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UMUJUULYZES
BIYrS ACttPTMCL
The DoMcratic Letter Afali
Switches His Issue.
Iryaa mi try km ra'actana at aa
riifcMliillf Maealag MeM at the
CtaaKrdal MdQaky Qab
la Ckicac.
'Three taeawaad people tried to crowd
Into the qaarters of the McKlaley Coav
mercial Club la Chicago, Sept. 18, to see
ad 'hear Senator Haaaa. Oa that oeca
aloa Senator Banna made the foUewiag
speech:
I take for my teat Mr. Bryaa's views
c- the miser issues of the campaiga as
aet forth fa hk letter of acceptaBce pub
liahed to-day. Jaat before the Democrat
ic convention at Kaaaai City maay pil
grimages were made to LiacolB, Neb by
Democratic tniaatoaariea at the argeat
call of Mr. Bryaa. This waa for the par
pose of putting Bryan's pet scheme of
free silver ia the platform.
But, If yon remember correctly, that is
sse waa oaly placed in the platform by a
majority of one Tote of the committee.
Now Bryan has relegated the silver issue
to the rear, and brings oat imperialism as
the chief issue. Bryan gained this issue
when the treaty was made with Spain in
which the Philippine Islands were pur
chased. He went to Washington and by
his own influence forced certain Demo
cratic Senators to adopt the treaty, in
order that the Democratic party might
fight against it in the coming campaign.
That proves that Bryan has not the cour
age to stand by his own convictions.
Bryan's letter speaks of trusts. Yet he
does not mention the ice trust or the cot
ton bale trust. In the latter Senator
Jones is heavily interested. Every one
knows the story of tlie ice trust. As
Bryan declares that the trust is one of
the main issues of this campaign, I can
say that we are ready to meet him on that
proposition as well as on any other.
aaaa'a Kelatloas with Labor.
Bryan also makes much ado concern
ing the conflict between capital and or
ganised labor. For myself, I have this to
say: I was the first man in Ohio to rec
ognize organized labor. It was in 1871.
when I was in the coal business in Cleve
land, Ohio. John Seaney and John James,
President and Secretary of the first bitu
minous coal miners' organization in the
United States, called upon me and stated
that the miners bad organized into a
union.
As I was a leading coal operator, the
two gentlemen urged me to use my influ
ence in organizing the operators. That
was my first experience with a trust. I
organized the operators in the district in
which I was interested, and during my
entire experience there we never had a
strike or trouble of any kind.
I want to make this statement here,
once and for all, in reply to all these
charges and Insinuations with reference
to my aspect toward labor: If any man
in the United States of America can
bring into my presence a man who has
ever worked for me and truthfully state
and substantiate that I hare refused to
meet at any time and anywhere any man
in my employ, that I have ever intention
ally done any man a harm, that I have
ever insisted on lowering wages to any
man who works for me, or who can truth
fully say that I have done-evil to him, I
will resign from the United States Senate
to-morrow. (Great applause.) I made
the proposition in 1807 I have found no
takers, and it is still open. (Laughter an-1
applause.)
BepsMicaa Party Asaiast Treats.
Now, then, about this trust questiou, a
few words more. I would like to have
Mr. Bryan or any other Democrat tell me
what a trust is. I don't believe there is
a trust in the United States, for every
State law and national law will destroy
any trust that comes within its jurisdic
tion; and the only laws. State and na
tional, that have ever been put upon stat
ute books were enacted by the Repub
lican party. (A voice Never enforced.)
Yes, they are enforced. (Voices Put him
out.) No, don't put him out. I don't
want to put aaybody out. (A voice He
is a good Democrat; he shoots in the
rear.)
We have no objections to the Demo
cratic party being opposed to trusts, but
they have got no patent on it. (Laugh
ter.) Bryaa'a Pollcjr.for Philippines.
