The Columbus journal. (Columbus, Neb.) 1874-1911, October 28, 1896, SUPPLEMENT, Image 5
-t i .MTltta klj total MAT.. il i hi f il i i -in'"iii . b laiJR a A rfc, - "v "- .-- . . -- j. j "."Tggy SUPPLEMENT TOTHE COLUMBUS JOURNA.I Wednesday, October 28, 1896. TO IAYE OLD GLORY. Chairnm Hanm Name3 October 31 Flag Day for Loyal Republicans. DUTY OF PATRIOTIC CITIZENS. Recognition of the Fact that the Party is Fighting for Na tional Honor One docs not have to go very far to seek the reason for the profuse display of the national ensblem in this campaign. It can be found in the Chicago platform. The spontaneity of its selection as the appropriate badge of sound-money cham pions is wonderfully significant. There teems to have been little inclination on the part of Mr. Bryan's followers to question the right of the advoca'S of sound money and protection to display the national colors as the proper insignia ef their cause. The only lamentation heard was the Altgeldian wail, which is always expected when the stars and striae are flung to the breeze. The rivalry as to who could make the lavish display of the national em has been confined to the ranks of supporters of McKinley. There has no perceptible effort on the part of the Popocrats to wrest it from those are ngnting to maintain tne na- eredit. There seems to be a gen- assent to the proposition that the does cot go with the Chicago plat- This tacit recognition of the fact that tte flag is the one suitable emblem of the lasses for which our party is contending is something new in our American poli tics. Heretofore there has been a pa tristic rivarly between the Republicans ami the Democrats in our national cam sangns as to which side could make most nnafase display of the stars and stripes. It is a circumstance that will mean much fa feral friends of good government and wal be a potential factor at the polls in Mereaiber. . Xecognizing this fact, Chairman Han as of the national committee suggests thst October 31. the Saturday before election, be observed as "flag day" in mji city and town, on which day every act son who intends to vote for sound ey and national prosperity snail ais- tne national colors trom nis nome his place of business. The sugges ts a most commendable one anu meet with an enthusiastic re all over the nation. liet every man who intends to vote fot preservation of our national Honor snpufy his patriotic intention by uis ntsying a flag on Saturday. October 31. It will be a significant object lesson in patriotism to hundreds of thousands who say be wavering between sound money sad repudiation. Remember the day Saturday, October H. Chicago Times-Herald. THE FARMERS' TOOLS. Efficiency of Agricultural Imple ments Greatly Increased Since 1873. silver advocates have had so many their pet theories absolutely demol- by collision with bard facts that are now resorting to deliberate mis- entation in hope of breaking the of the various exposures they are itniiL They have attempted to make capital oat of toe decline in the ' of wheat during the last few years. when attention has been called to cheapening in the cost of production the use of new and improved machia r and the rapid enlargement of the Trial surplus of wheat in other beat-growing countries than the United ates they have undertaken to deny propositions. la a speech at the Central Music hall September 19. Gov. Altgeld in at- ting to answer tne arguments prc ed by Cart Schnrz in an address in same hall earlier in the campaign. lg or tne decline in wheat, said: truth is that there has been scarce ly say improvement in machinery for raising and harvesting wheat in the last tweaty years." 8ach a statement is a severe reflection either upon the inventive genius of WTJcan manufacturers and the pro gressive spirit of American farmers or asea the sincerity of Gov. Altgeld Llai sett. The truth is that the greatest improve aseats in farm implements and machinery that have marked the latter half of the Nineteenth century have been made siace 1S73. Not only has the retail price ef all classes of implements used on the farm been very mnch reduced during that time, but the efficiency of the mi ehinery itself has been even more euor anaasly increased. Taking the harvester lone it has been so improved during the last twenty years that oue man can now accsaiplish what required the labor of fire in 1873. so that instead of there being "scarcely any improvement in ma-rhisrry- for harvesting wheat, the im provements in the harvester alone are shewn fully. In other words, it todav enly requires one-fifth of the labor eos"t to harvest grain that it did twenty years ao. To entirely overthrow this last perver sion of truth, with which silver men art trying to bolster up a losing cause, re tail prices of some of the principal farm machinery have been secured from lead nr manufacturers showing the cost to the farmer in 1S73 and the cost in 1S96. As the wheat crop begins with the plow. take the following statement from the Oliver Chilled Plow works of South Head. Ind., and soe hrw the cost of plows has been reduced. "We manufacture plows alone and in the year 1S73 chilled plows of the num bers 30 and 40 were the leading