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About The Columbus journal. (Columbus, Neb.) 1874-1911 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 3, 1900)
ir.jess -; ?- -. J- - f i gj ted yoi r - -rr 5V j. - i UMUJUULYZES BIYrS ACttPTMCL The DoMcratic Letter Afali Switches His Issue. Iryaa mi try km ra'actana at aa riifcMliillf Maealag MeM at the CtaaKrdal MdQaky Qab la Ckicac. 'Three taeawaad people tried to crowd Into the qaarters of the McKlaley Coav mercial Club la Chicago, Sept. 18, to see ad 'hear Senator Haaaa. Oa that oeca aloa Senator Banna made the foUewiag speech: I take for my teat Mr. Bryaa's views c- the miser issues of the campaiga as aet forth fa hk letter of acceptaBce pub liahed to-day. Jaat before the Democrat ic convention at Kaaaai City maay pil grimages were made to LiacolB, Neb by Democratic tniaatoaariea at the argeat call of Mr. Bryaa. This waa for the par pose of putting Bryan's pet scheme of free silver ia the platform. But, If yon remember correctly, that is sse waa oaly placed in the platform by a majority of one Tote of the committee. Now Bryan has relegated the silver issue to the rear, and brings oat imperialism as the chief issue. Bryan gained this issue when the treaty was made with Spain in which the Philippine Islands were pur chased. He went to Washington and by his own influence forced certain Demo cratic Senators to adopt the treaty, in order that the Democratic party might fight against it in the coming campaign. That proves that Bryan has not the cour age to stand by his own convictions. Bryan's letter speaks of trusts. Yet he does not mention the ice trust or the cot ton bale trust. In the latter Senator Jones is heavily interested. Every one knows the story of tlie ice trust. As Bryan declares that the trust is one of the main issues of this campaign, I can say that we are ready to meet him on that proposition as well as on any other. aaaa'a Kelatloas with Labor. Bryan also makes much ado concern ing the conflict between capital and or ganised labor. For myself, I have this to say: I was the first man in Ohio to rec ognize organized labor. It was in 1871. when I was in the coal business in Cleve land, Ohio. John Seaney and John James, President and Secretary of the first bitu minous coal miners' organization in the United States, called upon me and stated that the miners bad organized into a union. As I was a leading coal operator, the two gentlemen urged me to use my influ ence in organizing the operators. That was my first experience with a trust. I organized the operators in the district in which I was interested, and during my entire experience there we never had a strike or trouble of any kind. I want to make this statement here, once and for all, in reply to all these charges and Insinuations with reference to my aspect toward labor: If any man in the United States of America can bring into my presence a man who has ever worked for me and truthfully state and substantiate that I hare refused to meet at any time and anywhere any man in my employ, that I have ever intention ally done any man a harm, that I have ever insisted on lowering wages to any man who works for me, or who can truth fully say that I have done-evil to him, I will resign from the United States Senate to-morrow. (Great applause.) I made the proposition in 1807 I have found no takers, and it is still open. (Laughter an-1 applause.) BepsMicaa Party Asaiast Treats. Now, then, about this trust questiou, a few words more. I would like to have Mr. Bryan or any other Democrat tell me what a trust is. I don't believe there is a trust in the United States, for every State law and national law will destroy any trust that comes within its jurisdic tion; and the only laws. State and na tional, that have ever been put upon stat ute books were enacted by the Repub lican party. (A voice Never enforced.) Yes, they are enforced. (Voices Put him out.) No, don't put him out. I don't want to put aaybody out. (A voice He is a good Democrat; he shoots in the rear.) We have no objections to the Demo cratic party being opposed to trusts, but they have got no patent on it. (Laugh ter.) Bryaa'a Pollcjr.for Philippines. Now, then, one word more with refer ence to the position of Mr. Bryan upon this Philippine question and it has been so thoroughly exploded that I won't men tion it except in passing. I recited to you the part that he took in the execu tion of that treaty, and the authority that he used with his party to ratify the treaty, and I thiak I have convinced a great many of my hearers that his pur pose and motive was not patriotic. He tells the people of the United States what he will do if he is elected President of the United 8tates. His first act would be toi haul down the American flag in the Phil ippines. (A voice: "He never could do it,") Then he would establish a stable gov ernmenthe doesn't say republican gov ernmentand probably put Aguinaldo at the head of it. Then he said that he woald establish a protectorate by the UBited 8tates, pull down the American flag, withdraw onr soldiers from the soil, and leave oar buried dead there under ihe superviaioa of Aguinaldo, renounce