Conservative. B
terconrso with foreign nations the gov
ernment of the United States has , from
its origin , alwuys recognized do facto
governments. We recognize the right
of all nations to create and reform their
political institutions according to their
own will and pleasure. * * * It is
sufficient for us to know that a govern
ment exists , capable of maintaining it
self , and then its recognition on our part
inevitably follows. "
That the government of the Philippine
republic is amply able to maintain itself
has received a practical demonstration.
Nor is it in any wise important that
Spain herself has up to the present time
failed to recognize the Philippine gov
ernment , for , as was said by Mr. "Web
ster , secretary of state , in writing to Mr.
Hulsemanu in December , 1850 :
"It is not to be required of neutral
powers that they should await the recog
nition of a new government by a parent
state. "
It is to be borne in mind that beyond
the limits controlled by American armies
in Manila , there is no government exist
ing offering any opposition to that of
the Philippine republic or in any man
ner questioning its authority or its right
to control the future of the islands.
I refrain from adding to the long list
of similar citations that can be made ,
but can not pass over without remark a
sentence in a letter from Mr. Clay , sec
retary of state , to Mr. Middletoniu 1825 :
"An attempt of the British parliament
to tax without their consent the former
British colonies , now these United
States , produced the war of our Revolu
tion and led to the establishment of that
independence and freedom which we
now so highly prize. Moderation and
forbearance on the part of Great Brit
ain might have postponed , but could not
have prevented our ultimate separation. ' '
If , therefore , the Americans were jus
tified , as undoubtedly they were , in
throwing off a foreign yoke for the rea
son indicated by Mr. Clay , how much
more justified were the Filipinos. Their
taxation was excessive , it was levied
without representation , their services
were enforced without compensation ,
and the relations between themselves
and the government levying the tax ,
unlike the relations between America
and England , were those of distinct peoples
ples , not descendeut one from the other ,
but influenced by different religions and
of a different race and civilization.
Is it , therefore , to be supposed that
with all these existing differences , alien
government , no matter what nation
might be the governor , would be more
acceptable to the Filipinos than was the
government of Great Britain to the
Americans ?
May I further call your attention to
the fact that , although a treaty of peace
has been signed between the United
States and the kingdom of Spain , by
the terms of which Spain ceded her sov
ereignty over the Philippine islands to
the United States , in fact Spain had no
sovereignty whatever to cede ?
As before recited , at the time of such
signature an independent government ,
performing all its functions as a govern
ment and entitled to recognition as such
by the strictest rules laid do\yn by all
the American secretaries of state , was
in possession of all * f the islands except
the port of Manila , controlled by the
Americans , and the port of Iloilo , where
the Spanish wore besieged ; the posses
sion of Manila by the Americans hav
ing been obtained by them through the
joint action of the American and Phil
ippine armies , the Filipinos having pre
vented exit from the city on several
sides while the Americans attacked on
one side.
Spain was unable to deliver actual and
peaceable possession of anything to the
Americans , nor could she deliver the in
signia of title to them in any shape
whatever through any treaty of peace ,
all government buildings and archives
having long before passed from her.
All that Spain had to give was a claim ,
incapable of enforcement , save by larger
armies and navies than Spain had at her
control , and all , therefore , that Spain did
give to America was the naked oppor
tunity to overwhelm the Filipinos , if
possible , and establish a form of foreign
rule , a thing against which they strag
gled for a hundred years and had at last
succeeded in throwing off.
Of course , if , as before stated , Spain
could cede to the United States nothing
but an empty and exploded claim , it
follows that a ratification of a treaty of
peace could confer no greater right upon
the United States than its signing ; for
if the right to own the Philippine Islands
and people was incapable of transfer
from Spain to the United States , the
ratification of a treaty could not give
life to such dead claim.
Recognizing , as the Americans have ,
in their declaration of independence , in
their constitution , and in their history
of more than one hundred jTears , the ab
solute right of all nations to rule them
selves , free from the control of alien
masters , I submit to you , with entire
confidence , the right of the Filipinos to
their self-government.
Summarizing the foregoing permit mete
to say :
1. American precept and example have
influenced my people to desire independ
ent government.
2. Suffering , as did the Americans ,
from alien rule , they rose and drove out
foreign masters.
8. They established , and for seven
months have maintained , a form of gov
ernment resembling the American in
that it is based upon the right of the
people to rule.
4. This government has , according to
doctrines laid do\vii by distinguished
American secretaries of state , become
entitled to recognition by the American
republic.
5. The expelled government of Spain
having , at the time of the signing of the
treaty of peace , possession of only one
port , and the remainder of the Philip
pines , except Manila , being in the pos
session of the Philippine republic , and
all insignia of sovereignty having passed
from Spain , that country could give no
title to the United States for the Philip
pine Islands.
0. Spain having no title to give , her
claim can not be rendered better by the
ratification of the treaty of peace.
7. From the foregoing it would seem
to follow that the present recognition of
the first republic of Asia by the greatest
republic of America would be consonant
with right , justice , and precedent.
I can not close this memorandum
without taking occasion to assure you
of the gratitude felt by my countrymen
toward the Americans for the assistance
rendered them in the attainment of
their liberty , and of their strong desire ,
in every way less than their effacement
as a nation , to give practical expression
to this gratitude , and further to hope
that as self-respecting nations the bonds
of friendship between the two may grow
stronger with the passage of years.
FELIPE AGONOILLO.
THE CHAIRMANSHIP OF THE MANK-
ING AND CUKKENCY COMMITTEE.
An important step in currency reform
will bo the selection of a now chairman
of the banking and currency committee
by the speaker of the next house of
representatives. Since the constitution
of the present senate is such as to render
the passage of any effective measure of
currency reform improbable , the matter
is likely to go over until next December ,
or to bo taken up at an extra session
called for that specific purpose , as
strongly advocated by a leading senator.
A now chairman must be designated
when the next congress moots , as Mr.
Walker , the present chairman , failed of
re-election , his opponent also a sound-
money man defeating him by a narrow
plurality.
Hon. Charles N. Fowler , a represent
ative from the Eighth Now Jersey dis
trict , is being strongly urged for the
position , and we believe that no selec
tion could bo made that would bo more
acceptable to the friends of currency
reform. In the first place his views
upon this subject now of most vital
concern to our national interests are
thoroughly sound. As a member of the
banking and currency committee he has
labored with great energy and ability to
promote the cause of currency reform
along the safest lines , and his work has
been very effectual in securing a grad
ual concentration of opinion in the com
mittee as to the proper methods to be
followed in order to gain the best results.
Mr. Fowler , in addition to being a
close student of monetary and banking
science , is well equipped in other re
spects to lead in the coming fight.
Though aggressive and earnest , ho is
sufficiently regardful of the opinions of
others as to avoid unnecessary antago
nisms , while his sincerity of purpose
and the forceful manner in which his
views are presented , are calculated to
win support for any measure which the
committee may framo.
Ho possesses the qualities of leadership -
ship essential to one who must guide the
sentiment of the house toward a com
mon purpose in what promises to be the
greatest legislative contest in recent
years.
Mr. Fowler is a man of affairs , is in
touch with the business interests of the
whole country , and we know of no man
in the house to whom the task of cur
rency reform may be entrusted with
greater prospects of success. Bankers
Magazine.
A little squirt of Brown-Sequard's
elixir of life might bo a good thing to
inject into the Nebraska senatorial dead
lock. St. Joseph Daily News.
Too many "little squirts" made the
deadlock. The News did not diagnose
the disease correctly and must try again.
Like cures like sometimes but not al
ways in politics where innumerable
"little squirts" are frequently involved.
