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About The Columbus journal. (Columbus, Neb.) 1874-1911 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 21, 1896)
f1 "f""" n t -ft th 5 a SUPPLEMENT TO THE COLUMBUS JOUANAL. Wednesday, October 21, 1896. WORDS OF PATRIOTS. Prominent Stump Speakers on Sound Money, Protection and National Honor. DECENT CAMPAIGN ORATORY. republic ami in no part an idle working nian who wanted to work." (Tremendous applause.) Makers of History Record Utterances Which Are Bound to Live for Ages. fl'h-u die Republican Party Stands For. MA J. McKIXLEY. The political situation of the country Is peculiar. We hare had few parallels to our present political condition. We Lave but one iiolitical party which is united, and that is ours. (Applause.) XMaeord reigns in all others. Our time koaored opioneut, the Democratic party, Is torn and divided. Two national con- itions have been held by it and two tional tiekets presented, and their p!at- s are totally different on every sub ject and in almost every section. The Panelist party has merged its orgnuiza- into that of the Chicago Demo tic and St. Louis silver organizations, aad their allies are for the most part karmonious except that each one 1ms a istiact and different candidate for vice president. (Great laughter and .ip fdaase.) "Happily the Republican party was merer more closely united than now, both Ja fact and in spirit, and there were merer better reasons for such union, and ever greater necessity for it than nc w. fCbeers and cries of 'That's right.') It is wedded, devotedly wedded, to party principles. It stands as it has always stood, for an American protective tariff which shall raise enough money to con tact the several departments of the gov ernment, including liberal pensions to the Union soldiers. (Tremendous cheer lac and hurrahs for McKinley.) A tariff that will stop debts and deficiencies and aaake the treasury of the United States aace more safe and sound in every par ticular. (Applause.) It stands for a re ciprocity that seeks out the markets of the world for our surplus agricultural mad manufacturing products without Mir eadering a single day's wages that be longs to the American workman. (Ap- aaansc.) it believes in preserving a wan market for the American farmer (applause), in the opening of the Ameri cas factories for the American working asaa (applause), and the opening up of a foreign market wherever it can be done with profit to all the great interests of the United States. "It is. too, for sound money (great cheering), every dollar worth 100 cents mewed cheering), every dollar as good a gold (continued cheering), and it is op posed alike to the free and unlimited coiaage of silver, and the issuance of ir redeemable paper money to which the alBed party seemed firmly committed. Great applause.) It has always kept Brer at a parity with gold. It proposes ta keep that silver money in circulation aad preserve side by side gold and silver ad paper, each the equal to the other, aad each the equal of the best, and the best never to lie inferior to the best money known to the commercial nations sf the world. (Loud cheering.) It will continue to favor a policy that will aire work to American citizens (ap plause), markets to American farmers (cries of That's what we want.'), and sound money to both. (Tremendous cheerings and cries of 'Hurrah for Mc Kinley!') We are now convinced after three years of experience, whatever may hare been our political relations in the past, of the truth of the observation of Webster, made more than half a century Bryan for Fiat Money. EX-SENATOK WARNER MILLER. Mr. Bryan at heart cares nothing for the free coinage of silver. Mr. Bryan is first and last a believer in fiat money, and he is only using the free coinage of silver to arrive at that finally. This is a serious charge to make, but if I cannot prove it I will apologize publicly for it. In the September number of the Arena just last month there is an article on the currency by Mr. Bryan, in which he criticises Mr. Cleveland severely for using bonds in time of pence and espe cially for selling them to a syndicate. He says: "When the United States, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation, opens its mints to the free and unlimited coinage of gold aii'l silver at the present legal ratio of HJ iO 1 it will bring real relief to its peo ple, and will lead the way to the restora tion of bimetallism throughout the world. It will then be prepared to perfect its financial system by furnishing a -inner money invested with legal tender quali ties and sullicient in volume to supply the needs of the government. Its pa iter money will not be loaned then to favor ites, but will be paid out in the expenses of government, so that all may receive the