every vestige of power, which has come to us legally aad. lawfully, and then estab lish a protectorate which means-what? It aaeaaa 'that the government of the United Statea would be obliged to protect the government of Agaiaaldo from all for eign fees and Interference. And what woald be the result? , Judging the future by the past, the next actions of Agaiaaldo would be such as to shock the civilised world; and, if for no other reason, the nations would interfere in the interests of humanity as we did in Cnba. But if for selfish reasons any European people should make up their Binds that they wasted a foothold in that archipelago, and propose to take it,.what weald be the duty of the United States geverassear aader Mr. Bryan's ideas? We waald have to say, MXe, hands off." - Fait aflaianectaml AcraWt. ' Jfr,'$rjraa performed a'wonderfal jfeat, as acrobat isn't in it, when ae con veys the Mearee doctriae to Asiatic, w ten. Whoever heard anA'a tahig? The Monroe doctrine is founded' purely and simply ea tlw 4termiaatiea on the part of the frfr'niBTirnt aflthe United States that no foreign country should in terfere in the western hemisphere. Mr. Bryan would do what? Spread it all over the world and we woald staad behind and defend it. What do yea call that if it isn't imperialism? As a result of that procedure we would find ourselves in volved in all kinds of foreign wars. (A voice That is right) That is true and yet Mr. Bryan is for peace. He was for peace when he resigned from the army and he has been fer peace ever since. I am for peace. . I'm a Quaker. I am for peace, but not peace at any price. I am not for .peace, and I know that the ma jority of the people of this eoaatry are not for peace, with that brigand Agui naldo as long as he is hiding in the bashes and shooting down from ambush ojr boys ia blue. (Applause.) Bryaa F witches lasses. Bat Mr. Bryan has already been driven from his position on imperialism. He knows now what many of us knew in. the beginning-hat it waa .only one rooster that he waa going to put in the pit and he would fight it as long as he could. Now he has got his last gamecock. Trust and that goes into the pit for the next thirty days, and the Republican party will be prepared to meet him on all such questions, and if I had the time and voice and opportunity I would like to speak to every laboring man in the United 8tates upon that question; because in' warning the laboring people of this country against this huge monster, the trusts, in the same breath be says that the Dingley bill is the incubator of trusts. Now, we are getting'to know, where we stand with the laboring people when we come to the tariff, and we won't allow him to' evade the issue that he has made on the bald proposition that the protect ive tariff principle goes hand in hand with trusts. We keep the protective tariff principle there and we will furnish our own definition for trusts. I say we are at home on that proposition' because we have at the head of our national ticket that great advocate of protection, Will iam McKinley; because in him we have the best friend of the United States: and there isn't a laboring man-in the city of Chicago, or in the State of Illinois, or in the United States, who knows anything about public affairs, who knows anything about the career of President McKinley, that does not know from actual proof the fact that during his whole public life he is the only man that the workingmen of this country always felt at liberty to call upon to support their interests, and he uevcr failed them. And he is just as much their friend to-day as he was fifteen years ago. Bryaa aad the Lahoriag- Mea. And now let me ask what has W. J. Bryan done for the workingmen of this country? (A voice: "Nothing." An other voice: "Yes, he charged us half a dollar to hear him talk.") Not a thing. Came near saying damn. Not a thing. His career in public life is available to every man. His short service was mark ed and made conspicuous by his opposi tion to the tariff bill. And what has be done since to show any particular inter est in the working people of this country? He tells them what he would do. He is prolific in promises, rosy in paintingthV picture as to what would be the result of his administration, but I charge you, workingmen, turn away from that picture and look upon the other; and the other is McKinley. Do not let us take any promise from any candidate or any man whose whole record has shown that his overawing am bition is to be President of the United States. He will ride any issue, he will climb on to any platform that is made for him, he will preach any doctrine, he will even abuse me to be President of the United States. Most Important Isaaea. Now, bringing these issues home to each and every individual, I want to bring them there because I expect .and I know that every man who goes to the polls on election day having heard, the arguments In the case, having considered how the de cision of these issues will bear upon his personal interests and those of his family, will cast that ballot intelligently in his own interest and not in Mr. Bryan's.. But there is a further responsibility