The Conservative.
OTIIElt SIDE OF THE QUESTION 1 E-
SENTEI ) .
Acquisition of New Territory MOIIIIH Un
limited OpiinrtuniticK for Corruption.
liv Jin. CAitii AcifUJt/ .
The adoption of that policy would bo
fatal to the republic morally. Congress ,
in order to satisfy the consciences of our
people and to propitiate the opinion of
mankind for our war with Spain , de
clared solemnly that it was to be a war
in behalf of oppressed Cuba , a war of
humanity and liberation , and not of con
quest or aggrandizement. President
McKinley had already declared in a man
ner equally solemn that "annexation by
force is not to bo thought of , because ,
according to our code of morals , it would
be criminal aggression. "
Our first duty is to keep our word , to
do honestly that which wo promised , to
preserve the character of our Spanish
war as a war of humanity and not of ag
grandizement , to abstain from that
"criminal aggression" which has been
denounced by President McKinley him
self , and thus to maintain our national
honor. The annexation policy will
bring into our political system millions
of Spaniards , Creoles , negroes , Malays ,
Chinese , Japanese , Filipinos , Tagals
and the savage tribes whose names we
have yet to learn , and thus thrust upon
us race problems which , compared with
those we already have on our hands ,
signify much.
How can it be doubted that the annex
ation policy will be certain to bring upon
us a flood of cor-
WILL CREATE
NEW TAMMAXYS.
hayo
Wo denounce the iniquities of Tammany
and justly so. Adopt your annexation
policy and you will have American Tam-
manys ten times worse scattered by the
score over two hemispheres.
Start on your policy of imperialism
and who will deny that the peace of the
country will bo in constant peril ? Do
not wo hear it said every day now , with
horrible cynicism , that after having
thrashed the Spaniards at Manila , we
shall have to thrash the insurgent Filip
inos if they refuse to do our will ? Have
you considered what that means ? After
having pretended to make a war for the
sake of humanity , in aid of those who
fought against Spanish despotism , we
are told that wo may have to shoot down
the very men who have fought for their
liberty , because they may want to be in
dependent and we want to rule them.
Can you imagine a fouler blot of shame
upon the escutcheon of this republic a
republic originally founded on the prin
ciple that government derives its just
powers from the consent of the gov
erned ?
And for such business we are to send
the youth of the American people to
fight in the tropics , whence they return
wasted wrecks in health and spirits , if
they return at all. For this wo are to
tr
throw away the greatest glory of this
republic which consisted iii the fnct that
it lived and prospered and grow rich and
powerful and secure , not by war , not by
building up great armies and navies , but
by not needing any.
But I am told that wo must have new
markets for our products. Cannot wo
get the market of those countries unless
we annex them ?
But now , I am asked , do wo owe no
duty to the peoples we have liberated
from the Spanish
TERRIBLE PRICE OP kJ ? Wollf
COMMERCIAL GAIN. .
wmtover , respon.
sibilities may have been put upon us by
the destruction of the Spanish fleets and
by the capture of Santiago and Manila ,
will any sane person seriously maintain
that the duty the republic owes to the
people of the Spanish colonies is para
mount to the duties it owes to its own
75,000,000 people and to the untold mil
lions that will occupy this laud of the
future ?
Must we in order to do our duty to the
Creoles and the Tagals break our sol
emn pledge that this was to be a war of
humanity and not of self-aggrandize
ment ? Must we destroy our moral
credit among the nations of the earth ?
Must we commit criminal aggression ?
Must we attempt to rule subject popula
tions by arbitrary government which
democracy like ours can never do with
out abandoning its fundamental princi
ples and rushing into immeasurable cor
ruption ?
Must we thus break down the great
trial of general government ofby and for
the people ? Must we bring upon us the
constant danger of war often war or
nothing and burden our people with a
mensurelessly growing load of arma
ments ? Must we continue to send the
sons of the republic to the tropics to be
ruined or killed by tropical disease ?
Must we pay such a terrible price for
commercial facilities which through
diplomacy might bo secured for nothing ?
The first gover-
GOVEUNOKS AND of tj Terri.
ACTING GOAr- , . . .
EKNOits. * ory ° * - Nebraska
was appointed by
President Franklin Pierce in the year
1854 and he was a native and citizen of
the state of South Carolina , named
Francis Burt. Ho died at Bellevue in
October of the same year.
Then by a provision of the organic
act of the territory , which is known in
political history as the Kansas-Nebraska
act , Thomas B. Cuming , the secretary ot
the territory , a native of Michigan , ap
pointed by President Pierce , became
acting governor. Ho established county
boundaries by proclamation , apportion
ed representation to each county and
convened the first legislative assembly
of the territory at Omaha in January ,
1855.
Before the session closed Mark W.
Izard , of Arkansas , who was first
appointed United States marshal for Ne
braska was nominated by President
Pierce and confirmed by the United
States senate governor of Nebraska.
Izard resigned and returned to Arkansas
in 1857.
President Buchanan then appointed
William A. Richardson , a member of
congress from the Quincy district of Il
linois , and he arrived in the territoiy
and took the oath of office at Omaha in
January , 1858. Ho , however , resigned
during the same year , whereupon J.
Sterling Morton , who had succeeded
Thomas B.Cumiugdeceasedas secretary
of the territory , became acting governor
and served until Samuel W. Black had
been appointed and confirmed governor.
Governor Black was succeeded by Gov
ernor Saunders , and Morton as secretary
by Algernon S. Paddock in the early
summer of 1861 , by appointment from
President Lincoln.
That is the record of the incumbents
of the executive officials of Nebraska dur
ing its territorial existence of thirteen
years , from eighteen hundred and fifty-
four up to March 5 , eighteen hundred
and sixty-seven , when it became a state
of the American Union. During those
thirteen years the territory was repre
sented by a delegate in the house of rep
resentatives. The first delegate was
Napoleon B. Giddings ; the second , Bird
B. Chapman ; the third , Fenner Fer
guson ; the fourth , Experience Esta-
brook ; the fifth , Samuel G. Daily and
the sixth was Phiueas W. Hitchcock.
In the tumultu-
for cheap
money among a people who owed wide
spread public distress to nothing so
much as the harm wrought by cheap
money itself , the same cry for "more
money" in the form of greenbacks was
heard that has been heard for years for
the same thing in the form of cheap sil
ver coins. The same old delusion has
misled men into the honest belief , or
into accepting a desperate alternative ,
that more of the hair of the vicious dog
would euro the bite. Happily for our
country , and for every poor man ,
woman and child in it , false teachings
which threatened general destruction
have been disproved by events and the
crisis is passed. Prosperity has re
turned , and in its coming it has over
thrown every false doctriiio in regard to
cheap silver in its relation to prices and
business welfare , and the "crime of
seventy-three , " which ignoramuses and
demagogues did so much to force upon
the country. Sixteeu-to-ouo as a politi
cal issue , ignored in many states by the
democratic party in their platforms ,
adopted in our own only to bo unmou-
tioued by the Aliens and Poynters ,
threatens to languish into timely death
in 1900. Indications are that it will not
take half so long to kill cheap silver in
the nineties as it did to lull cheap green
backs in the seventies.