6 Conservative *
not whither. It is for this that we are
asked to return to militarism , with its
grievous burdens and sordid ideals. It
is for this that we are to surrender our
splendid and unique position. It is for
such a mess of pottage wo arc to
exchange our noble birthright. In our
desire to save Cuba and the Philippines
from excessive taxation wo are to take
it upon ourpelves in perpetuity. In a
vain effort to share our institutions
with half-civilized men wo are to destroy -
' stroy their charact'T.
Those among us who have so suddenly
awakened to what they are pleased to
call our national "isolation , " exhibit a
growing impatience with the counsels
of the fathers. They even lightly refer
to them as puritanical and timid old
souls , whose advice was well enough for
a boy. They have just discovered that
* the nation has become a giant , who "is
no longer content with the nursery
rhymes which were sung around his
cradle. " * They are especially certain
that the Farewell Address is outgrown ,
and is no longer of value to a nation
that has suddenly become a "World
Power , " and that even the Monroe
* ' Doctrine has become somewhat shop
worn , or at least of but one-sided ap
plication. Yet the counsels of the
fathers were not born of either weakness -
, ness or fear. The policy of noninterference
ference by us in the affairs of Europe
was early announced in the face of the
pressing demands of France that we
redeem the supposed obligations grow
ing out of her assistance in our revolt
against England. That of nonintervention
vention by European powers on tins
continent was suddenly proclaimed in
1823 by a nation of less than twelve
million souls in opposition to the "Holy
Alliance , " which had been organized
by the emperors of Riissia and Austria
and the king of Prussia to conserve and
maintain absolutism in Europe and over
all lands claimed by European powers.
The policies thus announced were be
lieved by their authors to bo of perma
nent application. It is , of course , pos
sible that Washington was mistaken ,
but his counsels if wise are for all time.
His solemn admonitions were not for
* temporary purposes. They ring in our
ears today with the added weight of a
century of successful application.
"Observe good faith and justice toward -
ward all nations , Cultivate peace and
harmony with all. ' * * *
'Tis our true policy to steer clear of
f permanent alliances with any portion
of the foreign world. * * *
Harmony , liberal intercourse with all
nations are recommended by policy ,
| 1 humanity and interest. " Again , "The
great rule of conduct for us in regard
* to foreign nations is , in extending our
commercial relations , to have with them
* President Northrnp , University of Minnu
nota , at Chicago Peace Juliileo banquet.
is little political connection as possi
ble. "
Those are not the words of transient
wisdom or temporary expediency. Only
what Washington and Hamilton ex
pected has happened in America. We
liavo merely reached the position which
ihey clearly foresaw , "when wo may
tlofy material injury from external an-
loyance ; when we may take such an
attitude as will cause the neutrality we
nay at any time resolve upon to bo
scrupulously respected ; when belliger-
nt nations , tinder the impossibility of
making acquisitions upon us , will not
.ightly hazard the giving us provocation ;
when we may choose peace or war as
our interest , aided by our justice , shall
counsel. Why forego the advantages
of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit
our own to stand upon foreign ground ?
Shall we clash to the ground their splen
did vision of a national life that shall lead
the world to higher things by a spectacle
of peace , liberty and prosperity ? Shall we
: idopt a policy that will mark a complete
: leparturo from otir well-considered
course for a century , and convert a na
tion whose chief glory it has been to
achieve a position to command perman
ent peace the opportunity for the
steady pursuit by an entire people of
their chosen occupations over a vast
area , into a high priest of militarism ?
Taxation without representation is still
tyranny. Government by force is still
despotism.
Tins intolerance of the counsels of the
father has led directly to ill-concealed
contempt for our past and indifference
to our present. Our great questions of
administrative and monetary reform
have suddenly become "parochial. "
The business of a mighty nation has as
suddenly become "artificial and tran
sient. " Our people are called to aban
don "the treadmill round of domestic
politics" for "new thoughts , new ques
tions , now fields , fresh hopes , broader
views , wider influences. " * They are
asked to surrender the work of self-
government to behold the inauguration
of despotic power at Washington. To
encourage their support of this new de
parture at the then pending congres
sional elections , party managers were
"the " additional
everywhere promising boys"
tional spoils. These promises are to bo
kept by an early "revision" of the civil
service rules , which shall break the sol
emn promises of a great party and its
leader , thoroughly and honestly to en
force and extend wherever practicable
the civil service law , and to take no step
backward in the cause of a vital reform.
And even this is not all. The growing
contempt for the counsels of the fathers
extends to the constitution itself. This
was inevitable. Those counsels , includ
ing the Farewell Address , \vere in fact
but popular expositions of the funda
mental principles of the constitution.
* Attorney General Griggs.
It and they must stand or fall together.
It is now said that "a constitution and
national policy adopted by thirteen half-
consolidated , weak , rescued colonies ,
glad to be able to call their life their
own , cannot bo expected to hamper the
greatest nation in the world. " * It is
even assumed that the ambiguous cheers
of popular gatherings at railroad sta
tions to greet the president while on a
political pilgrimage , constitute a suffi
cient warrant for a vital change in the
character of the government.
The suggestion that the constitution
be amended is impracticable. But if
not , are wo ready t.o surrender or even
impair the bill of rights ? Are wo so
soon prepared to limit the universal citi
zenship of the fourteenth amendment ?
Shall wo give congress power in its dis
cretion to suspend the writ of habeas
corpus in time of peace , to deprive citi
zens of personal liberty without convic
tion for crime by arbitrary confinement
in certain places , to say in what parts of
the United States imposts , duties and
ixcises shall be uniform ? In a word ,
shall congress be given discretionary
power to make the application of the
coustittition and laws of the United
States general or special ? These ques
tions are fundamental if free govern
ment is to continue. The supremacy of
the constitution must be preserved un
less ours is to become a government of
men instead of a government of laws.
It is in strict accord with a policy so
revolutionary that no hint of it is to bo
found in the republican platform of 189G.
There it is merely declared that "all our
interests in the Western Hemisphere"
should be "carefully watched and
guarded ; " that "the Hawaiian Islands
should be controlled by the United States ,
and no foreign power should be per
mitted to interfere with them ; " that , as
to the Cubans , "our best hopes go out
for the full success of their determined
contest for liberty ; " and that "the
government of the United States
should actively use its influence and
good offices to restore peace and give in
dependence to the island. " The use of
power thus obtained to commit the
country to a revolutionary policy is it
self a gross betrayal of representative
government.
It is solemnly urged in high places
that wo have no choice in this matter ,
that the unauthorzied action of our public
officials is in direct obedience to the
Divine will. It is novel doctrine that
public servants may substitute what
they guess to be the will of God for the
constitution and laws of the land.
There is none so exalted but that his
whole public duty will be performed by
a strict observance of his official oath to
"preserve , protect and defend the Con
stitution of the United States , " leaving
it to those who make constitutions to
* Franklin in .
McVengh Chicago Times-Herald.