lienetits." This is fiat money, pure and simple. Mr. Bryan proposes to stop taxation and pay the expenses of the government by printing fiat money. This government once launched upon that boundless sea would as certainly fall and go down as did the French republic, which was set up at the close of the last century by a lot of theorists and revolutionists. They issued during a few years forty thousand millions of francs of fiat money called assignats and mandats. They gave a legal-tender quality to it, but while it could pay debts they could not compel people to take it in pur chase. In other words, they could give legal-tender quality to the money, but they could not give purchasing power to it. From day to day it was issued, until finally it all disappeared as utterly worthless. Not a single franc of it was ever paid or redeemed, and the people who had parted with their property for it were rendered paupers. Their property was gone and the money they had received was valueless. Shall this lie a lesson to us? And can we contemplate the probability of putting into power as President of the United States a man who holds such views? In my humble opinion there is but one way to bring us back to prosper ity and to the path of progress, and that is to return to the system of adminis tration which has been of such great benefit to us in the past, and to follow in that path, to follow the lamp of ex perience. To do that every true, honest American citizen, without distinction of party, should unite in this attempt at restoration, and should by an overwhelm ing majority stamp out now and forever the heresy and the folly of a cheap and debased currency. AN EXACTING PATIENT. OCT A peR flREE SILVCfc 5P6CTACces Double: nun HSU JggsjMt ' & MHHWW f I gf- ----li"B"" almlflojfjflffamflia v t mDir - ' - s&0 . Jpfpso Dr. Bryant "There, sirs gaze at any object, your wallet, for instance; it looks as large again, doesn't it ? " Uncle Sam: "Jlfaybe, but it doesn't wcitrh anr hea-icr." Chicago Inter-Oeean. which may Ik; intended to be a coaserva tive body, may be a revolutionary body, we take comfort in the fact that we can rely upon the patriotism, upou the wis dom and uiMiu the fearlessness of the judiciary. (Applause.) The man who makes it his business in public or pri vate life to destroy the confidence of the people in the judiciary is a public ene my. (Applause.) It is a cowardly thing to do. It is the next meanest thing to whispering something about the charac ter of a woman: and nothing on earth can be meaner than that. (Applause.) It is the next thine to it. to miss un friendly comment and impeachment upoa judges, and the integrity of their pur loses; because a judge cannot come down from the bench and resent an in sult like that. I say the people in this election ought to see to it that no Presi dent is elected ii-toii a platform which calmly proposes, by unmistakable sug gestion, to make the Supreme court of the United States, and other courts in our system, the mere football of politics, the mere tool of itassious. (Applause.) "I think Mr. Bryan thus far in his talks and he says. I understand, that he never sees a crowd without wanting to talk to it and I sympathize with him a little in that respect: I ued to feel that way myself (laughter), but it was when I was a good deal younger than I am now. and didn't know a great deal: when I wis aliout .'St. years old (laugh ter), although I never o.xiiect to know as much as I thought I knew then (laughter) Mr. Bryan in his speeches has not much to say nliout this packing of the Supreme court, but it is in their platform. That fact itself is another reason which justifies the Democrats of character and respectability in a re volt against the- nomination made and platform promulgated at Chicago." ago. lou will recall that he said "That is the truest American policy which shall most usefully employ Ameri can capital and American labor and best sastaiu the whole American population.' Great applause.) "Agriculture, commerce and manufac tures will prosper together or fail to gether. Equally true also were the Words of John Quincy Adams. 