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TRUE FRIENDS OF SILVER
The Republicans Offer the Only Fea
sible Method of Its Use.
They Have Urged International Bimetallism
for Many Years.
International Bimetallic Conferences Were
Called by Them.
Tht Silver Shtkrters in Democratic tid Pep ilist Ranks Are
Oaaesiaf International Action.
They Don't Want the Question Settled as It Might End Their
Employment.
Who are the true friends of silver? la
It tie sea who own silver mines or axe
i Willi i j ill by silver mine-owners and
these who by their advocacy of an im
practicable system manage to keep their
Bases before the public and themselves in
fat offices, or is it the men and the party
which gave to the country its great vol
ame of silver money, which originated ail
efforts at international bimetallism, called
II the international conferences which
hare been called by the United States, ap
pointed all delegates to international con
ferences, and declared in their national
and State platforms time after time in
favor of the only practical system of util
izing silver, international bimetallism?
These are questions which the peopl
ef the United States can afford to con
sider, carefully, at the present moment,
when the people nave, by an overwhelm
ing vote, declared against independent
free coinage by the United States and in
favor of international action, and in re
sponse to this a Republican Congress has
passed an act authorixing the calling of
such a conference and the appointment of
delegates to it, and a Republican Presi
dent, William McKinley, has said in his
inaugural address that the question of in
ternational bimetallism will have early
and earnest attentien. "It will be my con
stant endeavor, said he, "to secure it
by co-operation with the other great com
mercial powers of the world."
It has been charged over and over again
that the men who make the loudest clamor
for the free coinage of silver upon the
basis which the people of the united
States have declared impracticable, do so
and have done so for the purpose of re
taining their hold upon public office and
their control of a certain class of voters
of their States or sections. It has been
charged that many of these men were
moved by mercenary motives of a more
direct character in the ownership of sil
ver mines, or by being directly in the
employ of silver mine owners. Whether
this is true or not. every man who studies
the attitude of the alleged friends of sil
ver in both houses of Congress during
the recent discussions upon the interna
tional bimetallic conference bill, must be
conviiK-ed that they are not the true
friends of silver, and that it is difficult
to explain their attitude by other than
.ii io this tae furthei
fact that the Republican party is the one
political organization which has from the
first urged and taken practical steps in
favor of the system which the people of
the United States have just declared the
only feasible one with reference to silver
international bimetallism and there can
no longer remain a doubt in the mind of
the honest student of this subject. As
to the party and the men who are the
true friends of that system which the
people have overwhelmingly declared the
only practicable one for the restoration of
silver international bimetallism the dis
cussions in the Fifty-fourth Congress will
show conclusively.
When Senator Chandler (Republican),
on January 27, 1896, asked unanimous
consent to take up in the Senate the bill
authorizing the appointment of delegates
to an international conference on bimet
allism, and the calling of this conference
if necessary. Senator Pettigrew (Silver
Republican), refused unanimous consent,
amying: "I cannot yield, Mr. President; I
wish to dispose of the appropriation and
I think we can better do it now."
On January 27th Senator Chandler
again attempted to call up the bfll, and
Senator Daniels (Silver-Democmt), ob
jected, saying: "I hope the Senator will
not interrupt me at this moment,' and in
sisted upon retaining the floor and dis
cussing the Nicaragua Canal BOi, thus
again preventing the discussion of the bi
metallic conference bill.
On January 2Sth. when Senator Chand
ler succeeded in getting the bill before
the Senate. Senator Stewart (Silver-Populist),
although protesting that he had no
disposition to embarrass and hinder the
passage of the bin. proceeded to embar
rass and hinder it aa far as possible by
saying, first, that it placed the United
States in a humiliating position; second,
that there are "grave objections to inter
national money, which ought to sake as
hesitate before we enter into any com
pact with the world; third, that the es
tnaashment of such money weald "cause
great inconvenience te those isvoUed in
the compliiatiuu." and ended by declaring
has oppositieB to anteraatieaal money and
denneaiian, the siisiiiiina aa -a fake,
aa eld fake."
On Janaary 26th, whea the fell waa
t called an, Senator Vflaa (Gold-Dem
it), spoke against it, saying: -I desire
ta express aiy opposition to this
haV and proceeded to do so to the ex
teat of remarks covering several pages of
the Congreaafoaal Record.