which comes to every man and to every woman who can influence a man. I say that the importance of the issues in this campaign at this time and nnder these conditions is greater than ever be fore in the history of our country. I say so because I believe it, because I know that any reversing of the present policy of the administration of this government, any change in that administration, would bring about a condition of things in the business and industrial interests of this country that would dwarf the flood and storm at Galveston it would mean a hur ricane that would carry before it every interest. It would be a flood that would ingulf the property and the material in terests of every man, woman and child that enjoys the present prosperity. Where Interests Are. There is no question where your inter-. est is, because every year, every month, and every day of the administration of William McKinley has been an object les son. Every man who has an insurance on his life for the benefit of his fantilv. every man who has his deposits in a sav ings bank or a loan association where he has gathered together perhaps the sav ings of a lifetime, where he believes it -is .safe, and it Is. although that money that be deposits in a savings bank is Bot there, for they don't keep the money 'in their vaults. What do they do with it? They invest jt in securities, ia bonds and mort gages,, aatisfyiag themselves .that the property behind those securities is per fectly good for the. loan made aad itns under all normal conditions. But sup posing that' Mr. Bryaa should be elected God forbid. (A' voice Amen!) 8np posinr heVhouId be. Remember 1893. Immediately capital is withdraws from the avenues of business panic seizes aad dethrones confidence and we find a condi tion of things that sends values down the toboggan slide until they are cut in two aad quartered; aad the property that is represented by thesecurities in the vaalts of these. baakacoveriag,your deposit is reduced, ia '.value. That js your property. It doesa't belong to. the'saviagg baak or the life insurance company. It ia yours, you have-pat it in their'custodyr safe keeping. .They are doing their duty. .-They have builded vaults of deposit, 'secure ' against, the bargisr sad the thief, they have .employed' men of iategrity ad' abil ity, to invest your'moaey.aaf prefcjf your, iatereats, aad. therefore I say tliey aajc done their daty. ' "" Vrmm All a Werk fat! McKlaUy. JJfow""yoa do" yourar- Do yoars by aot oaly depositing your vote for McKinley, hat get-as away of your neighbors who are undecided upon these questions, per haps for waat of knowledge, aa you can. te-vot&as j-eado; aiake'it your business to secure eacaiore vote fer the Preaideat of the Uaited States, aad that small effort will put as oa a- perfectly safe basis. Woa't you do that much for your family? Won't you do that much for the national aeod? Haven't you pride enough todo that much for the national honor, integ rity, aad the fag? (Voices: "Yea, yea.") AIT right, thea do it. Good-by. HUGO DENKENSPRUCT Relates Oac af HIi Exacrkaces m Jaa V tike at l;tbe Peace. (By William E. Anderson.) "Yes," you are right Joaatbea, Mr. Bryan will do- good to his own party talkiag about political equality, liberty aad. the rights ef-man, for it waa always hard for his friends to make such taiags work in this country among the American-bora colored citizens. But it ia a little, late to do any good' in those States where Mr. Bryaa will get nearly all the votes cast No, you are wrong, Jona than. The very many kvotatioas he stakes from Washington, Lincoln and others isn't qaite a case of the "Devil kvoting scripture. ft goes a long way ahead of that and just fits the case I am about to tell you. "DuriBg my term as justice of the peace in this town we had a great deal of trouble with tramps. They used to get into the school houses to sleep and at last they got so bold, a school house wasn't good enough for them. They be gan to profane the churches. Big Jo hannes, neighbor Smith's son, was con stable and he at last arrested a gang in the Methodist church down there. He had not much experience, you sec; and a schmart lawyer from the village was up before me to defend them. That" man really was a fine pleader: and as be knew the Bible kvotations well, lie- made a good impression on the- court. He said that his friends, the defendants, wenifrom the school houses to the eluircutp' get religion; and that the Lord. was where 'two or three were gathered together in His name,' and so on. Then he pujled out the, notes of a sermon which he a'got y' VyVMCnraaBBBBalraaMBBm I 1 PEOPLE'S BARK DEPOSITS t Prosperity Has JPeople. The one supreme test of prosperity is the money in the bank. This is a self evident truth. If a man's family is well clothed "and fed and in a comfortable home, and besides this he can put money ia the bank, it4 must be admitted that he is prosperous. Ia the following unparalleled showing of the increase in. the number of deposits from the dark days of the Democratic Wilson bill regime in 1KU to the glorious days of McKinley prosperity, the most marvelous of all is the increase ia the number of depositors and ia the amount of deposits in the savings banks of the couajtry. These banks are particularly the ones where the- wage earners of the country put their savings. Mr. Bryan says the people are not pros perous. So say all his calamity follow ers. We commend to them the following official figures from the report of the Comptroller of the Currency of the Unit ed Statea for 1899. They are unanswer able: TOTAL UNITED STATES. Total No. depositors.