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ROOSEVELT'S RINCM6
LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE.
A Document Breathing with the
of Patriotism and National
Duty.
VITAL ISSUE DECLARED TO BE PROSPERITY
Govenmeat ia the Ptutiftaet, by TafaMft WM Be Eaiv
aleot lo OoveniMeat ia Aaerica ky laaUa Tribes
New Duties tmt Problems for the Natioa.
Got. Theodore Roosevelt has complet
ed tlit formal acceptance of the Repub
lican nomination for Vice-President. His
letter bears an Oyster Bay date and is
- directed to Senator Edward O. Woleott
of the notification committee. It reads:
To Edward O. Woleott Chairman
Committee on Notification of Vice-PresidentSir:
1 accept the nomination as
VJce-PrcsitJent of the United States, ten
dered me by the Republican national con
vention, with a veiy deep sense of the
honor conferred upon me and with an in
finitely deeper yeuse of the vital impor
tance to the who! country of securius
the re-election of President McKiuley.
The nation's welfare is at stake. We
must continue the work whi-h has been
o well Ikruii during the present adminis
tration. We must t ! in fashion in
capable of being misunderstood that the
Aiperioin people, at the beginning of the
twentieth century, face their duties in a
calm and serious spirit: that they have
no intention of permitting folly or law
lessness to mar the extraordinary mate
rial well-being which they have attained
at home, nor yet of permitting their flag
to be dishonored abroad.
Fears Disaster if Democrats Win.
J feel that this contest is by nu means
one merely between Republicans and
Democrat.. We have a right to appeal
to all good citizens wfco are far-sighted
enough to ecc" what the hauor and tci
interest of the nation demand.
To put Into practice the principles cm
bodfcd in the Kansas City platform
would meau grave disaster to the nation;
for that platform stands for reaction and
disorder; for an upsetting of our finan
cial system which would meau not only
great suffering" bu the abandonment of
the nation's good faith; and for a policy
'abroad which would imply the dishonor
"of the tlag-njul an unworthy surrender of
Mr national jigtits. Its success would
nicau unspeakable humiliation to men
ifrond of their country, jealous of their
country's good name, and desirous of ,-e-Vuring
the welfare of their fellow-citi-aens.
Therefore, we have a righl to ap
peal to oil good men, North and South,
East and West, whatever their politics
may have been in the pat, to stand with
us., because we stand for the prosperity
of the country and for the renown of
the American flag.
, Prosperity the Great Issnc.
. The most important of all problems is.
of course, that of securing good govern
ment and moral and material well-being
within our own borders. Great though
the need is that the nation should do Its
.work well abroad, even this conies second
to the thorough performance of duty at
liome. Under the administration of Pres
ident McKinley this country has leen
blessed with a degree of prosperity ab
solutely unparalleled, even in its previ
ous prosperous history.
While it is, of course, true that no leg
islation and uo administration can briug
success to those who are not stout of
heart, cool of head and icady of hand,
yet it is no less true that the individual
capacity of each man to get good results
for himself can be absolutely destroyed
by bad legislation or bad administration,
while under the reverse conditions the
power of the individual to do good work
is assured and stimulated. This is what
has been done under the administration
of President .McKinley. Thanks to his
actions and to the wise legislation of
Congress ou the tariff and finance, the
conditions of our industrial life have been
rendered more favorable than ever lie
fore, and they have been taken advan
tage of to the full by American thrift, in
dustry and enterprise. Order has been
observed, the courts upheld and the full
est liberty secured to all citizens. The
merchant and manufacturer, but above
all the farmer and the wage-worker have
profited by this state of things.
Dependent an Financial Qaestiaa.
Fundamentally and primarily the pres
ent contest i a contest for the continu
ance of the conditions which have told
in favor of our material welfare and of
our civil ami political integrity. If this
cation is to retain either its well-being
or its self-respect it cannot afford to
plunge into financial and economic chaos:
it cannot afford to indorse governmental
theories which would unsettle the stand
ard of national honesty and destroy the
integrity of our system of justice.
The policy of the free coinage of silver
at a ratio of 1G to 1 is a policy fraught
with destruction to every home in the
laud. It means untold misery to the
head of every household, and, above all,
to the women and children of every home.