On Jaaaary 29th. during the dscusaioa
of the bin, Seaator Pettigrew (Sflver-Re-
a), aaid: "I wish to record my pre-
the passage of this bHL" and
to detail his reasoao for oppo
sition at considerable length.
Oa Jaaaary 29th, daring Ac dmcas
aiaa of the has. 8i Bator ABea (SSlver-Pop-nkst),
pri seated a loag argument to enow
Oa Janaary asth. during the
'tawhaLaeaamrCanaea
that the effort weald he unsuccessful, aad
oast of the hat: -It m a mwTma thing. It
a work or sniiiiniisatma"
Talver-Repub-
Bean), after speaking of the movement as
having the "air of grotesqueaess," aaid:
"If we must fawn further at the feet of
those who control the finances of the
world, let us at least preserve oar self
respect and do h when we are their
hosts."
On January 29th, during the discussion
upon the bffl. Senator Jones, of Arkansas,
chairman of the Silver Democratic Na
tional Committee, put himself on record
as to his real sentiments by saying: "This
scheme is not ours: we have not originated
it: we do not believe it is the proper
scheme for the solution of these difficul
ties. On Jannarr 29th. trhn th
taken in the Senate on the bill, those who
voted against it were: AHen (Sflver-Popu-list).
Pettigrew (Sflver-KepnbHcan), Koncfa,
(Silver-Democrat), Vilas (Gold-Democrat).
Not a RepubUcan voted against
the bifl.
On February 26th, when the bin came
up in the House. Mr. MeRae (Silver-Dem-ocrat).
and Mr. Dockery (Silver-Democrat),
obstructed its consideration by de
manding a second.
On February 26th, during the discussion
in the House. Congressman Hirtnun
(Silver-Republican), said: "We desire to
register our unqualified detestation at the
idea embodied in the declaration that we
must have the consent of the leading com
mercial nations of the earth before we
can legislate for ourselves.
On February 26th, when the bill was
under discussion in the House. Mr. Coop
er, of Texas (Silver-Demomri thM mM
water on the proposition in the opening
sentence of his speech by saying: "I be
lieve this measure to be a wffl-o'-the-wisp."
Contrast this attitude of the professed
friends of silver in the Democratic. Popu
list and "Silver Republican" parties, with
the ringing utterances of two men. Sena
tor Allison and Representative Dingiey.
Here are some extracts from the remarks
of Senator Allison, the leader of the Re
publican CartT in the Senate 1 - ..
ber of the Irr intapnarinnal t,:..i-Ttt.
Conference. Contrast them with the words
ana attitude of the professed friends of
sUver quoted above. On January 29th,
when the bill was under discussion. Sen
ator Allison said: "Those who believe In
an international agreement on this sub
ject are not abdicating the power and in
dependence of our nation, bat are iipg
an honest endeavor to bring these two
metals, now widely separated in inter
national value, nearer and nearer, and
they believe that can be done by their in
ternational use. This proposi
tion is not new. It h hn .i.i:-i.
ed policy of the United States since 1878
by repeated acts of Congress, and by re
peated statements in platforms, and never
departed from in a single instance br
either of the great parties unta at Chicago
in 1996. OnooncatB n h. vsn
jeer at the idea that there is a possibility
n. Kvutuif concurrent action of a num
ber of commercial nations of the world
with this country. There has
never been a conferenee which h.
made progress as respects the concurrent
use of both gold and silver, and I venture
the assertion that outside of the control
ling portion of Great Britain and perhaps,
also, the Scandinavian States, there is not
a country in Europe that m not hi favor
of the effort which is nmnntiT hm. .u
which wfll not support it sad advocate it,
excepting only Germany, which stands
upon a pivot, aa to its. paraemeatary sit
uation, and as to the governing forces
surrounding the Emperor. I do not advo
cate this policy because it is found in the
platform adopted in St Louis, I advo
cate it because I believe it is in the in
terests of concurrent circulatioa of these
two metals in the world, and because it
promotes the commercial interests of the
world to minimize the difference in the
power of exchange between great con
necting trade countries. One or the other
of these two metals, so long as these con
ditions prevail, will be the paramount
metal. Which of them is to be para
mount until we have the concurrent ac
tion of nations? It is that which is the
standard in the nations haviag the Vf
trade of the world. Who are tfc. .