pat terns. The same numbers are very largely used at this time and our com aarisons are accordingly based on them:" Xa 1S73 the retail price of the Xo. 30 was $25- In 1873 the retail price of the Xo. 40 was ft. Tie same plows now retail at 8..V each. Cast shares for these plows in 1S73 re tailed at 10 cents each; now retail at 30 cents each. Jointers for these plows la 1873 retailed at $X5Q each: now retail at $2 each. Wheels for these plows in 1ST! retailed at $LSO each: cow retail at $1 each. Clevises for thee plows in 1873 retailed at SI each: now retail at 2S cents each. And other items In about the same ratio. The construction and quality of the goods are far better than in 1S73. D. M. Osborne and Company of An nam, X. Y the great manufacturers of harvesting machinery, quoting from their star own retail prices show the enormous re duction of the price to the farmer. Their statement in full is as follows: "Farm machinery is not only very mnch cheaper but far more efficient at the present time than it was in 1S73. There is hardly any comparison between the two. The harvesters and binders which now harvest the great wheat crops of this country and Europe, were not known until 1878, but the best of farm implements and machinery made in 1873. when compared with those made in 1896 by the leading manufacturers of the country, would look coarse and cumber some and would not be purchased and used by any farmers at the present time at any price. The difference in retail prices Is also very marked: Mowers. 1100 $33 to $40 Beapers 125 50 to 60 Combined mower and reap er 175 75 to 85 Harvester and binder 300 100 to 125 Tedders. 73 32 to 38 Rakes 20to 25 1878. The Deering Harvester company of Chicago, quoting from their retail prices of their various classes of machinery in 1873 and 1896, make the following state ment, showing the decreased cost and in creased etSciency of farm machinery: "The twine binder was unknown in 1873. but the Marsh harvester, a much more primitive machine, in which the binding was done by men riding on the machine, retailed at $200 to $225. The twine binder retails today at from $100 for cheaper machines to $145 for the Deering roller and ball-bearing ma chines. "The. self-rake reaper, which is now sold at from $00 to $70, sold for $180 to $210 in 1873. Blowers sold in 1873 for from $90 to $115. according to the make and width of the cut. Machines of vastly greater efficiency sell today at from $35 for cheaper machines to $45 for the Deering roller .and ball bearings. When the wire binding attachment was added to the old Marsh harvester from 1876 to 1879 the combined machine sold for $300. of which $120 was for the at tachment and $180 for the harvester. Wire binders are not sold now. having been superseded by the twine binder. In 1878 we introduced the twine binder the machine that now cuts the grain of the world. Its retail price was then $310 to $325. A better and more capable machine is sold today, as above inti mated, at bat little over one-third that price. Binder twine, for use on these machines, sold in 1883 at from 15 to 25 cents per pound. It was, of course, un known ia 1873. Today a much better twine retails at from 6$4 to 12 cents per pound, according to quality. This steady decrease in price does not mean a decrease in quality and efficiency. On the contrary an upward tendency in the mechanical construction and quality of raaterialnas been as marked as the downward movement in prices. This fact the advance in value coincident with the decline ia price has been made possible by the use of economical meth ods in construction, and by labor-saving machinery, rather than by any decrease in wages paid. The cost of producing each machine has also been reduced by the tremendous number of machines turned out by a single firm. The old mower, for which the farmer paid in the neighborhood of $100, had but meager means for adjustment, and were neither as efficient nor as durable as machines that retail today at $40. The old self-rake reapers which retailed at $200 were primitive and clumsy as compared with the $05 machines of to day. The Deenng twine Dinuer today, run ning on roller and ball bearings, cost $100 less than the old Marsh harvester and requires two less men and two less horses than did that machine. In other words, one man and two hordes can handle more grain with the Deering roller-bearing twine binder than three men and three horses could handle in 1875 with a Marsh harvester that cost the farmer $100 more money." These statements of leading manu facturers of high-grade farm machinery, merely emphasizes what any man of or dinary intelligence already knew in a general way and what every wheat-grower in the country knew by practical ex perience, that the last twenty years have been marked by wonderful improvements in the efficiency of farming tools accom panied by no less marked reduction in the retail price. When Gov. Altgeld and the lesser lights of Populism claim that no part of the decline in wheat is the result of improved machinery and methods, they simply rtin contrary to facts which are patent to every observer and put themselves in a false position by denying