'That the Treat interests of this agricultural, min ing and manufacturing nation are so talked in unison that no permanent cause f prosperity to one of them can operate Without extending its influence to the ather. (Applause.) We cannot have commercial growth and expansion with sut national and individual honor. Wc cannot have commercial prosperity without the strictest integrity both of government and citizen. (Renewed ap- eiase and cries of 'That's right.') The uncial honor of this government is of tas vast importance, is entirely too sa cred to be the football of party politics. (Great applause and cries of 'Good, coed.') The Republican party has main tained it and is pledged to maintain it. It has more than once stood between aaod faith and dishonor and when it cave up the control of the government sur national honor had never before been so high and unquestioned. (Applause.) -The Republican party is pledged to main tain the credit of the government which ia intimately associated with its spotless Basse and honor, and this it will do on aVr any circumstances and at any cost. Great cheering.) It taxed the credit of the government la the days of the war to its utmost ten--aion to preserve the government itself, which, under God. it was happily en abled to do. Following that mightv struggle it lifted our credit higher than it had ever been before and made it equal to the oldest and wealthiest na tions of the world. (Applause and cries of 'That's right.") It is pledged to maintain uncorrupted the currencv W the country of whatever form or Jdnd that has been used by national au thority. It made the old greenback as coed as gold and has kept it as good as cold ever since. It has maintains m.rr farm of American money, whether sil ver or paiier. equal to gold, and it will aat take any backward step. (Great ap plause and cries of 'Good, good.') No party ever went out of power which left as augnificant a record as the Repub Ccaa party. (Cries of That's right.) "Oar great war debt was more than two thirds paid off, onr currency unquestioned, ear credit untarnished, the honor of the anion unsullied, the country in its ma terial conditions stronger than it had aw heen before: the workiagmea better caaaejcea aaa better paid than ever be aje, with prosperity ia ery part of tha Bryan as an Orator. II EX It Y D. ESTABROOK. But Mr. Bryan I know somewhat, and find in his habits of life many things to admire. He is a man of uudoubted talent, a talent for the stage, perhaps, rather than for statecraft. He is a kind husband and an indulgent father. He does not smoke or chew, drink or swear, steal or gamble in short, he has not a ringlc redeeming vice that I know of, unless it might be lying; and even there I have had spells of thinking he believes himself. Moreover, Mr. Bryan is a man of rare eloquence, although anyone read ing bis speeches would be pardoned lor doubting the assertion. Reduced to cold type his words become mere rant and bombast, while those self-same words, spoken in Bryan's voice a voice as mellifluous as the sweetest pipe in yonder organ would stir your heart, just as would the voice of a great sin ger, by the very quality of tone. Add to this a handsome, graceful presence and a fire and energy of action, and you can imagine that it matters very little to Mr. Bryan's audience what Mr. Bryan says, so long as he keeps on saying it. The mistake he made in Madison Square garden was in the attempt to ar gue. He ought never to do that, for the divine attribute of reason was left out of his mental makeup. But, my friends, there is not a word in this encomium which would not utith equal truth and annronriateness annlv to another famous Nebraskan, whose ex- Eloits are inseparably linked with the istory of Omaha; whose habits are as regular as the sun. whose character is as impeccable as Bryan's own, whose presence is just as handsome, whose powers of speech were formerly just as great and have wrought many an audi ence to tears, to laughter and to fren zy; a man who, like Bryan, was pos sessed of a talking devil, and who todar. in Madison square, New York that bourne from which no Nebraskan seems ever to return is feeding breadcrumbs to the sparrows. That man is George Francis Train. And it must be remem bered that Mr. Train once ran for the iircsiueucy, just as Air. uryan is doing, on a ticket of his own. I say that the uckci on wuicn Jir. isryan is running for the presidency is essentially his own, although two other gentlemen have been casually mentioned in connection with it one trying to get off and the other trying to get on. Here, vou ob serve, is a sort of political cercbus. with not the best of feeling lietween the ca nine collaterals. Mr. Bryan's predica ment is not without embarrassment. He must feel as bewildered with these two appendages as the proverbial cat with a like number of tails. He has probably prevailed upon Mr. Sewall to stay where jie i, Hiiercas j.om natson wants to now ,le wants know where he is at' Mc want to know whether he is a candidate for the vice-presidency or only a vermiform appendix. Aa Assault on the National Govern ment. DOX M. DICKINSON. , Let ns see what confronts us. What is this free government that we hear about from the'rostrum only occasion ally on the Fourth of July and gala days? But a word about this funda mental expression. Up to the estali ushment of the American government governments' had failed ou the face of the earth for the object for which