-? Bank. 1894 1899. National 1,424, ma 1,901,183 State aad private. . . 502,756 906,301 Loaa aad trust com panies 205,368 443321 4,254,516 Savings .'..;. .3,413,477 TetaJS . .5,545,867 7,655,414 MV-aaawer -Of depositors . 2,109,547 V- fram one of the traaips aad. said bis cli eata were ia church to have divine wor ship. I remember the text It was, Ge ye into all the world and preach the gee pel to every people. Wasa't that a co iBddeace to remind me of Bryan's pious remarks on the same text? "The lawyer got along so well that I about made up my mind to kvit the pris oners. But the schmart young lawyer didn't know it so he began to go for big Johannes and .cross-kvestiou him. Jo hannes was the only witness, you see, aad didn't have much experience. By and by Johaaaes coald aot staad so much fun at his expense, so he got mad and yelled out: "That may all be, Mr. Lawyer, what you say. You seem to know that the aotes of the sermon you got from that big hobo were his own notes; but I know what you don't know, and that is that the gang you say he" was preaching to tore out of the pulpit Bible all the book of Genesis and .Exodus, including the ten commandments, to light .their pipes with while they listened to the sermon.' Then I "reversed my decisiea, Jonathan, aad sent those fellows to the calaboose." - ARE SOLDIERS TO BE PAID IN SILVER? A Pertineat laairj fro am OW HoMfer Still UruBSwerei. In Mr. Bryan's speech of acceptance, No. 1, he said that if he was elected to the office of President of the United States next November that as soon as he was inaugurated he would immediately call an extra sesion of Congress aud give freedom to the inhabitants of the Phlippine Islands and recall the army of the United States, which would include the bringing home of the "Stars and Stripes." If elected President of the United States Mr. Bryan will become commander-in-chief of the army. This being the case. Will Mr. Bryan pay the soldiers of the United States of America iu tilver? .It is very important that the soldiers of the American army understand this matter clearly and distinctly as to what Mr. Bryan's intentions are in the mateer. OLD SOLDiEK. New Castle, Pa., Sept. 1, 1000. SHOW IMMENSE INCREASE. Oome to the Total amount of deposits. 1894. 1899. National . .Sl,155,191,588 State and private. . 214,442,510 Loan and trust cos. 239,501,802 Savings. . 1,265,450,416 S1,S30,116,140 418,281,267 576,724,117 1,782,974,481 Total ...12,874,589,406 14,608,096,005 Increase in am't of' deposits.. fl,733,506,51 Average Deposits in All Banks. 1899 602 Since the Democratic days of 1894 there has' been an increase of 2,109,547 bank depositors iu the whole United 8tates. This. number more people have had money to deposit during McKinley pros perity. The total amount of money deposited to the credit of the people was 22,874, 589,406 in 1894. In 1899 it was $4,608,096,005. showing an iacrease of almost one and three-quarter billions "of dollars to the credit of the people who had baak accounts in the five years since the country was suffering the agonies of a Democratic administration. Not oaly has there been this vast in crease in the aggregate araoant of money placed ia the banks, but the average amount of each bank account has in creased from f520, in 1894, to an average of $602 per bank account in 1899. Who will say that the promises of the Repablicaa party hare aot beea fulfilled? . Who will aay that the adyaace agent of prosperity' has aot visited the American people nader the Bepubucaa admimstra tioa of Presideat McKialey? ELECTfflU Of OOG. DetMcratk Hatim Afcpted at KeUftfis City, My 4, WQQ. The Pate (Deawcratfc) -Where It DM la- 1SS4 em the Mosey Qaeatlea William J. Bryaa at ZaaeaTflle, Ohio, Sept. 4, 1900. Nomina ted: For Presideat-WILLIAM J. BRYAN of Nebraska. Vfce-Preaideat ADLAI E. STEVEN SON of Illinois. PIATFOKM. We, the .Democrats of the United States, ia aatioaal convention assembled, do reafitrai oar allegiance to those great essential principles of justice and liberty upon which our institutions are founded, and which the Democratic party has ad vocated from Jefferson's time to our own freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, the preser vation o'f personal rights, the equality of all citizens before the law, and the fait ful observance of constitutional limita tions. State Kigati. During all these years the Democratic party has resisted the tendency of selfish interests to the centralization of govern mental power, and steadfastly maintain ed the integrity of the dual scheme of government established by the founders of this republic or republics. Under its guidance and teachings the great princi ple of lopal self-government has found