which might not properly be interfered with upon change of admin istration , and , therefore , as not belong ing to the spoils-hunters. These figures I obtain from the testi mony of Mr. Commissioner Procter , lately given before a senate committee ; and they may bo summarized as follows : Classified under republican adniinist ra tions itt,087 Under democratic administrations Ji7,892 Non-political places . 10,752 71,041 By natural growth the classified ser vice had taken on from 1883 to March 1,1807. . . . . . 15,407 Places , nialdnt , ' the present classified service , with perhaps Homo slight modifications since Mr. McKinley'.s term begun , a grand total of . 87,108 It will be seen from this resume , as suming that nil the political places clas sified by the different presidents were in fact filled at the time of their classi fication by officials of their own parties which , of course , wo all know is not the fact that under republican admin istrations 82,987 places filled by re publicans , and under democratic ad ministration 27,892 places filled by dem ocrats , have been brought under the protection of the merit system. Will any fair-minded republican com plain of any such result as this 1 And yet nothing can bo clearer than that the assault iu congress upon this law has its solo origin in the extension of the classified service by Mr. Cleve land during the last year of his official term. There is no time in which to enter upon any detailed consideration of the arguments presented by the assailants. They have been abundantly and con clusively answered by Mr. Brosius , the very able chairman of the house com mittee on civil service reform , by Mr. Johnson of Indiana , by the members from Massachusetts , and by representa tives from other states. Nor can I at all debate the question whether there may not have been in cluded in Mr. Cleveland's last extensions some places that were better excluded. These are questions of detail questions of administration , proper to be dealt with by the executive , and which are not within the functions of a legisla tive body. But , if this debate in congress shall once and for all dispose of the bugbear of life tenure and a privileged class and a civil-service pension , as it is likely to , it will not have been in vain. Gentlemen , I have already spoken so long that I cannot enter upon the largo subject of the civil service reform in the cities and states of this great coun try. try.The The federal government touches the citizen much less closely iu its official service than the state and municipal governments. We feel the former chiefly when the carrier hands na our mail. We do not notice where the taxes come in , because of the indirection of their levy. But the state and city al ways have their hands upon us in the streets , in the schools , in the institutions of charity , in the courts , everywhere ; and if the merit system bo a good tiling , and the spoils system a corrupting and offensive thing in the federal offices , it is equally so in the offices of the city and the state. Therefore , if the civil service reform , which the spoils orators iu the fifty-fifth congress pretend to believe was intended to set apart only a little cluster of places in the federal departments , and was never expected to go any farther , be , as we believe , essential to the well-being of the republic , it must be essential also to that of the state and the municipal ity. In fact , the different jurisdictions cannot be separated in the consideration of this subject. When Mr. Jeuckes brought it first before congress , ho inaugurated a revolution as far-reaching as the entire subordinate civil service , federal , state and municipal. The prin ciple involved is one that sooner or