gov ernments are formed. The theory is that this is tlm twwt government and the only free govern ment which achieves for the people the largest amount of happiness, com fort and prosperity for the greatest number. Now. they had tried emmr- ors. lndmiur nlisnllltn nnn-ni. .. I: i .. ors, lodging absolute power of legisla iiou, ine execution ot laws, and all judgment noon laws in one man. and it failed: the ieople were oppressed and made serfs. They tried then oli garchy, a government of manv men it failed for the purposes for which it was founded; so that all monarch v and all systems and every republic in the world had failed when our fathers formed the United States of America and gave us a place in the family of nations. (Applause.) What was the peculiar part of the government which promises permanency which promises a republican or denu cratic form of government, that could lire? It was this: We established a JflftPS' to "ke "? . congress; we liauted the oowera of that WiViataM v- m writtea ceattitatiea thus far, Mr. Congress, can you go. thus far and no further, as laid down iu this written doc ument. We named nn officer to execute the laws, called the President, conferring upon him certain jKmers to execute and carry out the provisions of Congress. His powers were conferred and limited by the written constitution: it had never been done before. What then? Still a further check in this new exjieriment. To what tribunal or what umpire shall it be referred to decide upon the question whether Congress goes beyond its writ ten license under this constitution of the United States, and to what umpire shall it be referred if the President shall go beyond the powers conferred upon linn by this constitution of the United States? We had created a congress independ ent of the President; we had created a President independent of the con gress, within the powers conferred by the written instrument. Then the fath ers decided that another check was necessary; this President and this Con gress, that we have set up. may go the way of the French republic, or the Roman republic, and of other systems of government that have been formed; even with a written constitution tbey may agree upon a certain construction. We will set up here a tribunal, far re moved from political contest, the Su preme court of the United States (ap plause), with power to say to the public body and the representatives of the state and the Senate: "Thus far shall you go in dealing with the rights of the peo- Itle, thus far and no farther, and we told that you are forbidden to do these things by this constitution of the United States." (Applause.) They said further that the President, occupying the office of the greatest po tentate on earth, with these great pow ers conferred upon him. he may trans gress this constitution of the United States, and there is no power to inter fere with him as it stands, except by way of impeachment before the Senate, and if the Senate and the President agree, tnat power would be tutiie, so that we will name this great tribunal, far away from partisan jtolitics, far away from the passions of elections, far away from the dictation of jiarty conven tions, and the decision of this tribunal as to what may be done, or what may not be done, by the President or the Con cress of the United States, that decision shall be final and binding on all the people of the United States. (Ap plause.) Now. what have we today? In the first place, we have this extraordinary proposition made. We find the powers conferred upon the President of the United States to execute the laws of Congress iu these two things; we find that by the law of Congress the Presi dent must see to it that the mails of the United States, the commnnicatWms be tween our commercial peode. shall be kept open; that the mails shall go at all hazards. (Applause.) We find Congress providing, as be tween the states, that the President shall execute the law regarding the free trans mission of freight and merchandise from state to state. We find this power re sistedand find in the declaration of the party platforms made at Chicago a state ment in effect that the President of the United States cannot execute toe fed eral laws; cannot execute the power conferred upon him by Congress and the Constitution of the United States, except by leave of the governor of the state (applause), and this is declared, fellow citizens mark it well this is declared by a body of people that eame together at Chicago and declared that they were Jacksonian Democrats. (Laughter.) Whs. gentlemen, in 1832. John C. Cal houn advised that a convention gather in the state of South Carolina to con sider the question whether President Jackson could execute the law for the collection of tariff, this high protective tariff, and to