Now, then, one word more with refer
ence to the position of Mr. Bryan upon
this Philippine question and it has been
so thoroughly exploded that I won't men
tion it except in passing. I recited to
you the part that he took in the execu
tion of that treaty, and the authority
that he used with his party to ratify the
treaty, and I thiak I have convinced a
great many of my hearers that his pur
pose and motive was not patriotic. He
tells the people of the United States what
he will do if he is elected President of the
United 8tates. His first act would be toi
haul down the American flag in the Phil
ippines. (A voice: "He never could do
it,")
Then he would establish a stable gov
ernmenthe doesn't say republican gov
ernmentand probably put Aguinaldo at
the head of it. Then he said that he
woald establish a protectorate by the
UBited 8tates, pull down the American
flag, withdraw onr soldiers from the soil,
and leave oar buried dead there under
ihe superviaioa of Aguinaldo, renounce
every vestige of power, which has come
to us legally aad. lawfully, and then estab
lish a protectorate which means-what?
It aaeaaa 'that the government of the
United Statea would be obliged to protect
the government of Agaiaaldo from all for
eign fees and Interference. And what
woald be the result?
, Judging the future by the past, the next
actions of Agaiaaldo would be such as to
shock the civilised world; and, if for no
other reason, the nations would interfere
in the interests of humanity as we did in
Cnba. But if for selfish reasons any
European people should make up their
Binds that they wasted a foothold in that
archipelago, and propose to take it,.what
weald be the duty of the United States
geverassear aader Mr. Bryan's ideas?
We waald have to say, MXe, hands off."
- Fait aflaianectaml AcraWt. '
Jfr,'$rjraa performed a'wonderfal
jfeat, as acrobat isn't in it, when ae con
veys the Mearee doctriae to Asiatic, w
ten. Whoever heard anA'a tahig?
The Monroe doctrine is founded' purely
and simply ea tlw 4termiaatiea on the
part of the frfr'niBTirnt aflthe United
States that no foreign country should in
terfere in the western hemisphere. Mr.
Bryan would do what? Spread it all over
the world and we woald staad behind and
defend it. What do yea call that if it
isn't imperialism? As a result of that
procedure we would find ourselves in
volved in all kinds of foreign wars. (A
voice That is right) That is true and
yet Mr. Bryan is for peace. He was for
peace when he resigned from the army
and he has been fer peace ever since. I
am for peace. . I'm a Quaker. I am for
peace, but not peace at any price. I am
not for .peace, and I know that the ma
jority of the people of this eoaatry are
not for peace, with that brigand Agui
naldo as long as he is hiding in the bashes
and shooting down from ambush ojr boys
ia blue. (Applause.)
Bryaa F witches lasses.
Bat Mr. Bryan has already been driven
from his position on imperialism. He
knows now what many of us knew in. the
beginning-hat it waa .only one rooster
that he waa going to put in the pit and
he would fight it as long as he could.
Now he has got his last gamecock. Trust
and that goes into the pit for the next
thirty days, and the Republican party
will be prepared to meet him on all such
questions, and if I had the time and voice
and opportunity I would like to speak to
every laboring man in the United 8tates
upon that question; because in' warning
the laboring people of this country against
this huge monster, the trusts, in the same
breath be says that the Dingley bill is
the incubator of trusts.
Now, we are getting'to know, where we
stand with the laboring people when we
come to the tariff, and we won't allow
him to' evade the issue that he has made
on the bald proposition that the protect
ive tariff principle goes hand in hand with
trusts. We keep the protective tariff
principle there and we will furnish our
own definition for trusts. I say we are
at home on that proposition' because we
have at the head of our national ticket
that great advocate of protection, Will
iam McKinley; because in him we have
the best friend of the United States: and
there isn't a laboring man-in the city of
Chicago, or in the State of Illinois, or in
the United States, who knows anything
about public affairs, who knows anything
about the career of President McKinley,
that does not know from actual proof the
fact that during his whole public life he
is the only man that the workingmen of
this country always felt at liberty to call
upon to support their interests, and he
uevcr failed them. And he is just as
much their friend to-day as he was fifteen
years ago.
Bryaa aad the Lahoriag- Mea.
And now let me ask what has W. J.