truths that are as well known as the multiplication table. A little over a year ago Candidate Bryan applied for the press agency of a theatrical company, and failed to get it. But his present advertisement is such that he could have a score of such agencits by asking. He has the talking qualities of a first-class agent for theat ricals. GoL Ingersoll says to one of his ardent silver critics: "Yes. many things are cheaper since the crime of 1S73. especial ly talk." Bryan ought to be able to testify to that fact. IT WILL BE A "STRIKE." THE FARMERS' FRIEND A Comparison Between the Policy of the Republican and Democratic Parties LEGISLATED FOR AGRICULTURE John M. Stahl Tells Why the Farmer Should Stand by His Friends. John M. Stahl. a practical Illinois farmer, and a land owner in Missouri, Kansas and Nebraska, who is the editor of the Farmers' Call, Quincy, and also secretary of the Farmers' National Con gress, is a man who has made bis way from poverty to affluence, by the use of his own head and hands. His promi nence in the Grange, Farmers insti tutes and all movements calculated to better the condition of American agri culture, gives weight to. his judgment and makes his v. ts on all public ques tions of value. In a recent interview he discusses the relation of the American farmer to the two great political parties and points out the fact that in legislation the Re publican party has always kept the in terests of agriculture in view. He says: "It must be said to the credit of the farmers of the United States that they have never asked for more at the hands of Congress or lesser legislative bodies than they were ready to have granted to others, or for legislation that they did not believe would be of benefit to all the people. No exception to this is furnished by the tariff, which has been the most persistent political question in our history. No other question has been an important issue in so many cam paigns. The second act passed by the Congress of the United States was a tariff act. The bill was introduced and discussed before Gen. Washington was inaugurated President and the bill was enacted into law two months before the passage of the law creating a treasury department. Tariff for protection and tariff for revenue, ad valorem duties and specific duties, etc., were thorough ly discussed while the first tariff bill was pending: and there have been few years since -.in which these questions did not engage the lively attention of the American people. It was inevitable, therefore, that the tariff should have the frequent consideration of a repre sentative agricultural body meeting to discuss proposed legislation and to rec ommend to the favorable consideration of legislative bodies such measures as are deemed worthy of that recommenda tion. Such a body is the Farmers' Na tional Congress and at its last annual meeting it adopted the following reso lution: Whereas, it Is an established principle with both of the great political parties that a tariff on Imported goods adequate to meet the expenses of the government should be levied: therefore. Resolved, that we demand the same meas ure of protection for agricultural industries that is given to other industries. At the meeting referred to there were delegates from states Jn which are more than four-fifths of the farmers of the country, from California to Florida and from North Dakota to Texas. The reso lution was adopted without one dissent- i ing vote. As tne Honorable gentleman who nas oeen master ot tne National Grange for eight years past and many other prominent officials of the Grange were present as delegates, the resolu tion may justly be taken as expressing the sentiments of the Grange also. Cer tainly the Farmers National, congress. being composed of farmers, should not have demanded less; and. as it is non political and unpactisan. it could not con sistently say more. Similar resolutions have been adopted at previous meetings. Protect io a Under McKinley Lav. The McKinley law gave to agricultural industries the same measure of protec tion that it gave to other industries. Horses, hay. potatoes, onions, eggs, bar ley, fruits, wool and other products of our farms, the producers of which de rive a direct benefit from a protective duty on those articles, were given just and satisfactory protection: and thus the McKinley law met the proper wishes and the just and reasonable demands of. the farmers. As soon as they had the power, the Democrats hastened to remove the duties on farm products or to remove them altogether, and the Wilson law does not give the same measure of protection to agricultural industries, that it gives to other industries. Wool is a striking ex ample of this. The McKinley law gave it proper protection, and while that law 1 was in effect only a very short time, it Cincinnati Times and Star. was in effect long enough to show that under its operation our production of wool would rapidly increase to the ulti mate benefit of the entire community. The Democrats hastened to put wool on the free list, while retaining a substantial duty on the product of the mill and the mine. In 1889 there were in the United States 42.599.079 sheep, valued