tioBs? Are they China, Japan or the
souta American states, some of
having a gold standard and some of
having a silver standard, and an of
aavmg a sepreaaieu paper eta
one? Here lies Burepe, with
aad its gold, having the gold
with a trade twelve times as great as all
the trade of all the silver countries com
bined. Therefore, aniens we can mmi
saiae the difference in the vaJae of these
two metals in the exchange of the world,
this divergence win go oa aad the steels
wao nave tne stiver money are tanas who
will be most oisutssui a tae exd
which are necessary to be made.
Oa February 26th, daring the
in the House. Representative Daejer
RepubGcaa party at St. Loam W
against the free coiaaao of elver
by the independent action of the coaatry.
because they believed, as I befieve, aad
as every scientific bimetallist in the world
of politics heSevea, that such ia-
t free coinage of sSver at the
ratio of 16 to 1, is.nethiag in the world
bat silver monometallism. Bat the party
aaid at the same time that they weald
promote, as far as in their power, aa in
ternational agreement for the free coin
age of silver under circumstances which
should make every dollar in silver as good
as every dollar in gold; and that pledge it
is our duty to-day by the pa mage of this
bill to endeavor to respond to. (Applause.)
"Secondly, Mr. Speaker. I am in favor
of the passage of this bill because '1 be
lieve that its defest under the circum
stances under which it is presented, and in
view of the pledge which we made at the
St. Louis convention, would result in a
tremendous injury to the sound money
cause. (Applause.) It must be under
stood that there are in this cuaatij
sands, yea, millions, of voters.
while opposed to the free coinage of aflrer
by this couatry alone, because they
it would give us simply silver
Hem, as I believe it would, are yet ia fa
vor of aa honest effort to secure aa inter
national agreement upon this point, be
eaase they believe that if that can be se
cured through the co-operation of the
commercial nations of the world, it wfll
give as a currency, every dollar or which
shall be as good as gold, and that we
shsil hare a gold standard or its eqaira-leat-
That it what they believe.
"Now. ia view of the fact that there
are mOlions of people who believe that
this eaa be accomplished, I hold, without
catering apoa itiernminn as to the proea
biaties of success, that it would he a
fatal mmtahe. practically, for thle side of
the House, under those conditions, not to
meet the wishes of those men. aad give a
thorough trial to this endeavor to ob
tain an international agreement. If it
fails, then we snail have done our full
duty in the premises, and no harm wffl
have happened. If it succeeds, then we
shall have secured throughout the com
mercial world a universal and common
standard of value that wOI promote in
ternational trade. (Applause.) I be
lieve, therefore, under these circumstan
ces, without entering upon discusstoa, that
it is the duty of every Republican, hi
view of the pledge that we hnve made.
in view of the fact that we should dam
age the cause of sound money by refus
ing to meet our pledge, to vote for this
proposition.
"One word further. When the sugges
tioa ia made that gentlemen in favor of
aflver at 16 to 1 are voting for this bin, I
want yon to read between the lines of
their speeches and yon can understand
very distinctly that nothing would please
them so much as to see this bifl defeated
to-day, and If their votes would do it,
they would so cast them."
BeawBliewBO Favorable to Fileer.
Let us take up the history of the na
tional financial legislation year by year,
and show what Republicanism has done
for hiaetslnsm at home and abroad.