Aa to Democratic View ea Silver.
When our opponents champion free
silver at 1G to 1 they arc either insincere
or sincere in their attitude. If insin
cere in their championship they, of
course, forfeit all right to belief or sup
port on any ground. If sincere, then they
ere a menace to the welfare of the conn
try. Whether they shoot their sinister
purpose or merely whisper it makes but
little difference, save as it reflects their
own honesty. No issue can be paramount
to the issue they thus make, for the par
nmouutcy of such aa issue Ls to be de
termined not by the dictum of any man
or body of men, but by the fact that it
vitally affects the well-being of every
home in the land.
The financial question is always of snch
far-reaching and tremendous importance
to the national welfare that it can never
be raised iu good faith -unless this tre
Life
mendous importance is not aierely con
ceded but insisted on. Men who are not
willing to make such aa issue paramount
hare no possible justification for raising
it at .all, for under such circumstances
their act cannot under any conceivable
circumstances do aught but grave harm.
Oald Basis Mast Btaad.
The success of the party representing
the principles embodied in the Kansas
City platform would bring about the de
struction of all the conditions necessary
to the continuance of our prosperity, l't
would also unsettle our whole govern
mental system, and would therefore dis
arrange all the vast and delicate machin
ery of our complex industrial life. Above
all. the effect would be ruinous to our
finances. If we are to prosper, the enr
tency of this country must be based up
on the gold dollar worth 100 cents.
The stability of our curreucy has lieen
greatly iu creased by the excellent finan
cial act passed by the last Congress.
But no law can secure our finances
against the effect of unwise and disas
trous management in the hands of un
friendly administrators. No party can
safely be intrusted with the management
of our national affairs unless it accepts
as axiomatic the truths reeognizeoVjjn all
progressive countries as essential to J
sound and proper system of finance. In I
iucii nicucc iirie mu;i or me tinir iot
afi great civilized peoples.
Vital Onestiea far Wane-Earners.
Iu different stages of development dif
ferent countries face varying economic
conditions, but at every stage and under
all circumstauces the most important ele
ment in securing their economic well-being
is sound finance, honest money. So
lnjiuiate is the connection between indus
trial prosperity and a sound currency
that the former is jeopardized not mere
ly by unsound finance, but by the very
threat pf unsound finance.
The business man and the farmer are
vitally-interested in this question; but no
man's interest is so great as that of the
wage-worker. A depreciated currency
uic"$ns Iocs and disaster to the business
man; but it means grim suffering to the
wage-worker. The capitalist will lose
much of his capital and will suffer wear
ing anxiety and the loss of many com
forts; but the wage-worker who loses his
wages must suffer and see his wife and
children suffer for the actual necessities
of life. The one absolutely vital need
of our whole industrial system is sound
money -
Orie of the serious problems with which
we arc confronted under the conditions
of our modern industrial civilization is
that presented by the great business com
binations which are generally known un
der the name of trusts.
The problem is an exceedingly difficult
one and the difficulty is immensely ag
gravated both by honest but wroug
headed attacks on our whole industrial
system in the effort to remove some of
the evils connected with it, and by the
mischievous advice of men who either
think crookedly or who advance remedies
knowing them to be ineffective, bnt deem
ing that they may, by darkening coun
sel, achieve for themselves a spurious
reputation for wisdom.
No good whatever is subserved by in
discriminate denunciation of corporations
generally and of all forms of industrial
combination in particular; and when this
public denunciation is accompanied by
private membership in the great corpora
tions denounced, the effect is, of course,
to give an air of insincerity to the whole
movement. Nevertheless, there are real
abuses, and there is ample reason for
striving to remedy these abuses. A crude
or ill-considered effort to remedy them
would either be absolutely without effect
or else would simply do damage.
Flaa far Federal Interference.
The first thing to do is to find oat the
facts; and for this purpose publicity as
to capitalisation, profits and all else of
importance to the public, is the most use
ful measure. The mere fact of this pub
licity would ia itself remedy certain evils,
and, as to the others, it would in some
cases point out the remedies, and would
at least enable ns to tell whether or not
certain proposed remedies would be use
ful. The State acting in its collective ca
pacity would thus first find out the facts
and then be able to take such measures
as wisdom dictated. Much caa be done
by taxation. Even more can he done by
regulation, by close supervision and the
unsparing excision of all unhealthy, de
structive and aati-social elements.