Bryan done for the workingmen of this
country? (A voice: "Nothing." An
other voice: "Yes, he charged us half a
dollar to hear him talk.") Not a thing.
Came near saying damn. Not a thing.
His career in public life is available to
every man. His short service was mark
ed and made conspicuous by his opposi
tion to the tariff bill. And what has be
done since to show any particular inter
est in the working people of this country?
He tells them what he would do. He is
prolific in promises, rosy in paintingthV
picture as to what would be the result of
his administration, but I charge you,
workingmen, turn away from that picture
and look upon the other; and the other is
McKinley.
Do not let us take any promise from
any candidate or any man whose whole
record has shown that his overawing am
bition is to be President of the United
States. He will ride any issue, he will
climb on to any platform that is made for
him, he will preach any doctrine, he will
even abuse me to be President of the
United States.
Most Important Isaaea.
Now, bringing these issues home to each
and every individual, I want to bring
them there because I expect .and I know
that every man who goes to the polls on
election day having heard, the arguments
In the case, having considered how the de
cision of these issues will bear upon his
personal interests and those of his family,
will cast that ballot intelligently in his
own interest and not in Mr. Bryan's.. But
there is a further responsibility which
comes to every man and to every woman
who can influence a man.
I say that the importance of the issues
in this campaign at this time and nnder
these conditions is greater than ever be
fore in the history of our country. I say
so because I believe it, because I know
that any reversing of the present policy
of the administration of this government,
any change in that administration, would
bring about a condition of things in the
business and industrial interests of this
country that would dwarf the flood and
storm at Galveston it would mean a hur
ricane that would carry before it every
interest. It would be a flood that would
ingulf the property and the material in
terests of every man, woman and child
that enjoys the present prosperity.
Where Interests Are.
There is no question where your inter-.
est is, because every year, every month,
and every day of the administration of
William McKinley has been an object les
son. Every man who has an insurance
on his life for the benefit of his fantilv.
every man who has his deposits in a sav
ings bank or a loan association where he
has gathered together perhaps the sav
ings of a lifetime, where he believes it -is
.safe, and it Is. although that money that
be deposits in a savings bank is Bot there,
for they don't keep the money 'in their
vaults. What do they do with it? They
invest jt in securities, ia bonds and mort
gages,, aatisfyiag themselves .that the
property behind those securities is per
fectly good for the. loan made aad itns
under all normal conditions. But sup
posing that' Mr. Bryaa should be elected
God forbid. (A' voice Amen!) 8np
posinr heVhouId be. Remember 1893.
Immediately capital is withdraws from
the avenues of business panic seizes aad
dethrones confidence and we find a condi
tion of things that sends values down the
toboggan slide until they are cut in two
aad quartered; aad the property that is
represented by thesecurities in the vaalts
of these. baakacoveriag,your deposit is
reduced, ia '.value. That js your property.
It doesa't belong to. the'saviagg baak or
the life insurance company. It ia yours,
you have-pat it in their'custodyr safe
keeping. .They are doing their duty. .-They
have builded vaults of deposit, 'secure '
against, the bargisr sad the thief, they
have .employed' men of iategrity ad' abil
ity, to invest your'moaey.aaf prefcjf your,
iatereats, aad. therefore I say tliey aajc
done their daty. ' ""
Vrmm All a Werk fat! McKlaUy.
JJfow""yoa do" yourar- Do yoars by aot
oaly depositing your vote for McKinley,
hat get-as away of your neighbors who
are undecided upon these questions, per
haps for waat of knowledge, aa you can.
te-vot&as j-eado; aiake'it your business
to secure eacaiore vote fer the Preaideat
of the Uaited States, aad that small effort
will put as oa a- perfectly safe basis.
Woa't you do that much for your family?
Won't you do that much for the national
aeod? Haven't you pride enough todo
that much for the national honor, integ
rity, aad the fag? (Voices: "Yea, yea.")
AIT right, thea do it. Good-by.
HUGO DENKENSPRUCT
Relates Oac af HIi Exacrkaces m Jaa
V tike at l;tbe Peace.