The act of Feb. 12. 1873. contains a pro
vision for the unlimited coinage of aflver
dollars weighing 420 Troy grains, nine
tenths fine, and made them legal tender
for any amount not exceeding $5. This
was done upon the petition of the Repnb
Hcaa Legislature and Republican Gov
ernor of California, presented by the Re
publican Senator from that State. The
act further provided for the use of sil
ver as subsidiary coin, so that, with the
exception of the nickel 5-cent piece and
the bronss cent, the white metal was
able to become the entire small change
of the American people after the resump
tion of specie payment. It did not pro
vide for tils coinage of the old dollar of
41Z4 grains, nine-tenths fine, because
that amount of silver was worth mors
than that, for years had been worth more
than 100 cents in gold, and was no longer
brought to the mints for coinage by own
ers of bullion, being more valuable ia
that condition than as coin. The Govem
meat stamp, indeed, in that case, would
have set it forth to the world aa worth
less than the silver use-i to form it, but
that act of 1S73 was careful not to de
monetise the silver dollars already coin
ed, containing in its sixty-seventh and
last section an express provision That
this act shsil net be construed to affect
any act done, right accrued, or penalty in
curred upon former acts; but every such
right is hereby saved." And among
these, of course, the right of the aflver
dollar to pass as legal tender was
The Forty-third Congress, Republican
ia both branches, passed the act provid
ing for the resumption of specie pay
ment. President Grant signed this bifl
oa Jan. 14, 1875, and under its provis
ions the ase of silver as a money metal
passing current among the people was
made possible, after many years use of
dearociated paper. If the Republican
party had done nothing more than ia
the legislative field it would deserve wefl
of the republic By TnTrrTg the obngn
tioas of the United States payable ia spe
cie oa the first day of January, 1879. it
laid the way for the highest possible as
sf sflTer throughout the land and attained
that standard whereby every dollar ia dr
culsthm became equally and all as good
aa gold. For this it deserves the support
of every honest believer in bimetanisa.
Aad ia its struggle to preserve its high
standard it must have his support, or ws
.shall sink to the level of Mexico, or
Ji
Monetary Cesasnlaeionw
Oa the 15th day of August, 1876.
Urant gave nia approval to tne
joist resolutions already passed by the
Rspuhfieaa Senate, whereby a commis
aisB was established having for its ob
ject mating others an inquiry.
First Into the change which has tH
place in the relative values of gold and
aflver; the causes thereof, whether per
maneut or otherwise; the effects thereof
apoa trade, commerce nnd finance, and the
prodsctive interests of the country, nnd
apoa the standard of value in this and
ether countries.
lacsad Into the policy of the restora
tisa of the double standard in this coaa
try; aad if restored, what the legal ratio
Win tea the two coins, silver and gold.
should he.
At the head of this body, showing tins
same regard for the interests of silver
which has always characterized Repab
Bcaa lagmlarioa, was placed Senator John
P. Jeans, of Nevada. His colleagues from
the Seaate were George S. BoutweO, a
dlatlaomhed Republican, aad Lewm V.
Bogy. Democrat. Richard P.
aad ? '" L Gibsoa. Democn
George Wmard. Republican.
the House aad WflEam S. Groeseeck, ef
canrraaan. a democrat, aad Prof. Fran
cis Bowea, of Harvard College, a Ro-
snofifn, were aaae to the
aa iumm. The Seeretnrr was
M. Wasfesa, ef Maine, a Republican.
The minority report ef three
ef the esamusaioa. headed by
Joaes, declares ia favor of the free
age ef sQver at the ratio of 15 te 1 the
standard of the Latin Union; while the
majority report regards the fafl ia prion
ef the white metal aa temporary aad di
rectly due to its recent deassaetiaatisa
by five aatioas.
Neither Mr. Groesbeck. Mr. Bland, Mr.
BoutweO, Mr. Bowea, nor Mr. Gibsoa ia
senamts minority reports, coacurred ia
the rsrommsaiTiLiua of a new ratio of
15 ta 1 for silver. Nor did any of the
favor ia the sight of the National Legis
lature. Bat the report undoubtedly led to
farther inauiry in connection with other
nations, which has come to be known in
American history as the International
Monetary Conference of 1878.
Fee Iatermatiewal BisnetalUasa.
By the act of Feb. 28. 1878. President
Hayes extended aa invitation to the na-
ef the wodd is meet and discuss the
of relations looking toward
aimetaffiam. aad in Aurust
of that year representatives from the
aatioas of Europe met the distin
delegates of the United States
ia Farm aader the auspices of the French
Minister of Finance. Ex-Got. Reuben
E. Fenssa, of New Torn, was the chair
man. Gee. Fraads A. Walker and W. S.
Groeseeck am associates, aad S. Daaa
Hortoa. a wefl kaewa authority on W
mertllism. the secretary of the delega
tion; all except Mr. Groesbeck were Re
pabfiraas. Aa Mr. Hortoa was coarte
oasly gives the same rights oa the loor
of the conference as the others the Re-
nrepondernted. This is the
it when taken in eonnee-
tiea with the reply of the Americans te
of the TEaropeaa delegates.