The separate State governments can
dn a great deal; and where they decline
to co-operate the national government
must step in.
aw He Deals with Expaaelea.
While paying heed to the necessity of
keeping our honse in order at home, the
American people cannot, if they wish to
retain their self-respect, refrain from
doing their duty as a great nation in the
world.
The history of the nation is in large
part the history of the nation's expan
sion. When the first continental con
gress met in Liberty Hall and the thir
teen original States declared themselves
a nation, the westward limit of the coun
try was marked by the Alleghany moun
tains. Even during the revolutionary
war the work of expanson went on. Ken
tucky, Tennessee and the great North
west, then known as the. Illinois country,
were conquered from oar white and In
dian foes during the revolutionary strag
gle, and were confirmed ta e by the
treaty of peace in 1783.
Yet the land thas confirmed was not
then given to aa. It was held by an
alien foe until the army under Gen. An
thony Wayne freed Ohio from the red
asaa, while tbe.treaties of Jay and Piack
ney secured froaa the Spanish and Brit
ish Natches and Detroit.
Iaiaiaaa Purchase sat Philippiaea.
Ia 1803, ander Presideat Jefferson, the
greatest single stride ia expansion that
we ever took was taken by the purchase
of the Louisiana territory. This so-called
Loaisiaaa, which included what are now
the States of Arkansas, Missouri, Louis
iana, Ion a, Minnesota. Kansas, Nebras
ka, North and South Dakota. Idaho,
Montana and a large part of Colorado
and Utah, was acquired by treaty and
purchase ander Presideat Jefferson ex
actly and precisely as the Philippines
hare been aeaaired by treaty and pur
chase ander Preeideat McKinley.
- The doctrine of Mthe consent of the
governed," the doctrine previously enun
ciated by Jefferson in the Declaration of
Independence, was not held by him or-by
any other sane man to apply to the In
dian tribes in the Louisiana territory
which he thus acquired, and there was
no rote taken even of the white inhab
itants, not to speak of the negroes and
Indians, as to whether they were willing
that tbyir territory should be annexed.
The great majority of the inhabitants,
white and colored alike, were bitterly op
posed to the transfer.
Jeaeraea Farced Coaeeat.
An armed force of United States sol
diers had to be hastily sent into the ter
ritory to prevent insurrection, President
Jefferson sending these troops to Louisi
ana for exactly the same reasons and
with exactly the same purpose that Pres
ident McKinley has sent troops to the
Philippines.
Jefferson distinctly stated that the
Louisianians were "not fit or ready for
self-government," and years clafed be
fore they were given self-government,
Jefferson appointing the governor and
other officials without any consultation
with the inhabitants of the newly ac
quired territory. The doctrine that the
"constitution follows the flag" was not
then even considered either by Jefferson
or by any other serious party leader, for
it never entered their heads that a new
territory should be governed other than
in the way in which the territories of
Ohio and Illinois had already been gov
erned under Washington and the elder
Adams; the theory known by this utterly
false and misleading phrase was only
struck out in political controversy at a
THEODORE
much later date for the sole purpose of
justifying -the extension of slavery into
the territories.
Consent Not Necessary.
The parallel between what Jefferson
did with Louisiana aud what is now be
ing done in the Philippines is exact. Jef
ferson, the author of the declaration of
independence, and of the "consent of the
governed" doctrine, saw no incongruity
between this and the establishment of
a government on common-sense grounds
in the new territory; and be railed at
the sticklers for an impossible applica
tion of his principle, saying in language
which at the present day applies to the
situation in the Philippines without the
change of a word, "though it is acknowl
edged that our new fellow-citizens are
as yet as incapable of self-government
as children, yet some cannot bring them
selves to suspend its principles for a sin
gle moment." He intended that ulti
mately self-government should be intro
duced throughout the territory, but only
as the different parts became fit for it
and no sooner. This is just the policy
that has been pursued.
