8 'Che Conservative *
railroad transportation. Our congress ,
by law , has permitted the Canadian
Pacific ; Railroad company to bring its
cars into our territory and take oxir
goods into Canada and thcnco cany
them across Canada and back into the
United States again , thus depriving our
own roads of the much-needed revenue
which they would have derived from the
traffic if foreign railroads were placed
on the same footing as foreign ships.
This is a very serious matter to our
roads. For the past live years more
than . 5,000,000,000 of the capital stock
of our railroads has not earned one cent
on the investment. In addition to that
enormous loss they have not earned a
dollar of interest on $900,000,000 of
bonds. But during that time they have
paid to the state governments through
which they pass from $30,000,000 in 1894
to $41,000,000 in 1897. Since the panic
of 189. ] their taxes have increased at the
rate of more than $1,000,000 over the
preceding year. Now , on top of that
come the new war taxes , which will aggregate -
gregato many millions of dollars more.
The Canadian Pacific Railroad of Can
ada , of course , pays no taxes. The
privilege it enjoys gives it just that much
advantage over our own roads. But this
is not all. Our congress enacted laws
of a very highly restrictive character
controlling our railroads , prohibiting
them from lowering their rates without
three days' public notice , and from
raising them without ton days' notice ;
prohibiting them from paying rebates to
secure traffic , and requiring them to do
and refrain from doing other things
which make again.st their business , un
less all of their competitors are under
the same restrictions.
"The Canadian Pacific Railroad , by
reason of its being situated in foreign
territory , has been held by United States
courts to be practically exempt from the
burdens and embarrassments which our
laws impose upon our own roads. In
other words , the American roads have
their hands tied by our laws wherever
they are in competition with the Cana
dian Pacific Railroad , while the latter is
free and unembarrassed to wage destruc
tive war upon the United States lines.
"In February last the Inter State
Commerce Commission decided that in
a rate war then being conducted by the
Canadian Pacific against our lines , they
wore buying our trnflic away from our
lines and carrying it at about half what
the service was worth , and that the
means employed if done by a United
States road , would bo in violation of law
which would subject them to indict
ment ; but as the Canadian Pacific road
was not subject to our law there was no
way to restrain them from continuing
their illegitimate practices.
"Notwithstanding that decision , the
Canadian Pacific , which derives its chief
support by the sult'eranco of our laws ,
lakes advantage of their permission to
; lo business in this country , has con
tinued and yet persists in its practices ,
which nro resulting so disastrously to
American lines.
"In view of these facts , aside from the
general policy of protection , the enor
mous taxes which our roads contribute
: o the public welfare , and that they are
available at all times to our government
for military purposes , they ought in
! ommou fairness to be relieved from the
warfare which has degenerated into one
of destruction. "
HARMON In a very able ,
ox iciGHT AXI > instructive and in-
: \i i o ii T.
t cresting address
lelivered at Put-in Bay Island July 12 ,
1898 , by Judson Harmon , formerly at-
: orney general of the United States ,
TJIK CONSERVATIVE finds the following
gems of patriotic logic. In the consti
tution of the United States ho says :
"No limitation is expressed of the war
power. May congress involve xis in war
tor mere conquest or oppression ? Might
our forces been scut to aid Spain instead
of the Cubans ?
"The terms which give the power to
make treaties are broad. May wo join
with Russia and Germany to restore the
Bourbons to the throne of France ?
"The power to admit now states is
general. May congress admit Indian
tribes , or Mexico , or the South Ameri
can Republics , or Switzerland , as states
of the Union ?
The power to dispose of our territory
is not restricted in terms. May congress
grant Arizona to Japan , or Oklahoma to
China ?
"Those are all extreme cases , but they
merely enlarge our view of the subject
we are testing.
Again Judge Harmon says relative to
the commencement of hostilities with
Spain :
"But wo know that for various reas
ons we were liable to bo suspected of
covetousness lurking behind our pro
fessed motives , and to bo accused of
making a pretext rather than a prece
dent. The war resolutions , therefore ,
which wore passed almost without dis
sent and approved without hesitation ,
were made expressly to declare that wo
did not covet our neighbor's lands from
which wo demanded her withdrawal.
"That neighbor , thus made our enemy ,
has , scattered over the globe , the rem
nants of her great possessions. It was
of course proper to attack her in any of
the.se as well as in Cuba. The victory
which Commodore Dewey promptly
won seemed to bring within our grasp a
largo group of inhabited islands , nearly
8,000 miles away , and to show that still
others might bo had for the taking.
"Forthwith , before wo had conquered
a foot of Spanish soil , it was declared by
many for whoso statements wo are held
in a measure accountable that wo shall
keep whatever wo take. Wo must
seixo the dominion from which 'wo
thrust Spain , and become the ruler of
numerous and distant peoples of unkin-
dred race and tongue.
"Various pretexts are suggested for
escape from our disclaimer of territorial
cupidity. It applied to Cuba only. It
merely expressed our intentions at the
time , subject to change. Spain did not
promptly yield , but persists in pretend
ing she is making war. The declara
tion was of no consequence , anyway ,
because it was voluntary and without
consideration.
"If , without seeming to discredit our
country , wo may assume that she will
ountenanco tricks of special pleading
against her solemn self-assumed
, - obliga
tion of honor , or if wo may suppose that
circumstances will arise to release her
from it in the judgment of mankind , it
becomes our duty to consider the action
proposed. It involves a radical change
in the course the country has followed
from the beginning , and is not a matter
to bo settled by hue and cry. I shall
briefly discuss it , not as n question of
policy but as one of constitutional right.
"No authority to acquire territory ,
anywhere , is expressly granted. Jef
ferson thought the book of the Consti
tution had to be closed while he bought
Louisiana. He depended on subsequent
approval by an amendment , the form of
which he prepared. The Federalists ,
except Hamilton , agreed with his con
struction , though they condemned his
course.
"The purchase of Florida followed , in
connection with the fixing of our boun
dary with Spain west of the Mississippi
vvliich extended our domain to the Pa
cific north of California. Then we an
nexed Texas and by conquest , confirmed
by treaty , pushed our frontier south
ward. Soon after wo made the Gads-
den purchase from Mexico , giving our
present southern boundary. Then we
bought Alaska.
"The power has been established by
general acquiescence in these precedents.
The courts have said it is implied from
the war and treaty powers. But there
has been no occasion to define the limits
which are fixed for this , as for all im
plied powers , by the necessity which
alone justifies the implication.
' The authority of congress to provide
for the entire government of territory
acquired , until it shall bo included in a
state , has passed the stage of controver
sy. That to admit new states is ex
press and unquestioned. "
Money is the one tiling which man
works for , struggles for , that never con
fers any satisfactions or blessings upon
him until ho parts with it. Hoarded
money benefits nobody. All active
money is useful. Banks are the reser
voirs whence money streams out and
fertilizes business. A country without
banks cannot carry on commerce and
manufactiire any more than one without
streams , springs or rainfall can live by
farming.
The ( Icxin1 for more money is almost
universal. And many callow economists
mistake it for a dnnuml for more money.
But legitimate demand for money can
bo made only by those who have valu
ables to exchange for money.
Money can never bo made so plentiful
that those who have no legitimate credit
at bank will bo able to get loans without
improving their characters and collat
erals. Money will never bo so cheap
and plentiful as to circulate automati
cally.
The garden of Eden was never visited
by a tax assessor. Taxlcssness was a
conspicuous charm of Paradise. The
lower the taxes the nearer wo are to
Paradise regained.