The representatives of the United
States fafly concur that it is necessary to
maintain ia the world the monetnry fonc
tJons of silver as well as those of gold.
ad they desire that ere long there shall
"deanats co-operation to produce the
result.
"In regard to the third and last propo
aition they admit that 'some of the States
which have the double standard,' or, as
they prefer to aay, use both metals, "find
it tmpoasihli to eater into n mutual en
gagement for the free coinage of aflver.
They. a representatives of the United
States have come here expressly to enter
into sacfa aa agreement. The difficulty
la not with them, nnd whatever it may be,
they trust that it may soon be removed."
This final stntement signed by ail the
Americans, taken by itself, shows more
dearly thnn columns of explanation what
the RepubUcan party meant at St. Louis
by .declaring in its platform for the free
coinage of aflrer "by international agree
ot with the leading commercial nations
of the world, which we pledge ourselves
to promote."
At the meeting in Paris in 1878. Oei.
many alone of the great commercial na
tions of Europe waa absent. To the as
aenahM nations the Republicnn party of
JHea stntea, through three of its
distinguished members, proclaimed its
anxiety then nnd there to enter into re
ciprocal relations for the free coinage of
silver. What was done then wfll be done
again during the McKinley administra
tion, nnd. as wfll be explained shortly,
with every hope of success.
Tae Coafereace ef 1861.
Spocie payments were resumed Jan. 1,
1879, and President Hayes was again au
thorised to send delegates to an interna
tional monetary conference, held, like the
one preceding, in Paris. The United States
waa there represented by William M. Ev
arta, lately Secretary of State: AHen G.
Thurman, late United States Senator
from Ohio; T. O. Howe. late United
States Senator from Wisconsin, and S.
Dana Horton, whose services at the for
mer conference nnd whose authoritative
writings on bimetallism entitled hi to
the distinction. All the delegates except
one, Mr. Thurman, were again Republi
cans, though the Congress which passed
the resolution was Democratic in both
breaches. The sessions began on April
19, 188i; James A. Garfield being Presi
dent of the United States.
The report of this Paris conference of
1881 is filled with statements which at
test the ardent support of the doctrines of
bimetallism- What the lamented Garfield
had aaid ia his inaugural regarding the
precious metals was the basis upon which
nfl the delegates of the United States
stood throughout the protracted argu
meata. President Garfield expressed
himself as follows:
"By the experience of commercial na
tions, ia aU ages, it has been found that
gold and aflver afford the only safe foun
dation for a monetnry system. Cenfn
aiaa has recently been created by a varia
tion ia the relative value of the two met
als; but I confidently believe that ar
raagemeam can be made between the
lsafltnr commercial nations which wfll se
cure dm general ase of both metals.
If possible, such an adjustment
te be made that the purchasing power of
every coined dollar win be exactly equal
te Its debt paying power in afl the mar
kets ef the world."
Te the same effect read this extract
from Mr. Horton's note presented to the
conference, in relation to the Allison
Bland bffl: "By the law of Feb. 28, 1878,
thw United States became a teacher of re
form monetary doctrine. The United
States pre posed to Europe concurrent
coinage of aflrer and gold at one ratio,
with a view to their convenient use in the
countries of the proposed union aad the
essaparative steadiness of their relation
te each other everywhere."
The Brussels Coafereace.
The last international monetary confer
ence was held at Brussels Nor. 22, 1892,
Benjamin Harrison being President of
the United Stntea. As at afl former as
semblages of tile kind the American rep
resentstion was largely Republican, its
members being Senators William B. Afli
son, Joha P. Jones, James B. McCreary.
Henry W. Cannon. E. Benjamin An
drews ef Brown's University, aad Edwia
H. Terrin, Minister of the United States
teBeiaiam. The object they had ia view
m indicated ia the letter of instructions
with which they were supplied by Joha
W. Foster; Secretary of Stats. Ia it he
says:
-It is the opiaioB of the President (Mr.