Fllinlaaa am Baals af Iadiaaa.
In no part of the Louisiana purchase
was complete self-government introduced
for a number of years; in one part of it.
the Indian Territory, it has not yet been
introduced, although nearly a century
has elapsed. Over enormoas tracts of it,
including the varioes Indian reserva
tions, with a territory in the aggregate
aa large as that of the Philippines, the
constitution has never yet "followed the
flag;" the army officer and the civilian
agent still exercise authority, without
asking the ''consent of the governed."
We most proceed in the Philippines with
the same wise caution, taking each suc
cessive step as it becomes desirable, and
accommodating the details of our policy
to the peculiar needs of the situation.
Bnt ns soon as the present revolt is put
down aad order established, it will un
doubtedly be possible to give to the isl
ands a larger measure of self-govern-rant
than Jefferson originally gave Loui
siana: FlerMa'Get Ufce Philippines.
The next great step in expansion was
the acquisition of Florida. This waa
partly acquired by conquest and partly
by purchase, Andrew Jackson being the
most prominent figure in the acquisition.
It was taken under President' -Monroe,
the aftertime President John .Quincy
Adams being active In securing the pur-
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chase. As ia the case af the Plritfppiaeu,
Florida was acquired by purchase from
Spain, and in Florida the Seminole, who
had not been consalted in the sale, re
belled and waged war exactly aa same
of the Tagals have rebelled and waged
war in the Philippines. The Seminole
war lasted for many years, bat Presi
dents Monroe. Adams and Jackson de
clined for a moment to consider the qnes
tion of abandoning Florida to the Semi
nole, or fo treat their non-consent to the
government of the United States as valid
reason for turning over- the "territory to
them.
Texaa aad Alaska Warn rAeceeeUaa.
' Our next acquisition of territory was
that of Texas, secured by treaty after it
had been wrested from the Mexicans by
the Texans themselves. Then came the
acquisition of California,. Njar Mexico,
Arizona, Nevada and parts "of Colorado
and Utah as the result of the Mexican
war, supplemented fire years later by
the Gadsden purchase.
The next acquisition was that of Alas
ka, secured from Bosnia by treaty,. and.
purchase. Alaska was fall of natives,
some of them had advanced well beyond
the stage of savagery aad were Chris
tians. They were not consulted about
the purchase nor was their acquiescence
required. The purchase was made by
the men who had just put through a tri
umphantwar to restore the anion aad free
the slave; bat none of them deemed it
necessary to push the doctrine of the
"consent of the governed" to a conclu
sion so fantastic as to necessitate' the
turning over of Alaska to its original
owners, the Indian and the Aleut. "For
thirty years the United States authori
ties, military and civil, exercised the su
preme authority in n tract of land many
times larger than the Philippines, in
which it did not seem likely that there
would ever be any- considerable body of
white inhabitants.
Hawaii Disproves Dancer Idea.
Nearly thirty years passed before the
next instance of expansion occurred,
which was over the island of Hawaii. An
effort was made at the end of President
Harrison's administration to secure the
annexation of Hawaii. The effort was
unsuccessful.
In a debate in Congress on Feb. 2,
1814. one of the leaders in opposing the
annexation of the islands stated: "These
islands are more than 2,000 miles distant
from our extreme western boundary. We
have a serious race problem now in our
country and I am not in favor of adding
to our domestic fabric a mongrel popu
lation (of this character). Our consti
tution makes no provision for a colonial
ROOSEVELT.
establishment. Any territorial govern
ment wemight establish would necessar
ily, because of the population, be an oli
garchy, which would have to be support
ed by armed soldiers.
Yet Hawaii has now been annexed and
her delegates have sat in the national
conventions of the two great parties. The
fears then expressed in relation to an
"oligarchy" and "armed soldiers" are not
now seriously entertained by any human
being; yet they are precisely the objec
tions urged against the acquisition of the
Philippines at this very moment.
Militarteai la Nat Involved.
We are making no new departure.
We are not taking a single step which
in any way affects our institutions or our
traditional policies. From the beginning
we have given widely varying degrees of
self-government to the different territo
ries, according to their needs.