at $80, 640.369; in 1893 there were 47.273.553 sheep, valued at $125,909,264; in 1806 there are 3898.783 sheep, valued at $65,167,735. Under the McKinley law the value of our sheep increased $35,268, 895; the Wilson law has taken from the value of our sheep $60,741,529. or very nearly one-half. Under the Wilson law the importation of wool has doubled and the price of the domestic product has been halved. The McKinley law gave to wool and other farm products the just and equal protection demanded by farm ers; the Wilson law removed this pro tection, and, discriminating against the farmer, singled out wool growing as the one considerable industry to feel the full force of a disastrous free trade policy. Kecinroeity. At its annual meeting in 1890 the Farmers' National congress passed a resolution in favor of reciprocity; and that it yet J-vors reciprocity is shown by the following resolution at its last meeting: Resolved, that the Farmers Xational con gress has listened with profound interest to the able and instructive address of Senor Francisco Javier Yanes of Venezuela on "The Commercial Relations of American Re publics." Resolved, that to secure reciprocal trade between the United States and the Spanish American republics, this congress favors legislation for reciprocity, commercial treat ies, and aid for steamship lines sufficient to answer all the purposes of such trade. The benefits to our agriculture from fair reciprocal arrangements were so ap parent that the resolutions were adopted by a practically unanimous vote, though in the congress were delegates of all shades of political belief. The peculiar relation of reciprocity to agriculture ap pears from a reading of the- reciprocity section of the McKinley law: That with a view to secure reciprocal trade with countries producing the following articles, and for this purpose, on anil after the first day of January. 1892. whenever, and so often as the President shall be satis fied that the government or any country pro ducing and exporting sugar, molasses, cof fee, tea. aad hides, raw and nncured. or any of such articles, imposes duties or other ex actions upon the agricultural or other pro ductions of the United States, which in view of the free Introduction of such sugar, mo lasses, coffee, tea and bides into the United States may deem to be reciprocally unequal or unreasonable, he shall have the power and It shall be his duty to suspend, by proclamation to that effect, the provisions of this act relating to the free introduction of sach sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides, the production o such country, for such time as he shall deem Just, etc Although in effect only a short time, the reciprocity arrangement made under the McKinley law demonstrated the great benefit that reciprocity would be to our agricultural interests. Space will -permit of the citation of only one case in point: Our production of wheat so far exceeds our needs, while the exportation of Russia and Argentine has so rapidly increased that it is of the highest im portance to our farmers that our wheat markets be enlarged. The ability ot" re ciprocity to do this is shown by our riour trade with Cuba. In less than fnnr years under a reciprocity arrangement this trade increased 480 per cent., while in the first year after the arrangement was terminated it decreased 42 per cent. All the reciprocity arrangements would have been of much benefit to our agri cultural interests; and the Democrats hastened to terminate them. Home or Foreign Sugar, Which? Each year we send abroad more than $100,000,000 for sugar. All doubt of our possessing the soil and climate over a sufficient area to produce from beet the sugar we now import, has been removed. Our natural advantages for the produc tion of beet sugar are such that, not withstanding the higher wages paid here, aid given our beet sugar industry equiv alent to that which has been given to their beet sugar industries by France and Germany by means of bounties, exemp tion of land from taxation, etc.. vould undoubtedly rapidly build up our sugar production. The McKinley law, by means of a bounty, gave to our beet sugar industry the encouragement that the history of the industry in Germany and France has shown to b wise and highly advantageous to the nation. Under the operation of the McKinley law our production of beet sugar rapidly increased. Here are the figures: "Ponnd.. 