Hsrrmea) aad. as he believes, of the peo
ple of the United. States,' with singular
ity, that tae tuu ase of silver aa a
metal at the ratio te gold te he
by agrnaifar between the great
aatioas ox the world weald
highly promote the prosperity ef the
of no the countries of the world.
year Imt aad
duty win bete secure, if
the chief
da! aliens ef the world lookme; te in-
telWsm that is. the un-
eaaaage ef gold aad aflver into
of ful debt paying power at a
teal the
sf the
the program prepared oa be
Uaited States coatnmiag the
"that ia tine opinion of thw
he formed for iacreasmc the ass
ver ia the currency system of the
receiving the approval of
t ef the untune
issd ratio in
agreeing pew
TW resort
half of the
ef si
declarations of aoprobatioa
by Great Britain. France. Spain.
Netherlands and other great commercial
countries, nnd the concomitant sentiment
animating the conference, give the great
er hope to nfl who hold with the Repab
lican party that bimetallism by interna
tional agreement affords the only practic
able solution compatible with American
common sense and American honor of the
difficulties under which silver is laboring.
Chaaaje ef Seatisseat A Weed.
The Brussels conference adjourned to
meet May 30. 1S03. Just two moaths
before that date a motion made in the
British Parliament to call the conference
powers together was lost by n vote of 14S
yeas to 229 nays. On that occasion the
Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed
himself thus regarding the conference:
"If, in the future, it is to do any good, it
must discuss proposals made by responsi
ble Governments. If the United States
hall cafl it together again her Majesty's
Government wfll probably be ready to dis
cuss the question and would consider, in
a coarteeas and friendly manner, any
proposals that might be laid before k."
Bnt oa the 17th day of March, 1896.
the British Hoase of Commons without a
dissenting voice, "urges upon the Gov
ernment tae advisability of doing ail in
its power to secure by international agree
ment a staple monetary power of ex
change between gold and aflver? in other
words, in a Uttle more than three years
Parliament had changed its sentiments
completely in regard to n bimetallic stand
ard and had evidenced it by taraing a
vote of 81 against to an absolute unanim
ity for such a measure aa the Republican
party favors.
Thus the way now seems to he more
clearly open than ever before for the Re
pubUcan party to carry out its desires for
international action in favor of true bi
metallism. That the time is now more auspicious
for favorable International action than
ever before was testified by Congressman
McCreary, of Kentucky, who was a mem
ber of the last international monetary
conference, n Democrat and n supporter
of Bryan in the late campaign, though
not agreeing with the extreme views ex
pressed in the platform in behalf of inde
pendent action on the part of the United
States.
In discussing the bill for an internation
al bimetallic conference in the House, on
Feb. 26, he said: "Four international
monetary conferences have been held in
the last thirty years. The first was held
at the invitation of France and met at
Paris June 17, 1S67; the second met at
the invitation of the United States at
Paris Aug. 16. 187S; the third waa called
by France and the United States and held
in Paris in 1S81; the fourth and last was
held at Brussels in 1S92. There were
but nine nations represented in the con
ference of 1S78; thirteen represented in
the conference of 1SS1. but at the last
conference, held in Brussels in 1892.
twenty nations were represented and all
of the delegates were in their seats the
first day the conference assembled.
While the monetary conferences thathavc
been held were not successful on the main
question, they made substantial progress
in the cause of bimetallism and helped to
educate the people to open the way for
that international agreement which I
hope wfll come after a while. I believe
the prospect for international bimetallism
Is better now than ever before.
Growth) of Silver Circalatioa.
The following table issues1 by the direc
tor of the United States mint gives the
per capita circulation of gold, silver and
paper in several countries in 1873, when
silver was alleged to have been "struck
dewn" in the United States:
Country. Gold. Silver. Paper.
United St'tes$3 24 $015 $1797
Total.
$2136
990
36 99
13 59
956
4SS
14 44
1656
949
Gt Britain.. 503
France 1247
290
13 So
747
188
10 67
2 1
Germany ...
Russia
Italy
Belgium ....
Netherlands
Austria-Hun
Australasia .