execute the tariff law in the state of South Carolina. That con vention declared that the federal gov ernment, through its President, had no power to execute that federal law in that state without the leave of the govern ment of South Carolina. What did Jackson do? These people call themselves Jacksonian Democrats, and I speak by the card. Before the latter end of 1832, Jackson ordered Gen. Scott, then in command of the United States armies, to establish his military headquarters in the capital of South Car olina, in the first place. (Annlause.) On the same day he ordered the two most powerful ships in the American navy to Charleston harbor. Next he or dered the troops of the United States available on the Atlantic coast to con centrate within striking distance of South Carolina. (Applause.) And he sent word to John C. Calhoun, not br public proclamation, but in private they had been good friends lefore: he said: "Vou tell John C. Calhoun that if he Iersists in this treasonable advice to his state, by the Eterual. I will hang him higher than Haman. (Laughter and applause.) lutions, who represents neither the old heroic South of Lee and Gordou and Buckner and Hampton, nor the new South of enterprise and energy and activ ity and increasing manufacture, stood up in the Chicago convention and pro claimed a new sectional issue, the South and the West against the North and the East. A new sectional issue between the North and the South! Why, God forbid! Illinois sent out the flower of her man hood to the nation's battlefield under Grant and Logan and Oglesby and Palm er to put an end to sectionalism be tween the North and the South forever. Illinois gave Lincoln to the restoration of the Union, that in his hallowed mem ory the hearts of all the people might grow together in close and lasting friend ship. My father went out under Wis consin's flag, and gave his life that there should be and should remain a united people. I have crossed the old Mason and Dixon's line. Two weeks ago I went from Washington to Richmond in four hours it took some of you four years to make the same journey. I have clasped in right good fellowship the hands of the men who fought upon the other side. The heroes of that great war South and North will never again enlist in another sectional strife. It does not matter whether the Ameri can cradle is rocked to the music of Yankee Doodle or the lullaby of Dixie, if the flair of the nation is disnlavetl above it; and the American baby can be safely trusted to pull about the floor the rusty scabbard and the battered canteen, whether the inheritance be from blue or gray, if. from the breast of a true moth er and the lips of a brave father, its little soul is filled with the glory of the Ameri can constellation. A new issue between the West and the East! why. God for bid! I am a part of that mighty West. I know its brave, enterprising, pioneer people. I have seen them rescue the wilderness and convert it into a garden. They have been greatly aided by the as sistance of the East, by the use of mouey which represents the accumulated sav ings of two centuries and a half of East ern thrift. The great West cannot live and thrive without the cordial co-operation and support of the strong East, and the East cannot live and grow and thrive ns it ought and should without the cor dial co-operation, friendship and support of the mighty West. United, we are a nation " powerful for the welfare of all sections; divide, we are at the begin ning of the downfall of the republic. Nebraska put one star in the azure of the flag, and Illinois put another, but when they took their places in the flag they were no longer the stars of Illinois and Nebraska, but the stars of the great est nation of the earth, shining for the welfare and protection of every section and all the people. they went on. I think, to the amount of $S.(MMMNJ0,0(M. and finally the whole structure collapsed. The government would not take them, the paper became absolutely worthless, and when that pa iier became worthless it was found, not iu the hands of the speculators: no. it was found in the hands of the manu facturers, of .the business men. of the workingmen of France. It was on them that the loss fell, liccnnsc they had ex changed their labor and their earnings for this worthless paicr. That is the history of all attempts to juggle with the currency. The loss lands always in the same place, and we can form no ex ception to the great natural laws. Labor Needs an Unvarying and Re liable Currency. FRANK S. BLACK. CANDIDATE FOIi UOVEKXOR OF NEW YOUK. "No man's Ialwr of yesterday or last year can be preserved, except by some representative or token of it, and money is the almost universally adopted agent for that purpose. Nothing in the world should lie so anxious as labor