1801 12.004.83S 1S32 27.003.322 Had the McKinley Jaw bounties been continued, we would in a comparatively few years have prodneed at home., not only the four thousand million pounds of sugar we now consume, but the increased consumption due to our increased popu lation. It is probable that no other piece of legislation in our history has shown a greater lack of business sense than the repeal of the sugar bounties, and certainly few other legislative en actments in our history have done our agricultural interests a greater injury or subjected the country to greater ultimate financial loss. To produce four thousand million pounds of beet sugar would re quire one million acres of land and the wages paid to farm and factory labor would amount to $T5.0U0.000 per annua. Land aad labor now devoted to crops of small profit ami of which we produce an excess, like wheat, woaki be put tit a more profitable use. The $75,000,000 each year would swell our domestic com merce by at least four times that amount. If wo had produced our own sugar instead of gold having been ex ported during the past three years an export that has widely hurt our indus tries and business gokl would hare been imported, for the more than one" hundred million dollar of gold or its equivalent sent abroad eaeh year for sugar would have been kept at home. Home or Foreign Wool. Which? All these advantages the use of land, the employment of labor, the increase of domestic commerce and of our circulat ing medium, the retention of gold would follow also from a production of the 250.000.000 pounds of wool that we annually import under the Wilson law; a production that would follow from the steady and continued aid of such protec tion as was given by the BIcKinley law. Surely so far as tariff legislation is con cerned, the farmer, whether he regards only his own interests or looks beyond them to the interest of his country, will have no difficulty in deciding which par ty should have his vote. His decision will be all the easier and surer because of the record of the candidates for Presi dent. BIr. Bryan declared in Congress, January 13, 1894. "It is immaterial in my judgment whether the sheep-grower receives any benefit from the tariff or not I am for free wool." He voted for free wool, for the repeal of the sugar bounties and for the abrogation of the reciprocity arrangements. Mr. BIc Kinley, it is needless to say. has been and is, in favor of reciprocity, just pro-; tection to wool and other farm products, and such reasonable encouragement of out beet-sugar industry as other coun tries have found profitable. In con trast with what Mr. Bryun said about tariff on wool is what Mr. McKinley said when introducing his tariff bill into the House: If there is any one Industry which appeals with more force than another for defensive duties it is this, and to no class of citlsens should this House more cheerfully lend legis lative assistance, where it can properly be done, than to the million fanners who own sheep In the United States. We cannot af ford as a nation to permit this industry to be longer crippled. This shows Mr. McKinley s regard for the welfare of agricultural industries; and Mr. Bryan, also, may be judged by his utterances on the same subject. Keanhlicaas and Trnsts. J fl pmop hvo twMin nnafnntlf- tnT persistently opposed to trusts. This hos tility has been exaggerated in the voci ferons and sweeping denunciations of trusts by the Populists. The farmers of this country are well aware that there are more trusts that, while nearly and quite controlling the production and sale of certain articles to their sure and lib eral profit, have nevertheless, by reason of the economies of the aggregation of capita!, the employment of best talent in directing; and of producing and hand ling large quantities, made the prices of the articles to the consumers less than they were before and probably less than they would be if the trusts were not in existence. Nevertheless, the farmers of this country believe that the principles underlying trusts are wrong and that in the aggregate trnsts are a serious injury to business ami wield a power that will present to human nature a temptation too strong to be resisted, execot in a few cases, to use tha't power with political- IKiraes ana legislative Domes, for im proper ends; in short, that the trust is an enemy to the people and a menace to the nation, there being some exceptions to prove the rule. Representative agricul tural bodies have very frequently con demned trusts and asked for legislation that would end them, or at the least, would subject their affairs to such public knowledge and control as would remove their power for eviL A representative agricultural body has never prononnced in favor of trusts. The position of the farmer as regards trusts is that occupied by our economists and by nearly all our population, hence, it is sanctioned by scientific research and reasoning and by the common sense. In accord with the wishes of farmers and in compliance with their requests, the Fifty-first Con gress, which was the first Congress Re Eublican in both branches since trusts ad assumed prominence in this country hastened at its first session to pass "a bill to protect trade and commerce against unlawful restraints and monopo lies," which declares that: Every contract, combination In form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, ia re straint of trade or commerce anion the several states, or with foreign nations Is who snail make any such contract or engage la any such combination or conspiracy shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and. on conviction thereof, shall be punished bV a fine not exceeedlag $3000. or by imprison ment not exceeding one year, or by both of said punishments in the discretion of the court. EtT person who shall monopolise or shall attempt to monopolize, or combine or conspire with any other person or