The simple truth is that there is noth
ing even remotely resembling "imperial
ism" or "militarism" involved in the
present development of that, policy of ex
pansion which has been part of 'the his
tory of America from the day when she
became a nation. The words mean abso
lutely nothing as applied to our present
policy in the Philippines; for this policy
is only imperialistic in the sense that
Jefferson's policy in Louisiana was impe
rialistic; only, military in the sense tfaat
Jackson's policy toward the Seminoles or
Custer's toward the Sioux embodied mili
tarism; and there is no more danger of
its producing evil results at home now
than there was of its. interfering with
freedom under Jefferson or Jackson, or
in the days of the Iadian wars on the
plains. Our army is relatively not as'
large as it was in the days of Wayne;
we have not one regular -for every 1.000
inhabtants. There is no more danger of
n draft than there is of the re-introduction
of slavery.
Bleat te Sappraaa Scheie.
When we expanded over New Mexico
and California we secured free govern
ment to these territories end prevented
their falling under the "militarism" of a
dictatorship like that of Santa Ana. or
the "imperialism" of a real empire In the
days of Maximilian. We put n stop to
imperialism in Mexico as soon as the
Civil War closed. We made a great
anti-imperialistic stride when we drove
the Spaniards from Porto Rico-aad the
Philippines and thereby made ready the
ground in 'these' -islands for that gradu
ally increasing aaeasure of -self-govem-
it far which their populations are
severally fitted; Cuba is being helped
along the path to independence as rapid
ly as her own" citizens are content that
she should go. '-
s - 41..T- I . - - 1
Philinnine durtns the Tal itwnrretin
has no more to do with militarism or im
perialism than had their presence iu the
Dakota, Minnesota and Wyoming dur
ing, the many 'years which elapsed 'before
the finsl outbreaks of the Sioux were defi
nitely pat down. There is no more mili
tarism or imperialism in garrisoning Lu
zon until order is restored than there was
imperialism in sending soldiers to South
Dakota ia 1890, during the Ogallalla out-a
break. The reasoning which justifies oar
having made war against Sitting Ball
also Justifies oar having" checked the out
breaks of Aguinaldo and his followers, di
rected, as they were, against Filipino and
American alike.
Na AbaBdaaicat.
The only certain way of rendering it
necessary for our republic to eater on a
career of "militarism" would be to aban
don the Philippines to their own tribes,
and at the same time either to guarantee
a stable government among these tribes
or to guarantee them against outside in
terference. A far larger army would be
required to carry out any such policy
than -will be required to secure order
ander the American lag: while the pres
ence of this flag on the islands is really
the only possible security against outside
aggression.
The whole argument against President
MeKinley's policy in the Philippines be
comes absurd when it is conceded that we
should, to quote the language of the Kan
sas City platform, "give to the Philij
pines first a stable form of government."
If they are now entitled to independence,
they-are also entitled to decide for them
selves whether their .government shall be
stable or unstable, civilized or savage, or
whether they shall have any government
at all; while it K of course, equally evi
dent that uuder such conditions we have
no right whatever to guarantee them
against outside interference any more
thau wc have to make such a guaranty iu
the case of the Boxers (who are merely
the Chinese analogues of Aguinnldo's fol
lowers). If we have a right to establish a stable
government in the islands it necessarily
follows that it is not only our right but
our duty to support that government un
til the natives gradually grow fit to sus
tain it themselves. How else will it be
stable? JThe minute we leave it, it ceases
to be stablel
Now a Qaeattaa ef Contraction
Properly speaking, the question is now
not whether we shall expand for we
have already expanded but whether we
shall contract. The Philippines are now
part of Americau territory. To surren
der .them would,be to surrender American
territory. They must, of course, be gov
erned primarily in the interests of their
own citizens. Our first care must be for
the people of the islands which have
come under our guardianship as a result
of the most righteous foreign war that
has been waged within the memory of
the present generation. They must be
administered in the interests of their in
habitants, and that necessarily means
that any question of personal or partisan
politics in their administration must be
entirely eliminated.