its best expression in the maintenance of the rights of the States and in its as sertion of the necessity of confining the general government to tbe exercise of the powers granted by the Constitution of the United States. The Mosey Question. Recognizing that the money system is paramount to all others at this time, we invite attention to the fact that the Federal Constitution names silver and gold together as the juoneynictals of the United'States,' and that the first coinage law passed by Congress tinder the Con stitution made the silver dollar the mon etary unit, and admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver dollar unit We declare that the act of 1S73 demon etizing silver without the knowledge or approval of the American people has re sulted in the appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the prices of com modities produced by the people; a heavy increase in the burden of taxation and of all debts, public and private; the enrich ment of the money lending classes at home and abroad; prostration of indus try and impoverishment of the people. We are unalterably, opposed to gold monometallism, which has locked fast .the prosperity of an indutrinj people in the paralysis of hard times. Gold mono metallism is a British policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into financial servitude to London. It is not only un-American, but a nti-American, and it can be fastened on the United States only-by the stifling of that spirit and love of liberty which proclaimed out independence in 1776 and won it in the war of the Revolution. Free Silver. We demand the free and unlimited coiuage of both gold and silver at tbe present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for tbe future tbe demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private contract. We are opposed to the policy and prac tice of surrendering to the holders of the obligations of the United States the option reserved by law to the government of redeeming such obligations in either silver coin or gold coin. Bond laae. We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the United States in time of peace, and condemn the traf ficking with banking syndicates which, iu exchange for bonds and at an enor mous profit to themselves, supply ' the Federal treasury with gold to maintain the policy of gold monometallism. Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and President Jackson declared that this power could not be del egated to corporations or individuals. We therefore demnnd that the newer to issue notes to circulate as money be taken from the national banks, and that all paper monev shall be issued directly by the Treasury Department, be redeemable in coin, and receivable for all debts, public and private. Tariff fer Keveane. We hold that tbe tariff duties should be levied for purposes of revenue, such du ties to be so adjusted as to operate equal ly throughout the country and not dis criminate between class or section, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the government honestly and economically administered. We de nounce, as disturbing to business, the Re publican threat to restore tbeMcKinley law, which has been twice condemned by the people in national elections, and which, enacted under the false plea of protection to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at tbe expense or many, restricted trade and deprived the pro ducers of the great American staples of access to their natural markets. Until the money question is settled we are op posed to any agitation for further changes in our tariff laws, except such as are"neeessary to make the deficit In revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme Court on the income tax. Tbe Iacesse Tax. There would be -nor deficit in, the reve nue but for the annulment by the Su preme Court of a law passed by a Dem ocratic Congress in strict pursuance' of the uniform decisions of that court for nearly one hundred years, that court hav ing sustained constitutional objections to its enactment which had been overruled by tbe ablest judges who have ever sat on that bench. We'declare that it is the duty el Congress to ase all the eaaetJ. ttammX twtwor which remaiae after th 4mu&b r waich aiv come by its re versal by the ceart, aa it may hereafter be coastituted, so that the bardeas of tax 'atioa may be equally aad impartially laid, to the cad that wealth may bear its due proportion of the expenses of the government Isasaisratlesu . We hold that the most emaeat way tT protect AmerfcaB Jabor. is to prevent-the' -: impertatioa of foreign, pauper maw compete with it in the home market that the xalae of the home market to oar American farmers and artisaaa is greatly reduced by a vicious monetary system, which depresses the price of their pro ducts below the cost of productioa, aad thus deprives them of the means of pur chasing the products of ourhome maau factare. Coaarc ieaat AparopriattosM. We denounce the prefagate waste of the money wrung from the people by op pressive taxatioa aad the lavish appre priatioas of recent Republican Coa greases, which hare kept taxes high, while .the labor that pays