persons to monopolise any part of the trade or commerce among the several states or with foreign nations, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor anil on convii-Hnn th., Shall be punished by fine not exceeding SoOOO. or by imprisonment not exceeding one' year, or by both said punishments, la the discretion of the court. That word "person" or "persons." wher ever used in this act. shall b deemed to In clude corporations and associations existia under or authorised by the laws of either the United States. th laws of any of the territories, the laws of any state, or the laws of any forpign country. This act is so comprehensive in its defi nition of a trust, which it made illegal that it was clearly the purpose of those who made it a law, that no trust should escape. Democracy aad Trnsts. Contrast with the action of the Fifty first Congress the action of the Fifty third Congress the first one Democratic in both branches since trusts attained to prominence in this country which at its regular session, put into the coffer of the Sugar trust, by means of the WiIon law. a bonus of $18,000,000 on the su-ar then in its hands; and by the same law made a profit for the Whisky trust of about $10,000,000 on the whisfcv with drawn from bond after it became cer tain that the tax on whisky would be increased and before the law went into effect, and. in addition, the Wilson law increased the allowance for wastage while in bond and lengthened the bonded nerior from three to eight years. The Fifty-third Congress legislated against trusts, but only those of which import ers are members and which deal ia im ported articles. Domestic trusts have re mained undisturbed by Democratic legis lation. No effort has been made by "the Democratic administration to enforce the anti-trust legislation of either the Fifty first or the Fifty-third Congress, though frequently reminded of its duty by the agricultural and other papers, inefud in even a leading New York Democratic paper. So far as their attitude toward trusts is concerned, the farmer ought not to have any difficulty in deciding which of the two leading political parties shonld have his vote. On questions that have not had the long and general attention bestowed on the tariff or in the treatment of evilr that have been so acridly denounced the trusts, but that farmers have right fully considered to have a direct and con siderable effect on agricultural interest, the Democratic and the Republican par ties have recently made records cqnally plain and significant. Wka Favors Kara! JCall Deliverv? In the debate on the postoffice appro priation bill in the House March 6 last. Mr. rickler said: "It seems that thei is no effort to improve the service for country people." and on the saaw say Mr. Load, chairman of the House esav suttee a postolfices aad poatroads, said in the course of the debate: The Increase in the appropriations for th star route service during the last four years has arisen from the fact that money was t.iken from that service and devoted to reg ulation, screen, and other wagon service. Iu other words, while you gentlemen front the country have been persistently increas ing jppnpriat!on.s for the star route service., all of that Increase has been used lathe large cities. In fact, the amount. thus diverted dur iug the last fiscal year was $670,000. whereas the increase in the appropria tion for country mail service was only $500,000; so that notwithstanding the successful efforts of the friends of the farmers to secure an appropriation to better his mail service, there was actual ly less money spent on that service than, before, because the Democratic adminis tration of the postoffice department used elsewhere, as it has in previous years the money specifically appropriated for the improvement of country mail service. This is in striking contrast with the Republican administratiun of the post office department. Mr. Wanamaker se cured appropriations for experiments ia free mail delivery in villages and he fai th fully expended these appropriations. In a communication to the Senate he stated that after making an allowance equal to the previous average annua! increase of the business of the offices, it was found that the increase of the busi ness of the offices due to the free daily delivery had more than aid for that delivery. In some eases the profit from free delivery was quite large. In New Canaan. Conn., tor example, the village in which free daily delivery was first in troduced, and in which the experiments were conducted for fire years, the aver age annua! income of the office was $523. while the free delivery cost only $200. A business that yields an average annual profit of 161 per cent., part of the period being a time of panic and de pression, is a good business indeed: yet the present administration of the post office department has discontinued the free delivery in the villages in which it was established by Mr. Wanamaker. The results from experiments in vil lages indicated, as Mr. Wanamaker fore saw that they would, the practicability of free daily delivery ro farmers; and he secured from the Fifty-second Con gress an appropriation for