We must continue to put at the heads
of affairs in the different islands such
men as Gen. Wood. Gov. Allon and
Judge Taft; aud it is a most fortunate
thing that we are able to illustrate what
ought to be done in the way of sending
officers thither by pointing out what ac
tually has been done. The minor places
in their administration, where it is im
possible to fill them by natives, must be
filled by the strictest application of the
meritsystem.
It is very important that in our own
home administration the merely minis
terial and administrative offices, where
the duties are entirely non-political, shall
be filled absolutely without reference to
partisan affiliations; but this is many
times more important in the newly ac
quired islands. The merit system is in
its essence as democratic as our com
mon school system, for it simply means
equal chances and fair play for all.
Parallel with Indian Government.
It muts be remembered -always that
governing these islands in the interest of
the inhabitants may not necessarily 'be
to govern them as the Inhabitants at the
moment prefer, to grant self-government
to Luzon under Aguinaldo would lc like
granting self-government to an Apache
reservation under some local chief: and
this is no more altered by the fact that
the Filipinos fought the Spaniards than
it would be by the fact that Apaches
have long been trained and employed in
the United States army and have ren
dered signal service therein: just as the
Pawnees did under the administration of
President Grant: just as the Stockbridge
Indians did in the days of Gen. Wash
ington, and the friendly tribes of the six
nations in the days of President Madison.
- There are now in the United States
communities of Indians which have ad-'
vaneed so far that it has been possible
to embody them as a whole in our po
litical system, all the members of the
tribe becoming United States citizens.
There are other communities where the
bulk of the tribe are still too wild for it
to be possible to take such a step. There
are individuals among.the Apaches, Paw
nees, Iroquois. Sioux and other tribes
who are now United States citizens and
who are entitled to stand, and do stand,
on an absolute equality with all our. citi
zens of pure white blood. Men of Indian
blood are now" serving in the army and
navy and in Congress and occupy high
position both in the business and the po
litical world.
FiliplaeV Hope ef Liberty.
"There is every reason why as rapidly
as an Indians or any body of Indians,
becomes fit for self-government, he or it
should be granted the fullest equality
with the whites; bat there would be no
justification whatever in treating- this
fact as a reason for abandoning the wild
tribes to work out their own destruction.
Exactly the same reasoning applies in the
case of the Philippines. To turn over
the islands to Aguinaldo and bis follow
ers would not be to give self-government
to the islanders! under no circumstances
would the majority thus gain self-government.
They would simply be put at
the mercy of a syndicate of Chinese half
breeds, under whom corruption would
flourish far more freely than ever it flour
ished under Tweed, while tyrannical op
pression woald obtain to a degree only
possible under such an oligarchy. Yours
truly, THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
--i M""
"TWER mid WD IS
UTUIT,MY8; MUtt!"
J T " 1LJ
Hm tie Saae Pimxipk.
"There-ia ao such word as retreat,
boys; charge.
These -words were those of Maj. Me
Kialey nearly forty j ears ago. They pic
tare the character af tbe Presideat ct
to-day as of the soldier or ISiC
Thomas O'Callahaa. with one eye
blinded and eae ear dosed to sound for
ever by a ballet woand received ander the
national, colore at Gettysburg. ' aow a
resident of Fort Collins. He served
through the war with distiaguished brav
er?. "I served under President McKinlev
in 1SC3 and have met him frequently
since. Every 'meeting brings back to me
cne f theHftMetrpatrMticexpressiene that
ever passed tbe lipa af a aoidieri A par
ty of forty men ander the then Maj.
McKinley went on scouting duty. They
were perilous times then.
"All went well until wc, reached, the
top of a bill and unexpectedly raii into
a body of -'Johnnies namaerlhg between
300 and 400. They were 'in- ambaeh,
drawn op ia firing.line and a waitiqg aur
approach. Oar Iret KnowledgeSet; their
presence in tbe ambush .was a volley
which brought down 'our three 'front foiirs
of horses and'nen. ' n ' -
" 'Retreat! our captain shonted.-
"'There is bo such ward as retreat,
boys": charge" came a second order, this
time from Maj. McKinley J who, drawiug
his sword, dashed ahead, followed by ev
ery one of our men except those who had
given their lives to the cause. The ene
my were completely astounded and at our
charge retreated in confusion."