391
1S1
75
4 SI
308
98
1923
23 752
86 327
2S8 675
9 56 3 92
111 749
115 2038
416 361 1005
98 136 273
SO 12S 639
Denmark... 223
Sweden .... 41
Norway 422
Thus it wfll be seen, when the dollar of
our daddies was so "plentiful." we had an
average of 15 cents apiece! But twenty
four years after "our standard money waa
cut in two" after the suffering of so long
a period "under the blighting effects of the
gold standard" we find that our per cap
ita of aflver has risen from 15 cents to
$8.75. Exchange.
McKinley la a Maa of the People.
With each succeeding day we have fresh
evidences of Mr. McKinleys determina
tion to revert to the practices of such
Preaidenta aa Grant. Arthur and Harri
son, and to step aside from the new de
parture inaugurated by Mr. Cleveland.
With each succeeding day we are
strengthened in the belief that Mr. Mc
Kinley finds the customs of the Presi
dents, from the beginning down to 1885,
good enough for him.
We have already expressed our gratifi
cation at finding that Mr. McKinley has
confidence enough in his f eflow-dtixena to
leave the Whits House guards behind and
walk about the public streets like any oth
er human being. We now find that he m
capable of going in person to n hospital
te vhut oas of his close friends unhappily
sojourning there as the victim of an acd
deat. Mr. McKinley, in fact, appears to
be as Uad-hearted as he is unostentatious,
net at all disposed to segregate himself
the human race, or to repudiate the
of friendship and affection.
The fllustrieus position to which he has
bean elevated does not change his dispo
aftioa or fifl him with conceit. Washing
ton Pest.
Have
The
investigations of the Ways
Means Committee snow thnt the
for the decreased value of iaportatioas
aader the WUaoa bfll aad the appaxeat
large excess ia the value of exports w not
altagi thir that we are exporting more aad
Ifii flag lean, ia proportioa. thaa for
merly, hut that our exports are valued aa
heretofore at the fufl price, and the nd
valorem rates of the Wilaoa bfll encour
age the undervaluation of imports, as ad
valorem rates have always done. This
effect has beea especially aotieeable ia
the ehtmifil schedule, in which the sab
stitatiea, ia the Wflsoa-Gorman bill of ad
valorem far apieiffc rates wss mere awa
eral and sweeping-than many ether scied
aie. The dediae ia the iavoiced value sf
imports is too great to be accounted for
by ordinary fluctuations of prices or
by hard
The wealth ef F
$4260.000.000. that ef Germany at $62.
000,000,000 and that of the United States
at 962400400.009. The aopelatJea ef 1
Francs ia 37.000.060, that of
5H0OOJ0O0 aad that of the Called States
aB.60t.000. The Gevemmei
tares ef France are 617 per capita.
of the German Empire over 66 aad
of the Uaited States, sessions adaded,
only $SJS0, although the public debt of
the Germaa Empire Is only about fSftV
000,000. while that of the United States
m ia the neighborhood of 6t.TOa.669.006.
The French people pay S3L50 per capita
for the support of their standing army,
and the German people EL50; it costs the
United States $2 per capita for pensions,
nnd the number of peasioaers is aeariy
equal to the combined active forces of
France and Germany.
FOUR TARIFF SCHEDULES
Ase Terr tatfevecterr e
Farms! s ef the Coaatry.
If we may judge by the four i
already completed, it is safe te
that the sew tariff law wfll be aa
euate response to public sentiment as 1
mtered at the polls on Nov. 3. While tint
rates of duty are stfll subject te ehaage
before the committee reports the bfll ia
the Fifty-fifth Congress, the purpose at
the tariff makers to provide a distinctly
protective measure is very dearly indi
cated. T" Parpose m more apparent fa the ag
ricultural schedule thnn in any other. This
schedule is regnrded by many as the meat
importaat feature of the new tariff, af
fecting; as it does, the greatest of aU In
dustries ia this country. It is safe te aay
thnt the interests of husbandry wfll be
guarded, not only in the impositioa of the
MieKinley duties on agricultural products
but ia the enlarged foreign markets for
our domestic products thnt wfll be 'secured
through the reciprocity feature ef the
law. Having suffered the most heavily
from the Wilson tariff Inw. the farmer
wfll receive more benefit from the tariff
legislation of 1897 than any other pro
ducer. Pop na. Popocrate.
The Populist monetary theory in ex
pressed in the address delivered yesterday
uj mc reunnr prenaent 01 tne Reform
Press Association, is wild in the 1 Hums,
but there is consistency in its wfldaess.
