Conservative.
always exact u price in chonp money
that equals the value of his wares in
this universal standard. Prices have
not risen. The purchasing power of a
debased medium has fallen. General
Warner makes the same mistake as the
little boy who first entered an elevator
at the top story and told his mother that
the house went up and ho got out on the
ground floor.
"I have only ten minutes , just long
enough to state by illustration the prin
ciple for which I stand and to oiFer my
friends in the divided camp of the
enemy , another draught from the wis
dom of Jefferson and Jackson. "
It would be useless
"THAT'S US. "
less and pedantic
to advocate the use of "it's me" instead
of "it is I , " now that the latter form
has prevailed and won the universal
sanction of good taste ; and still the
former is pure English , while its victor
ious rival is the English that pretends
to be Latin. How did the false drive
out the genuine ? Easily enough ; for
the same reason that our children are
taught Latin in school to this day in
stead of Anglo-Saxon and Danish ; the
pupils of the Nebraslta City High School
last week took up Cicero instead of
King Alfred and the JEneid instead of
the Andreas or the Edda , though the
former are foreign to all their inborn
ideas , while the latter would hit them
right where they live : that reason being
that for a long time only priests could
read and write , and that the pope is the
bishop of Rome.
The particular expression in question
is a Scandinavian form. The thought
takes a little different shape in a Ger
man's mind ; our Anglo-Saxon fathers
said "I am it , " "ic hit com , " just as a
German of today says "ich bin es" or
"das bin ich ; " although the writer is
under the impression that "dat is mi"
would pass iu the Low-German of Meck
lenburg , which is particularly related to
our language. But our Norse fathers
said it just as wo do yet , wheu we don't
tliiuk ; the Northmen from , Norway
brought "det er mig" into England ,
and the Normans from Franco followed
with "c'est rnoi ; " "dot er jeg" or "c'est
je" would bo rank nonsense in Norse or
French today. So when your boy says
"it's mo" don't think ho is stupid ; ho is
speaking an older English than is taught ,
as yet , in the schools.
The recent republican
A PARTISAN
publican convention
ASSERTION.
tion of the state of
New York , which nominated our highly-
valued friend , the honest and courageous
Theodore Roosevelt , for governor , in
dulged itself in the usual amount of
political mendacity.
The Muuchausenism of the Saratoga
platform materializes most perfectly and
with the greatest incandescence when it
touches the question of a protective tar
iff. There it reads like a rough rider
over the truth "we have enacted a con
servative protective tariff so wisely de
vised that the levenuo is amply suffi
cient to pay the ordinary expenses of
the government in time of peace. "
Now let it be remembered that this
wisely-constructed , conservative , pro
tective tariff took the place of the so-
called Wilson tariff which loft a deficit
for the fiscal year ending June 80 , 1897 ,
of eighteen millions , six hundred and
twenty-three thousand dollars. The
national republican platform of 1890
denounces such deficits as ' 'injurious to
the public credit and destructive to bus
iness enterprises. " And hence the
Dingloy tariff , / . c , a "wisely devised
protective tariff" was enacted by a re
publican congress and approved by
President McKinley. But the deficit
under the Dingley tariff on June 80 ,
1898 , is twenty-six million four hundred
and ninety-six thousand seven hundred
and ninety-nine dollars more than it
was the preceding twelve months under
the so-called Wilson tariff.
"But it will be alleged , of course , that
'anticipatory importations' cut down
normal receipts as anticipated under the
wisely devised protective tariff. Not in
fact until January , 1898 , did its erudite
author assure the public that the test of
its revemie-making capacity had become
fair. Let us , then , take the six months
since this admission by the cautious
Dingley. Between January 1 and July
1 , 1897 ( Wilson tariff ) , our customs rev
enue was § 108,494,711 ; iu the same six
months of 1898 ( Dingley tariff ) it was
$86,994,578 , , or nearly twenty-two mil
lions less. A similar comparison may
be made with former years. But if the
Wilson tariff , by virtue of its unwisely
devised schedules , was injurious to the
public credit , what is to be said of a
tariff which thus heavily emphasized
the most disquieting features of the law ?
Fortunately , the question is now a
mere matter of controversial history
Congress at last has learned , under the
stress of war , the art of raising revenue ,
and that way , it is needless to observe ,
is not the way of Dingley. The clause
in the Now York convention platform
may be described as an obituary notice.
A deal has been
rilKFAKKU . , . . . ,
roil WAK. snidi written and
printed about how
and by whom the government of the
United States was prepared to make
war with Spain or any other old country.
Few have gone to the primary prepar
ation. No country can safely venture
upon war without a firmly established
credit. War costs money.
War uses up blood and iron. It
creates wasteful consumption and
corpses. And war therefore is a very
expensive restoration of a barbaric and
savage accomplishment with modern
inventions and improvements for -the
speedier creation of cadavers which can
not bo carried on without cash and credit.
The syndicate loan made by the last
Cleveland administration saved the
credit of this government. Had J.
Pierpont Morgan & Co. failed to fur
nish that sixty millions of gold on time
as per contract , cash , credit , and the
power to carry on war would have
vanished. A financial smash-up would
liavo precipitated universal bankruptcy.
Gold instead of circulating in the
United States would have gone abroad
or been hoarded.
The courage and wise statesmanship
of Grover Cleveland and John G. Carlisle
made the victories of Dewey and Samp
son and Shafter and Miles possible.
The old adage
s * ' ( A mn hns but to
, ,
IIA\AIH > . , . . . . .
die to be praised"
is again brought vividly to mind since
the death of Thomas F. Bayard.
Mr. Bayard was successively Um'ted
States senator , secretary of state and
ambassador to Great Britain. While
acting in the latter capacity he endeav
ored at all times to establish and main
tain a condition of perfect amity be
tween England and our own country.
To this end , his matchless diplomacy
and his personal popularity , his marvel
ous tact and his statesmanlike bearing
were potent factors. And yet because
of his patriotic endeavors along this
line he was frequently denounced by
his political opponents , and even by
some members of his own party.
But Mr. Bayard is dead. And if it
be time that "the evil which men do
lives after them , " it is also a fact , in
Mr. Bayard's case , that the good he has
done is not "interred with his bones. "
Mr. Bayard was one of those men who
in public life refrain from seeking the
plaudits of their own day and look to a
vindication of their acts in the thought
ful history of the future.
The following extract from a republi
can paper printed at Chicago comes too
late to afford any gratification to the
dead ambassador , but it may act as an
inspiration and incentive to men who ,
like Mr. Bayard , await the calm and
sober judgment of the future for their
reward of praise , rather than cater to
the fickle emotions of the present :
"To James Russell Lowell and
Thomas F. Bayard more than to all the
other ministers and ambassadors to the
British court is due the perfect amity
now existing between the British and
American people. Both were severely
criticised at home for their eloquent
efforts in behalf of Anglo-Saxon unity ,
but they have been magnificently vindi
cated. "
Providence evidently favors the ex
tension of English territory. The laud
around Hudson Bay is rising so rapidly
that large parts of that body of water
are becoming ummvigablo , and it is pre
dicted that its entire extent will one day
be added to Canada's arable territory.
This plan is much preferable to the
method wo have practised in the East ,
but there are limits to the extent to
which it can be applied ,