experiments in free mail delivery to farmers, and an appropriation for this purpose was made by the Fifty-third Congress at both, sessions. The language of the-appropriations was mandatory, but both Mr. Bissell and Mr. WiNon have refused to expend these appropriations. The anil has become a very important factor in the prosperity, welfare and enjoyment of the people. In the attitude of the Republican and Democratic administra tions toward rural mail service and the efforts made to improve it. the farmer will find excellent aid ia deciding; for which party to vote. Who Forfeits Land Grants? For some years the farmers of the country have been demanding that the grants of lands to aid in the const rue tioa of certain railroads, should be declared forfeited where the conditions of the grants had not been complied with. The Fifty-first Congress the first Congress Republican in both branches since the demands for the annulment of these grants had been made at its first ses sion enaeted a law That there Is hereby forfeited to th United States, and the United States hereby resumes the title thereto, all lands hereto fore granted to any state or to any corpora tion to aid in the construction of a railroad opposite to and coterminous with the por tion of any such railroad not now completed and In operation, for the construction or benefit of which such lands were granted: and all snch lands are declared to bt? a par: of the public domain. This law should have much weight with the farmer in determining what ticket he will vote, for. aside from re storing considerable arras to the public domain to the profit of the national treas ury, it showed that a Republican Con gress did not fear to enact righteous laws for the people and against some of the most powerful corporations in the coun try in marked contrast to the subservi ency to trusts and corporations of the Democratic Congress that we have had since. Who Opened Farcins Markets? For some years certain European na tionsone of which, at least, while preaching free trade, practiced the pro tection of certain farm products io Ihe extent of prohibitory decrees had ex cluded our animal products and live ani mals for their markets or had subjected them to vexatious and profit-destroying; regulations, because it was alleged, they were frequently unwholesome or dis eased. Our farmers were well aware that this allegation was an untruthful subterfuge, and they demanded such in spection of our slaughtered animals and live animals offered for export that for eign governments could not plead disease among our animals as a justification for p-rrlndinr those products of our farms from their markets. Everyone familiar with our live stock interests, knows that this was a matter of. great moment to them. The Fifty-first Congress, that did so much for the farmer, made meat in spection laws that fully met the wishes of onr stock-raisers, and that, being: faithfully administered by Secretary Rusk, accomplished all that was expect ed of them. It is unfortunate ihat by his own utterances and actions the pres ent secretary of agricnlture should have shown a different attitude toward -hose wise laws. In determining which 'i'-ket he shall vote, the farmer will certainly compare the department of agriculture under Secretary Rusk with it under his successor, who began his career as sec retary of agriculture by insulting organ ized farmers, and who has made the truly remarkable record of not missing even one opportunity to show, along with hia total lack of sympathy with farmers, not only his complete ignorance of our agricultural interests, but either an utter incapacity or a completely successful in disposition to learn. 16 to 1 ot Wanted. The currency plank of the Chicago platform certainly does not express the sentiments of the National Grange; and at its last annual mating, in Atlanta. Ga.. October 10-16. 1S95. the F.-.rnn-rs National congress voted down j'.l or the 1 to 1 free silver coinage resolutions presented, and adopted resolutions in which it declared that it was emphatical Iv in favor of the nse of both gold and silver as the money of ultimate redemp tion and was in favor of the free coinage of silver by international agreement at a ratio to be agreed upon. It is but justice to the Democratic party to say that, until recently, through its long career, it was friendly to agri culture. As long as it was inspired by Jefferson and Jackson it had a jealous regard for onr agricultural interest, but it has drifted away from its old course; it is inspired by those who hold strange doctrines; and while thousands and hun dreds of thousands of Democrats are the friends of the farmer, the present Demo cratic party, a-s an organization to elect men to enact laws and others to admin ister them. i. a edmpared with the Re publican party, careless of the welfare of our agricultural industries: and. of even greater weight with the American farmer, careless of that financial integ rl;y that must underlie the welfare of a',1 industries and which is essential to the honor and glory of all nations. NINE. j. t , V --- 1 .' - :---,.. -r- i - v -C . .- - . jer-z JaaS3SE-aJS.-J .. .-m -7 1 - i J2 '- m "