In this it differs from the Popoemtic the
ory of Bryan et aL
The Populists hold that money is entire
ly n creature of legislation; that the stamp
of the Government wfll make a good dol
lar out of a strip of paper worth bat a
small fraction of a cent. Therefore they
can see no need of wasting time over the
respective merits of gold and silver as
money material. Let the Government;
they say. take a few dollars' worth of pa
per and print n sufficient number of mill
ions of dollars to raise the per capita to
$50 or such a matter, and thus conquer the
demon of hard times. If we accept the
Populist premises, as to the potency of the
Government fiat, the Populist conclusion
that the money metal or "redemptiea
money," is of no consequence, is inevita
ble. How different is the Iojric of the Pops
erata! They daim that the fiat can make
a hundred-cent dollar out of 49 cents
worth of silver bullion, and then they
shrink from the consequences of their own
proposition and demand the redemption
of paper issues in coin. Memphis Scimi
tar (Dem.).
Bryant Becomiac a Plutocrat.
Mr. Bryan is likely to become a bloated
plutocrat. He is making money, as in
said, "hand over fist." When he was
nominated he was receiving $30 per week
for writing more or leas able editoriam
for an Omaha newspaper. Everything
was ao dark and forbidding that he was
desirous of getting a position as advance
agent for a traveling theatrical troupe,
which might have paid him $50 per week.
Now he is beginning to roU in wealth.
His book is bringing him an income of
more than $100 a day and his publisher
would be glad to buy his interest in ths
work for $50,000. Meanwhile, he picks
up stray lecture dates at $500 a night.
From n financial point of view the
world is going very well with him. Money
comes rolling in in a constant stream.
He stfll affects to be one of the minus,
but evinces no purpose to divide with the
"struggling masses" over whom he wept
when he went about campaigning ia 98-
Ohio State Journal.
Don't FlATht the Capital that Tom
Need at Borne,
President Ripley, of the Santa Fe RaaV
road, in a recent memorial to ths Kan
sas Legislature, said:
"Meantime, do not advertise te tint
world that invested capital is unsafe ia
Tnat or that resort to the courts m
necessary to protect the rights of dtiaeas
against unreasonable demagogues or boa
eat but mistaken agitators who imagine
wrongs that hnve cs existence, aad be
lieve that, the interests of the Stats eaa
be advanced by driving away capital or
confiscating the property of others." He
further shows that in ten years-
Jan. L 1S87, to Jan. L 1897 the
value of the stocks of the four chief rail
way systems of Kansas (the Union Pa
cific. Missouri Pacific Rock Ialand aad
Atchison) suffered a loss of over $200,
000,000. and aa to the larger part of them
there has been no income whatever far
many years.
Farasers Are the Wealth Prodi
It is a matter of interest to know what
our leading crops are worth. The esti
mates of the Department of Agriculture
give the following values of eight of the
principal agricultural prodaetn of the
United States in 1996: Corn, nt 2L5
casta per busheL S49O.0OO.O0O; hay, at
$6L55 per tea. $3SSJ46.000: wheat, at
72.6 cents. $310,603,000; oata, at 1&7
eentn, $132,485,000; potatoes, at 28.6
cents, $72082,000; barley, at 323 cents.
$22,401,000: rye. at 40t cents. $9,961,
600; sad tobacco, at 6 cents per sound,
$24x58,000, making a total of $1,431,
136,060. Ia other words, the farmers of
this coaatry raised ia oaeyear these eight
articles to s value about $230,000,000
greater thaa ear total interest searing
aad Boa-interest bearing; national debt at
the end ef 1896.
Are
Dua'a Review, a very high satherity
and aa absolutely fair oae, la
article oa ths eeaditiea of the iadi
ef ths couatry says:
There is a very geaeraJ Increase ia tae
working force, more establish meats hav
mg started ia the Iron aad steel maaufac
tare, ia the boot and shoe sad ths woalea
ia ths coke werha. aad ia
miner brunches, wham tha cartail
ia eottsa maimfsitais ia wsl os-
bat ia ia part balanced by the
sf same mitts set sflscted by the
A strike ef t sf CM-
is the oaly labor dimculty ef mack