(By William E. Anderson.)
"Yes," you are right Joaatbea, Mr.
Bryan will do- good to his own party
talkiag about political equality, liberty
aad. the rights ef-man, for it waa always
hard for his friends to make such taiags
work in this country among the American-bora
colored citizens. But it ia a
little, late to do any good' in those States
where Mr. Bryaa will get nearly all the
votes cast No, you are wrong, Jona
than. The very many kvotatioas he
stakes from Washington, Lincoln and
others isn't qaite a case of the "Devil
kvoting scripture. ft goes a long way
ahead of that and just fits the case I
am about to tell you.
"DuriBg my term as justice of the
peace in this town we had a great deal
of trouble with tramps. They used to
get into the school houses to sleep and
at last they got so bold, a school house
wasn't good enough for them. They be
gan to profane the churches. Big Jo
hannes, neighbor Smith's son, was con
stable and he at last arrested a gang in
the Methodist church down there. He
had not much experience, you sec; and a
schmart lawyer from the village was up
before me to defend them. That" man
really was a fine pleader: and as be knew
the Bible kvotations well, lie- made a good
impression on the- court. He said that
his friends, the defendants, wenifrom
the school houses to the eluircutp' get
religion; and that the Lord. was where
'two or three were gathered together in
His name,' and so on. Then he pujled
out the, notes of a sermon which he a'got
y' VyVMCnraaBBBBalraaMBBm I
1 PEOPLE'S BARK DEPOSITS
t Prosperity Has
JPeople.
The one supreme test of prosperity is
the money in the bank. This is a self
evident truth. If a man's family is well
clothed "and fed and in a comfortable
home, and besides this he can put money
ia the bank, it4 must be admitted that he
is prosperous.
Ia the following unparalleled showing
of the increase in. the number of deposits
from the dark days of the Democratic
Wilson bill regime in 1KU to the glorious
days of McKinley prosperity, the most
marvelous of all is the increase ia the
number of depositors and ia the amount
of deposits in the savings banks of the
couajtry. These banks are particularly
the ones where the- wage earners of the
country put their savings.
Mr. Bryan says the people are not pros
perous. So say all his calamity follow
ers. We commend to them the following
official figures from the report of the
Comptroller of the Currency of the Unit
ed Statea for 1899. They are unanswer
able: TOTAL UNITED STATES.
Total No. depositors.-?
Bank. 1894 1899.
National 1,424, ma 1,901,183
State aad private. . . 502,756 906,301
Loaa aad trust com
panies 205,368
443321
4,254,516
Savings .'..;. .3,413,477
TetaJS . .5,545,867
7,655,414
MV-aaawer
-Of depositors
. 2,109,547
V-
fram one of the traaips aad. said bis cli
eata were ia church to have divine wor
ship. I remember the text It was, Ge
ye into all the world and preach the gee
pel to every people. Wasa't that a co
iBddeace to remind me of Bryan's pious
remarks on the same text?
"The lawyer got along so well that I
about made up my mind to kvit the pris
oners. But the schmart young lawyer
didn't know it so he began to go for big
Johannes and .cross-kvestiou him. Jo
hannes was the only witness, you see,
aad didn't have much experience. By
and by Johaaaes coald aot staad
so much fun at his expense, so
he got mad and yelled out: "That
may all be, Mr. Lawyer, what you
say. You seem to know that the
aotes of the sermon you got from that
big hobo were his own notes; but I know
what you don't know, and that is that
the gang you say he" was preaching to
tore out of the pulpit Bible all the book
of Genesis and .Exodus, including the ten
commandments, to light .their pipes with
while they listened to the sermon.' Then
I "reversed my decisiea, Jonathan, aad
sent those fellows to the calaboose." -
ARE SOLDIERS TO BE
PAID IN SILVER?
A Pertineat laairj fro am OW
HoMfer Still UruBSwerei.
In Mr. Bryan's speech of acceptance,
No. 1, he said that if he was elected to
the office of President of the United
States next November that as soon as he
was inaugurated he would immediately
call an extra sesion of Congress aud
give freedom to the inhabitants of the
Phlippine Islands and recall the army of
the United States, which would include
the bringing home of the "Stars and
Stripes."
