* be Conservative.
goes to repair machinery and buildings ,
and some goes to pay profits to capital ,
or , in other words , for saving or for
supplying long-felt wants. Consequently
quently , to do justice to the laborer and
greatly increase his comforts , so that he
shall bo as well off as anybody else , wo
must cut down the profits or interest on
capital , or seize the capital.
"Now let us see what would bo the re
sult of distributing among labor all the
profit and interest on capital of the en
tire country. It must be observed , how
ever , that if we took it all , capital would
promptly disappear , and next year , or
the year after , labor would have to de
pend on its own resources. Besides this ,
the socialistic program makes no pro
vision for saving ; the money is all to go
to furniture or amusements and trans
portation. The capitalistic or savings
class * * will vanish from the scene.
We believe 'the state' is , in the new re
gime , to play the part of the capitalist ,
but it could not withhold from labor the
means of living with the comfort re
quired by the new creed.
"The total wealth of the United States ,
according to the census of 1890 that is ,
the total existing product of land labor
and saving was $65,037,091,107the ;
population was at the same date 62,222-
250. Evenly divided , this would give
$1,039 per caput , or a little more than
$5,000 per family on the accepted basis
of five persons to a familr. If the lab
orer spent his $5,000 at once in making
himself comfortable , of course ho would
be plunged into a very hopeless kind of
poverty. But suppose ho invested it ; il
would not yield him over , say , six pei
cent at present rates of interest. This
would make his income $800 a year , or
about $6 per week. It is evident he
could on this make no material change
in his style of living. Six dollars a week
does not go far in rent and furniture am
dinners and amusements.
"There are no statistics to show the
annual income of the United States , bin
if it is put down at 6 per cent on the
total accumulated wealth , it will no
be underestimated. This interest woulc
be $3,902,225,472 which , divided among
the population , would give $62.81 a header
or $811.55 per family of five persons
that is , less than one dollar a day. "
And much more of the same unanswer
able sort from Mr. Godkin , in whicl
he properly denounces "the most mis
chievous [ delusion which has ever takei
hold on the popular mind. "
The democrat
GKOVKH .
are OXprossng re.
b
CLEVELAND. . , , ,
gret that Grove
Cleveland is not president at this critica
time , believing that his good sense and
indifference to fool public sentiment
would bo of great use.
It is not necessary to go outside of the
republican party to find a man as sensi
ble as Grover Cleveland , or one wit )
1. V-
qual backbone. We refer to Tom
Reed , speaker of the house of represen-
atives.
William McKinley is an excellent
nan , but ho has too much respect for
; ho politicians ; ho does not seem to
mow that the jingoes and yellow news
papers do not represent the best public
ontiment. Mr. McKinley has as much
ntelligonce as either Cleveland or Reed ,
nit he lacks indifference to fool public
sentiment , which every truly great man
nust possess. Reed has it ; Cleveland
las it.
Public sentiment is nearly always
wrong at the beginning. Public senti
ment was favorable to free silver orig-
nally , but the democrats adopted it
first , and the republicans were forced to
oppose it. They were compelled to con
vince the people of the fallacy of the
doctrine , and did it. It is one of the
well known political facts that thous
ands of republicans believed that free
silver was so popular that it could not be
defeated.
Were the republican party not be
hind the policy of expansion , it would
not live a moment ; it would be laughed
out of existence. Free silver is excel
lent sense compared with expansion.
Atchisou Globe.
President Me-
EXPANSION ANI > Khll ig ftn ftmi.
CONTRACTION. . . J , . . .
able and versatile
gentleman of the Ohio typo , whoso most
marked trait is elasticity under the gen
tlest pressure. In the South not long
ago , he was an expansionist of the mosl
expansive sort. In Boston , he was a
coutractionist of remarkable contractive
power when ho disavowed imperialism
for the American people , and declared
that imperial ideas had no place in the
American mind.
THE CONSERVATIVE of February 2
1899 , contained an article entitled "The
Origins of Nebraska City , " in which the
name of Gen. O. F. Ruff , U. S. A. , ap
pears as one of the persons who took a
prominent part in the stirring pioneer
experiences of fifty years ago. We copy
below an extract from a letter recently
received from the widow of Genera
Ruff , which will be of interest to the
readers of THE CONSERVATIVE :
PHILADELPHIA , Pa.Feby. 6 , 1899.
I received this morning the copy o :
THE CONSERVATIVE which you sent me
It was a very kind thought in you whicl
prompted you to send it , and I thank
you for it. I have read it through par
ticularly the letters from my husband
They took mo back to the time and the
place where they were written. And :
well remember the cold and snow o
that deserted spot , where we endured
all the cold and discomforts those letter
predict for his command. And where
we were buried in snow BO deep and far
caching that no communication with
lie states could bo had until the next
priug when wo received papers giving
an account of the convening of congress ,
ho rising of congress , and all that hap
pened between. And I well remember
ny arrival at old Fort Kearney later in
ho spring , on my way to Clay County ,
Missouri , to bid good-byo to my mother
and old home , previous to our regiment's
starting to Oregon. But these old mem
ories are not as interesting to you as to
me. * * * * *
Yours sincerely ,
ANNIE E. RUFF.
The first twenty numbers of this
weekly paper , founded and edited by
; he former American minister of agri
culture , Herr , T. Sterling Morton , lie
before us. The title of the sheet indi
cates that it is directed against the
frivolous and often dangerous revolu
tionary movements , in the line of political - ; ,
cal and agricultural doctrines , which
spring up with facility , especially out of
the lack of experience and education
among the inhabitants of the western
states , and , as in the case of free coinage
of silver , which it was attempted to
establish in the last presidential cam
paign , are liable to shake the industrial
and commercial foundations of the
commonwealth. THE CONSERVATIVE
strives chiefly to uphold gold coinage
and insure it against future demagogic
operations by needful legislation , and to
strengthen and extend "civil service
reform. " As is well known , Herr Mor
ton , iipon settling on the treeless prairies
of Nebraska , became a pioneer advocate
of forestry , and lie has soi'/ed every
opportunity in the forty-four years
which have passed since that time , to
practise arboriculture scientifically and
apply it practically to the great benefit
of the country. The keen interest
which ho took in it as a citizen and
minister of agriculture has not ceased in
him as a journalist , but nearly every
number of the paper contains valuable
information on this subject , the impor
tance of which to the general welfare ,
and especially to soil and climate , is
pointed out. Quite interesting and not
without value as historical material are
the notes and reminiscences of the first
settlers , and the descriptions of the red
skins. The paper takes a fair and tenable
position upon the contemporary ques
tion of the relations of the laborer to
the employer. Turbulent assaults of
labor upon capital and avaricious ex
ploitation of labor by capital are equally
opposed. Herr Morton comes out ener
getically against the present administra
tion's policies of protection and expan
sion , conformably to the views of the
wisest and brightest Americans. We
can only wish the weekly the best of
success in fulfilling its important mission.
Translated from Die Nation of Berlin ,
Germany ,