that the token which represents it should be un varying and reliable. Who can preserve until tomorrow the lalior of to day? It cannot be done, and the only means of securing its benefits is to re ceive and preserve some token which shall stand in its stead and which mav be used as future needs may require.5' And further on the speaker said: "If a man is robbed, it is a crime and be may have redress. If a bank fails and pays him only 53 cents on the dollar, it is a misfortune, and he is not yet without hope of recovery. But if he votes away 47 cents of every dollar, it is his own fault, and he has nothing to condemn but his own folly, which will remain with him much longer than his money." Jugglers with the National Credit. rilAl'XCEY DEI'EW. "Bryan and Sewall and Watson pro claim a revolution. These jugglers with the national faith and national credit, with business and prosjierity. with IaW and employment, are recklessly endeav oring to precipitate one of those crises in which capital and labor and homes and wages are inextricably involved. The right of revolution is divine, but it must have supreme justification. Under our constitutions and institutions and laws as they exist there is before us in the promises of the Populistic leaders uuwiiiiK uui an iiiviinuoii iu cmnarK upon that sea of repudiation and dishon or which has wrecked e-ery nation and every people that ever embarked upon it. This revolution promises to destroy the Supreme court, to prevent the issue of bonds and the use of the credit of the country for any purpose, to deltase the currency, to issue, if need be, irre deemable paper and fiat money, and to destroy the validity and the inviolabilitv of contracts between individuals. It proposes to seize the railways and the telegraphs, to enter upon a vague and vast system of paternal government and to destroy those elements of American liberty by which the government governs least and the individual has unlimited opportunity for industrial business, pro fessional and jiolitical honors and emolu ments. "No one has ever doubted the wis dom of the fathers of our republic. A century of experiment has abundnntly and overwhelmingly justified their fore sight, statesmanship and patriotism. They saw the horrors of the French revolution, and they made up their minds to guard their country against the ex cesses of temporary madness. Thev created the executive and the legislative branches of the government and made them subject to freuuent submission to the will and judgment of the people, but they enacted a written constitution un der which the executive and the legisla tive branches must act. and then they created that new feature of government, that palladium of the rights of the peo ple and the permanence of our institu tions, an independent judiciary, a court which could say to a wild Congress: You have overleaped the boundaries of the constitution and you must bring yourselves within its limits.' They knew from the precedents of lilierty 'behind them that the judiciary can always he trusted. There are two places "under our constitution where neither wealth nor power gives any advantage to the individual, where the richest and the poorest, the most exalted and the hum blest stand on the same plane: one is the ballot box and the other the court. Ami yet this Democratic and Populistic al liance proposes to destroy this majestic tribunal and make it simply the echo of the party caucus which controls Congress this year and may be driven into ob scurity next." THE KOOSTKK UK WORE OS HIS HAT. Come, panse for a while In your play. . , . My boy. And put down your ba'l and your bat. Attend to me well While a story I tell Of a man who was tempted to stray. . , t My boy. And the rooter he wore on his hat. This man was a laborer skilled, .r. . My boy. Contented and happy thereat: For Ids Job was secure. And his wanes were sure. But his heart with a longing was tilled. ,. a My boy. I-or a rooster to weaFon bis hat. One dy some demagogues came. ,,. . My boy. (I or demagogue read Democrat), And spouted and braved In lieualr of free trade. Till they set all his fancy aflame. My boy. lor a rooster to pin on his hat. He whooped like an Imbecile loon. My boy For a c.iiKlldatc fussy and fat. Whose in tin ted renown Soon ('oll:ii.Md and eaine down; And It felt like a punctured balloon, .r. . My boy. On the rooster that sat on the hat. Xow his partisans float in the soup. My boy. Along with the bill thev liegat. The em-Loos all sigh For their aiiishing pie; And the rooster is sick with the ronp. My boy. Poor rooster that rode on the bat. And oerty sits in the seat. My boy, where competence formerly sat. And the tailoring man. Through this fatuous plan. Is now left with nothing to eat. My Ioy. But the rooster he wore on his hat. Then take