If elected President of the United
States Mr. Bryan will become commander-in-chief
of the army. This being the
case.
Will Mr. Bryan pay the soldiers of the
United States of America iu tilver?
.It is very important that the soldiers
of the American army understand this
matter clearly and distinctly as to what
Mr. Bryan's intentions are in the mateer.
OLD SOLDiEK.
New Castle, Pa., Sept. 1, 1000.
SHOW IMMENSE INCREASE.
Oome
to the
Total amount of deposits.
1894.
1899.
National . .Sl,155,191,588
State and
private. . 214,442,510
Loan and
trust cos. 239,501,802
Savings. . 1,265,450,416
S1,S30,116,140
418,281,267
576,724,117
1,782,974,481
Total ...12,874,589,406 14,608,096,005
Increase in
am't of'
deposits.. fl,733,506,51
Average Deposits in All Banks.
1899 602
Since the Democratic days of 1894 there
has' been an increase of 2,109,547 bank
depositors iu the whole United 8tates.
This. number more people have had
money to deposit during McKinley pros
perity. The total amount of money deposited
to the credit of the people was 22,874,
589,406 in 1894.
In 1899 it was $4,608,096,005. showing
an iacrease of almost one and three-quarter
billions "of dollars to the credit of the
people who had baak accounts in the five
years since the country was suffering the
agonies of a Democratic administration.
Not oaly has there been this vast in
crease in the aggregate araoant of money
placed ia the banks, but the average
amount of each bank account has in
creased from f520, in 1894, to an average
of $602 per bank account in 1899.
Who will say that the promises of the
Repablicaa party hare aot beea fulfilled?
. Who will aay that the adyaace agent of
prosperity' has aot visited the American
people nader the Bepubucaa admimstra
tioa of Presideat McKialey?
ELECTfflU Of OOG.
DetMcratk Hatim Afcpted at
KeUftfis City, My 4, WQQ.
The Pate (Deawcratfc)
-Where It DM la- 1SS4 em the
Mosey Qaeatlea William J. Bryaa
at ZaaeaTflle, Ohio, Sept. 4, 1900.
Nomina ted:
For Presideat-WILLIAM J. BRYAN
of Nebraska.
Vfce-Preaideat ADLAI E. STEVEN
SON of Illinois.
PIATFOKM.
We, the .Democrats of the United
States, ia aatioaal convention assembled,
do reafitrai oar allegiance to those great
essential principles of justice and liberty
upon which our institutions are founded,
and which the Democratic party has ad
vocated from Jefferson's time to our own
freedom of speech, freedom of the
press, freedom of conscience, the preser
vation o'f personal rights, the equality of
all citizens before the law, and the fait
ful observance of constitutional limita
tions. State Kigati.
During all these years the Democratic
party has resisted the tendency of selfish
interests to the centralization of govern
mental power, and steadfastly maintain
ed the integrity of the dual scheme of
government established by the founders
of this republic or republics. Under its
guidance and teachings the great princi
ple of lopal self-government has found
its best expression in the maintenance
of the rights of the States and in its as
sertion of the necessity of confining the
general government to tbe exercise of the
powers granted by the Constitution of
the United States.
The Mosey Question.
Recognizing that the money system is
paramount to all others at this time, we
invite attention to the fact that the
Federal Constitution names silver and
gold together as the juoneynictals of the
United'States,' and that the first coinage
law passed by Congress tinder the Con
stitution made the silver dollar the mon
etary unit, and admitted gold to free
coinage at a ratio based upon the silver
dollar unit
We declare that the act of 1S73 demon
etizing silver without the knowledge or
approval of the American people has re
sulted in the appreciation of gold and a
corresponding fall in the prices of com
modities produced by the people; a heavy
increase in the burden of taxation and of
all debts, public and private; the enrich
ment of the money lending classes at
home and abroad; prostration of indus
try and impoverishment of the people.