"Before we started on this scouting
expedition we were ordered to take three
days provisions. I had a sack of pound
ed oats on the pommel of my saddle.
After the rout of the enemy I turned
the oats out to feed my horse, and found
fifteen bullets in the sack. My horse was
wonnded, as was Maj. McK'nlcy's, and
his sword hilt was cut to pieces by bul
lets. Maj. McKinley laughingly called
attention to it, and at the same time
complimenting his men on their bravery,
remarked:
"'Yon have done me a great favor,
boys, and if it ever "lies in my power, I'll
reciprocate. "
'DEAR BOY" LETTERS-NO. 7
My Dear Boy:
Yon inform me. that John Junes, Tern
Bently and old Harry Weldon say that
they are going to vote for McKinley
and Roosevelt, but that they will vote
against our Congressman, now a candi
date for re-election. ,
Well, the Republican party is very
much like Bro. Robinson's church. Bro.
Brown and. Bro. Robinson, two clerical
friends of mine, were talking about the
churches under their care. Bro. Brown
said:
"My church has a large membership,
but only about one-fourth of them are ac
tive members."
Bro. Robinson replied:
"My church members are all active.
The last one of them is active. Three
who won?t do anything else will kick."
The Republican party is a very active
organization. There is nothing dead
about it. The last one of its mighty
membership is doing something, and it is
not surprising that some of this activity
should display itself in kicking. Jone,
Bently and Weldon have lined up with
the kickers.
Now, I am sorry. I will tell yon why
I am sorry. In my judgment, the lead
ers of the Democratic party have very
little hope of electing Mr. Bryan, but
they do hope to elect a Democratic House
of Representatives. They do expect to
paralyze legislation, tie MeKinley's
hands, block the wheels of tbe uation's
progress, and cripple the ship of state
right in the midst of the breakers that
surround it. And their hope lies in the
kicking of such men as Jones, Bently and
Weldon.
1' happen to know -just what is the
matter with those three men. Jones fail
ed to be appointed postmaster at -SqHe-dunk
Station. Bently didn't get to take
the census in Pawpaw township, and
Weldon thinks be ought to have bis pen
sion, increased to twenty-four dollars a
month, and the department decided that
fourteen dollars was enough. Bach of
them thinks that his representative in
Congress is to blame for his failure to
get what he wanted. Hence tbe kick
ing. Now, I do not attempt to solve the' per
sonal equation in either of these three
cases. Perhaps Jones would he a'! very
good postmaster at Squcdunk. It may
be that Bently was the most competent
person to' take the census in Pawpa.tr;
township. For anght I know Weldon
oughtlto have a pension of twenty.-fanr
dollars a month, although I doubt wheth
er he is more "disabled, than myself ajnd
I get only eight dollars and am not kick
ing about it. I conld nae more to 'xery
good, advantage, bnt' am thankful 'for
what I have.
Why, ray boy, we are entering upon
wonderful times. The ancient civilisa
tion of the Orient is crumbling. The
islands of the sea are being transformed.
The Christian nations are coming "to
gether. America, jwith her iaexhaaslible
'resources her' intelligence and 'freedom
-of thoaght, her energy and inventive
genius, is becoming the foremost factor
in the coming, regeneration of the world.
And at the head af this great nation
stands William McKinley, enduing the
most tremendena straia which has come
upon any President since Lincoln's day.
His wise, dignified faithfalness com
mands the respect aad confidence of the
world. He eboald be re-elected aad
should have a Congress upon whom ha
caa depend. .
In view -of these great things, how
smallthe postmaster's place at Squcdunk
and such trifling personal matters ap
pear! , .
Once there; .was a maa who traded a
good farm for a drink .of whisky and. a
plug of tobacco.'' The Bible tells.. na of
Esau who sold his birthright for a mess
of pottage. Tradition informs us of a
man who cut off bis nose to spite-his iaee.
And of such are Janes, Bently and Wel
don and others who let-llttlc,,thiugs blind
them to great things. ',,..,
My boy, this is :not the year, -to kick.
Think on these things and DON'T-BE A
KICKER YOUR FA7HKJL.'
v-v '.