them ia aaeae ployed, aad tbe products of the people's toil are depressed in price until they iy longer repay the cost of production. We demand a return to that simplicity and economy which best befit a Democratic government and a reduction ia the num ber of useless ofices. the salaries of which drain the substance of the people. Federal Taterfereace. We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in local affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the Unit ed States and a crime against free insti tutions, and we especially object to gov ernment by injunction as a new and high ly dangerous form of oppression, by which Federal judges, in contempt of the laws of the States and rights of citizens, become at once legislators, judges and ex ecutioners, and we approve the bill pass ed at the last session of tbe United States Senate, add uow pcndiiig in tlie House, relative to contempts in Federal courts, and providing for trials by jury hi certain cases of contempt Pacific Kaadins Bill. No discrimination should be indulged by the government of the United States in favor of any of its debtors. We ap prove of the refusal of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad funding bill, and denounce the effort of the present Republican Congress to en act a similar measure. Pensions. Recognizing the just claims of deserv ing Union soldiers, we heartily indorse tbe ride of the present Commissioner of Pensions that no names shall be arbi trarily dropped from the pension roll, and the fact of an enlistment and ser vice should be deemed conclusive evi dence against disease or disability before enlistment. tTaba. We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic struggle for lib erty and independence. The Civil Serrice. We are opposed to life tenure in the public service. We favor appointments based on merit, fixed terms of oflcc, and such an administration of the civil ser vice laws as will afford equal opportuni ties of all citizens of ascertained fitness. No Third Teraw We declare it to be the unwritten law of this republic, established by custom and usage of one hundred years, and sanctioned by the examples of the great est and wisest of tuo&e who founded aud have maintained our government, that no man should be eligible for a third term of the presidential office. Corporate Wealth. The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our leading railroad systems, and formation of trusts and pools require a stricter control by the Federal government of those arteries of commerce. We demand the enlargement of the powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission, and such restrictions and guarantees in the control of railroads as will protect the people from robbery and oppression. Adaslssien of Territories We favor the admission of the terri tories of New Mexico and Arizona into the Union as States, and we favor the early admission of all the territories giv ing tbe necessary population and re sources to entitle them to statehood, and while they remain territories we hold that the officials appointed to administer the government of any territory, togeth er with the District of Columbia and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of the territory or district in which their duties are to be performed. The Demo cratic party believes in home rule and that all public lands of tbe United States should be appropriated to the establish ment of free homes for American citi zens. We recommend that the territory of Alaska be granted a delegate in Con gress, and that the general land and tim ber laws of the Uaited States be ex tended to said territory. Mississippi Stiver laaprevesBeata. The Federal government should care for and improve the Mississippi river and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure for the interior people easy and cheap transportation to tide water. When any waterway of the re public is of sufficient importance to de mand aid of the government, such aid should be extended upon a definite plan of continuous work until permanent im provement is secured. Confiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of its success st the polls, we submit tbe foregoing declara tion of principles and purposes to the yusiderate judgment of the American feoplc. We invite the support of all citi zens who approve them, and who desire to have them made effective' through leg islation for the relief of the people and the restoration of the conatry's pros perity. Webster Davis oa McKialey. "Listen, my Democratic friends and neighbors, for I have friends aad neigh bors in this city, which is my home; listen to what I am about to say. When tbe Democratic party antagonizes and at tacks the administration of President Mc Kinley, upon its policy in Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands,' THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IS CAMPING IN THE GRAVEYARD OF DEAD ISSUES." From a speech delivered by the Hon. Webster Davis in October. 1898, to the Republicans of Kansas City, Mo., when the first meeting was held in the first convention hall that was oaly partially completed. . ri -aJT. art : IF' -IIS ..&!.