We are unalterably, opposed to gold
monometallism, which has locked fast
.the prosperity of an indutrinj people in
the paralysis of hard times. Gold mono
metallism is a British policy, and its
adoption has brought other nations into
financial servitude to London. It is not
only un-American, but a nti-American,
and it can be fastened on the United
States only-by the stifling of that spirit
and love of liberty which proclaimed out
independence in 1776 and won it in the
war of the Revolution.
Free Silver.
We demand the free and unlimited
coiuage of both gold and silver at tbe
present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without
waiting for the aid or consent of any
other nation. We demand that the
standard silver dollar shall be a full legal
tender, equally with gold, for all debts,
public and private, and we favor such
legislation as will prevent for tbe future
tbe demonetization of any kind of legal
tender money by private contract.
We are opposed to the policy and prac
tice of surrendering to the holders of
the obligations of the United States the
option reserved by law to the government
of redeeming such obligations in either
silver coin or gold coin.
Bond laae.
We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing
bonds of the United States
in time of peace, and condemn the traf
ficking with banking syndicates which,
iu exchange for bonds and at an enor
mous profit to themselves, supply ' the
Federal treasury with gold to maintain
the policy of gold monometallism.
Congress alone has the power to coin
and issue money, and President Jackson
declared that this power could not be del
egated to corporations or individuals. We
therefore demnnd that the newer to issue
notes to circulate as money be taken from
the national banks, and that all paper
monev shall be issued directly by the
Treasury Department, be redeemable in
coin, and receivable for all debts, public
and private.
Tariff fer Keveane.
We hold that tbe tariff duties should be
levied for purposes of revenue, such du
ties to be so adjusted as to operate equal
ly throughout the country and not dis
criminate between class or section, and
that taxation should be limited by the
needs of the government honestly and
economically administered. We de
nounce, as disturbing to business, the Re
publican threat to restore tbeMcKinley
law, which has been twice condemned by
the people in national elections, and
which, enacted under the false plea of
protection to home industry, proved a
prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies,
enriched the few at tbe expense or many,
restricted trade and deprived the pro
ducers of the great American staples of
access to their natural markets. Until
the money question is settled we are op
posed to any agitation for further
changes in our tariff laws, except such
as are"neeessary to make the deficit In
revenue caused by the adverse decision
of the Supreme Court on the income tax.
Tbe Iacesse Tax.
There would be -nor deficit in, the reve
nue but for the annulment by the Su
preme Court of a law passed by a Dem
ocratic Congress in strict pursuance' of
the uniform decisions of that court for
nearly one hundred years, that court hav
ing sustained constitutional objections to
its enactment which had been overruled
by tbe ablest judges who have ever sat
on that bench. We'declare that it is the
duty el Congress to ase all the eaaetJ.
ttammX twtwor which remaiae after th
4mu&b r waich aiv come by its re
versal by the ceart, aa it may hereafter
be coastituted, so that the bardeas of tax
'atioa may be equally aad impartially
laid, to the cad that wealth may bear
its due proportion of the expenses of the
government
Isasaisratlesu .
We hold that the most emaeat way tT
protect AmerfcaB Jabor. is to prevent-the' -:
impertatioa of foreign, pauper maw
compete with it in the home market
that the xalae of the home market to oar
American farmers and artisaaa is greatly
reduced by a vicious monetary system,
which depresses the price of their pro
ducts below the cost of productioa, aad
thus deprives them of the means of pur
chasing the products of ourhome maau
factare. Coaarc ieaat AparopriattosM.
We denounce the prefagate waste of
the money wrung from the people by op
pressive taxatioa aad the lavish appre
priatioas of recent Republican Coa
greases, which hare kept taxes high,
while .the labor that pays them ia aaeae
ployed, aad tbe products of the people's
toil are depressed in price until they iy
longer repay the cost of production. We
demand a return to that simplicity and
economy which best befit a Democratic
government and a reduction ia the num
ber of useless ofices. the salaries of
which drain the substance of the people.
Federal Taterfereace.
