The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, November 03, 1898, Page 2, Image 2

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niul connncrco and reduce us financially
to the level of barbarous and uncivil
ized nations.
We are unreservedly for the single
gold stnndaid , and oppose international
bimetallism , .so called , as both impracti
cable and undesirable. We believe that
the theory of one standard , and the se
lection of gold as that standard , has
been .struck off in the mint of human
experience , as the result of a slowly de
veloped and beneficent evolution in civ-
More than ever do we believe that the
continued existence of our national or
ganization is desirable for the well-being
of our country. There is no other party
that represents the principles for which
we are proud to stand. Our work is not
completed. We are not only against
free silver , but we are for sound money.
The same causes that induced the In
dianapolis convention of 1896 still exist.
The financial relief expected of the pres
ent administration has not been given.
The recent utterances of no less than
sixteen members of the democratic na
tional committee , declaring for free sil
ver and the rcnomination of Mr. Bryan ,
show conclusively that efforts will be
made to fight the campaign of 1000 on
the free silver issue , and under the old
leader. As long as the principles of the
Indianapolis platform remain disre
garded by the old parties , our duty to
our country , to our party and to our
selves , demands that we should continue
our fight against free silver and keep
up our efforts to secure for this nation
such financial legislation as shall make
us commercially the strongest nation in
the world.
We protest against the pollution of
the democratic party by alliance with
those whose financial declarations are at
war with its old and true creed.
With the situation as it exists in some
of the various states we have no province
to interfere. The national democrats of
each state must solve their local prob
lems in such a way as may seem to them
most likely to insure the triumphs of
the principles for which the national or
ganization stands , and to the mainten
ance of which it is solemnly pledged.
We seek no offices , and wish for no re
wards , except those that flow from the
consciousness of duty done. Our prin
ciples , the gold standard , monetary re
form , tariff for revenue only , civil ser
vice reform , rigid economy in the
administration of the government , the
maintenance of law and order , freedom
of contract , and the protection of all
contract rights , must triumph if our
representative federal Republic is to be
perpetuated. In behalf of these princi
ples , wo appeal to the sober , settled judg
ment of the American people. Wo
should bo prepared now , and at all times ,
to defend them against assault from any
It is our earnest hope that our fellow
democrats in every nook and corner of
our land may realize their error in fol
lowing the vagaries of the Chicago plat
form , and may \inito with us in the
advocacy and promulgation of those
.sound and fundamental political princi
ples which will lead to a ratification of
them by the votes of the people , ensur
ing a truly democratic victory.
Chairman of the National Committee of
the National Democratic Party.
The learned at-
D torney-general of
LEGISLATION. . . . , , .
Nebraskathe Hon
orable Constantine , T. Smythe , is re
ported , in the World-Herald of the 26th
instant , as having , at Fremont in a pub
lic speech said , that : "the railroads
favor Hayward for governor and if
Hay ward is elected what would he defer
for railroad legislation ? " The tumultu
ous Mr. Attorney-General Smythe is
seemingly in on agony of populistic
What railroad legislation is required ?
What does the effusive and impulsive
Mr. Smythe recommend as the proper
style of "railroad legislation" in the
state of Nebraska , where Mr. Smythe
and some of his simple and sympathetic
followers frequently advocate war and
destruction upon the rights of all incor
porated capital ?
What "railroad legislation" does Mr.
Smythe suggest ? Ls he in favor of a
larger number of railroad commissioners
to draw salaries from the pockets of the
people ? Can he show a single benefit
derived bv this commonwealth from all
the "railroad legislation" iip to date ?
Can he show a permanent reduction of
rates either passenger or freight which
has been brought about either by "rail
" railroad commissioners
road legislation" or
ers in the state of Nebraska ?
William Cobbett , Esq. , published in
1801 twelve volumes , entitled the "Por
cupine Papers. " He says that they con
tain "writings and selections , exhibit
ing a faithful picture of the United
States of America ; of their governments ,
laws , politics and resources ; of the char
acters of their presidents , governors , leg
islators , magistrates and military men ;
and of the customs , manners , morals ,
religion , virtues and vices , of the people
ple ; comprising also a complete series of
historical documents and remarks , from
the end of the war , in 1783 , to the elec
tion of the president , in March , 1801. "
These volumes were published in
London , at the Crown and Mitre , on
Pall Mall. They have long been out of
print and are rarely found in an Amer
ican library. But THE CONSERVATIVE
has a complete set and from Volume 1
reproduces the following as to the con
ferring of the legal-tender quality upon
money :
"A tender Jaw is the Devil ! When I
trust a man a sjtin of money , I expect
ho will return the value. That legis
lation which says my debtor may pay
mo with one-third of the value he re
ceived , commits a deliberate act of
villainy an act for which an individual
in any government would bo honored
with a whipping post , and in most gov
ernments with a gallows. When a man
makes dollarsof which one-third part only
is silver , he must lose his ears , etc. But
legislation can , with the solemn face of
rulers and guardians of justice , boldly
give currency to an adulterated coin ,
enjoin it upon debtors to cheat their
creditors , and enforce their systematic
knavery with penalties. The differ
ence between the man who makes and
passes counterfeit money , and the man
who tenders his creditor one-third of
the value of the debt , and demands a
discharge , is the same as between a
thief and a robber. The first cheats his
neighbor in the dark , and takes his pro
perty without his knowledge. The lat
ter boldly meets him at noon day , tells
him he is a rascal , and demands his
1' My countrymen , the dc v His among you.
Make paper money as much as you please.
Make it a tender in all future contracts ,
or let it rest ou its own credit but re
member that past contracts are sacred
things and that legislatures have no
right to interfere with them , they have
no right to say a debt shall be paid at a
discount , or in any manner which the
parties never intended. It is the busi
ness of justice to fulfill the intention of
parties in contracts not to defeat them.
To pay lena fide contracts for cash , in
paper of little value , or in old horses ,
would be a dishonest attempt in an in
dividual ; but for legislatures to frame
laws to support and encourage such de
testable villainy , is like a judge who
should inscribe the arms of a rogue over
the seat of justice , or a clergyman who
should convert into bawdy-houses , the
temples of Jehovah. "
And in the same volume THE CONSER
VATIVE finds the ensuing prescription
for the cure of populism which , together
with the sensible peroration of a commonsense
mon-sense sermon of the style of cour
age now needed in the American pulpit
is here reproduced for the first timeprob-
ably , in a hundred years :
1. "Calculate your income , and be
sure you do not let your expenses
bo quite so much ; lay by some for a
rainy day. "
2. "Never follow fashions , but let
the fashions follow you that is , direct
your business and expenses by your own
judgment , not by the custom of fools ,
who spend more than their income. "
8. "Never listen to the tales of coin-
plainers , who spend their breath in
crying ' Hard times 1' and do nothing to
mend them. "
4. "It is a truth , which all men ought
to know and realize , that every man.