We denounce arbitrary interference by
Federal authorities in local affairs as a
violation of the Constitution of the Unit
ed States and a crime against free insti
tutions, and we especially object to gov
ernment by injunction as a new and high
ly dangerous form of oppression, by
which Federal judges, in contempt of the
laws of the States and rights of citizens,
become at once legislators, judges and ex
ecutioners, and we approve the bill pass
ed at the last session of tbe United
States Senate, add uow pcndiiig in tlie
House, relative to contempts in Federal
courts, and providing for trials by jury
hi certain cases of contempt
Pacific Kaadins Bill.
No discrimination should be indulged
by the government of the United States
in favor of any of its debtors. We ap
prove of the refusal of the Fifty-third
Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad
funding bill, and denounce the effort of
the present Republican Congress to en
act a similar measure.
Pensions.
Recognizing the just claims of deserv
ing Union soldiers, we heartily indorse
tbe ride of the present Commissioner of
Pensions that no names shall be arbi
trarily dropped from the pension roll,
and the fact of an enlistment and ser
vice should be deemed conclusive evi
dence against disease or disability before
enlistment.
tTaba.
We extend our sympathy to the people
of Cuba in their heroic struggle for lib
erty and independence.
The Civil Serrice.
We are opposed to life tenure in the
public service. We favor appointments
based on merit, fixed terms of oflcc, and
such an administration of the civil ser
vice laws as will afford equal opportuni
ties of all citizens of ascertained fitness.
No Third Teraw
We declare it to be the unwritten law
of this republic, established by custom
and usage of one hundred years, and
sanctioned by the examples of the great
est and wisest of tuo&e who founded aud
have maintained our government, that
no man should be eligible for a third
term of the presidential office.
Corporate Wealth.
The absorption of wealth by the few,
the consolidation of our leading railroad
systems, and formation of trusts and
pools require a stricter control by the
Federal government of those arteries of
commerce. We demand the enlargement
of the powers of the Interstate Commerce
Commission, and such restrictions and
guarantees in the control of railroads as
will protect the people from robbery and
oppression.
Adaslssien of Territories
We favor the admission of the terri
tories of New Mexico and Arizona into
the Union as States, and we favor the
early admission of all the territories giv
ing tbe necessary population and re
sources to entitle them to statehood, and
while they remain territories we hold
that the officials appointed to administer
the government of any territory, togeth
er with the District of Columbia and
Alaska, should be bona fide residents of
the territory or district in which their
duties are to be performed. The Demo
cratic party believes in home rule and
that all public lands of tbe United States
should be appropriated to the establish
ment of free homes for American citi
zens. We recommend that the territory of
Alaska be granted a delegate in Con
gress, and that the general land and tim
ber laws of the Uaited States be ex
tended to said territory.
Mississippi Stiver laaprevesBeata.
The Federal government should care
for and improve the Mississippi river and
other great waterways of the Republic,
so as to secure for the interior people
easy and cheap transportation to tide
water. When any waterway of the re
public is of sufficient importance to de
mand aid of the government, such aid
should be extended upon a definite plan
of continuous work until permanent im
provement is secured.
Confiding in the justice of our cause
and the necessity of its success st the
polls, we submit tbe foregoing declara
tion of principles and purposes to the
yusiderate judgment of the American
feoplc. We invite the support of all citi
zens who approve them, and who desire
to have them made effective' through leg
islation for the relief of the people and
the restoration of the conatry's pros
perity. Webster Davis oa McKialey.
"Listen, my Democratic friends and
neighbors, for I have friends aad neigh
bors in this city, which is my home; listen
to what I am about to say. When tbe
Democratic party antagonizes and at
tacks the administration of President Mc
Kinley, upon its policy in Cuba, Porto
Rico and the Philippine Islands,' THE
DEMOCRATIC PARTY IS CAMPING
IN THE GRAVEYARD OF DEAD
ISSUES." From a speech delivered by
the Hon. Webster Davis in October.
1898, to the Republicans of Kansas City,
Mo., when the first meeting was held in
the first convention hall that was oaly
partially completed. .
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