warning and never forget. My boy. tree traders are blind as a bat. Their promise of good Is ad entity's food. And the laborer long will regret. .t My boy. The rooster he wore on his hat. Indianapolis Journal, ABOC BIXI, BRVAN. Abon Bill Bryan, may his tribe decrease! Awoke one night from a deep dream of peace: And saw within the moonlight of his room. Making it rich and silver-like In bloom. An angel writlns in a book of gold: Exceeding gall had made Bill Bryan bold. And to the presence In the mom he said: "What wrltest thou?" The vision raised its bead. And. with a look of what he mlcht expect. Answered. "Their names who'll get It la the neck." "And am I one?" asked Abou. "I don't know." Keplled the angel. Abou spoke more low. But cheerily still, and said. "I pray thee, sir. Write me as one not liable to err.' The angel wrote and vanished. The next night It eame again with a great November llshr. Ami showed the names of those knocked galley-west: And lot Bill Bryan's name led all the rest! Lincoln (Neb.) News. COME HOME. Effect of Inflation. SENATOR LODGE. Well, it is easy to mark up prices. No New Sectional Issae will be Tol erated. SENATOR THCRSTOX. My fellow citizens, there are other rea sons yet why the loyal people of this country should stand together at this tiate. Senator Tilhaan of 8eath Caro lias, caainaan of the committee oa reso- man can go over his stock of goods in the inorning and mark them up with a blue iMMieil: but yon cannot go over the salaries and the wages of this country with a blue pencil in the morning and mark them up. During our war. when we had an in flated currency and prices rose, the aver age price of commodities rose 89 per cent.; labor rose about 40 per cent. There was a net loss to labor of about 0 per cent., a net reduction of wages to that extent. Labor always, in case of a depreciated currency, lags behind oth er prices. It is inevitable; all history and all experience shows it. They tried itlu France in the last century; they tried the inflation of the currency to the last extent. You read the history of that period; you find in the debates of the French convention at the time of the Revolution which resembled a good deal, in many respects, the convention at Chicago you find it constantly said "We are so great; France is so powerful, so civilized, so free, that she can raise the price of money, she can maintain any system she wants." And they issued the assignats based oa the public land; there was land behind them all; they were not merely irredeemable paper; Integrity of the Conrts. EX-SENATOR JOHN C. SPOONER. "There is another proposition in that platform which ought to strike terror to tne Heart ot every good citizen, what ever his political affiliations heretofore may have been, and that is the proposi tion which even shocked David Bennett Hill (laughter), whom I am faintly hop ing will come out after a little for sound money, and that is the suggestion that whenever the Supreme court of the United States, in the exercise of the juris diction vested in that tribunal by the con stitution, renders a decision which is not agreeable to Congress, they shall proceed to iaek that court in Mime way. with judges who will reverse it, and who will lie more complaisant. You recollect, ladies and gentlemen, that the Supreme court of the United States is created bv the constitution. There are three sub divisions of our government, each inde pendent of the other. The executive the legislative and the jndiciarv. The Supreme court of the United States has Ijeen, from. the beginning, an honor to mis country; ami its line of decisions the great men who have Iieen niton that bench shedding luster upon our jurispru dence and n-ioii the jurisprudence of the world, have abundantly vindicated the wisdom of the framers of the constitution in creating it, in making it perpetual and in providing for tbe inde pendent and fearless action by reason of tbe life tenure of its judges. "1 do not like to hear men cast suspi cion upon jndges. Our last reliance is in the integrity, the courage and the in dependence of onr judiciary. When the people are swayed by Dassioa.whea Con gress may go wroag, when the 8eaate,iic affairs. "From Thomas Watson." O! Bryan, dear Bryan, come home with m now. The pops are all ready to run: You said you were coming right beak to tho P'atte. As moii as yonr talking was done. Come home, come home. Bryan, dear Bryan, come home. Poor Altgeld Is dying and Boies has gone flat. Don't talk any more, but come home. O! Bryan, dear Bryan, come home with me now. Why don't you come home while vou can? Free silter's all right (for tbe heathen), that's so. But yon can't stuff it down a free man. Come home, come home, Bryan, dear Bryan, iiiii nome. McKinley in ready to give yon a blow. That will knock you oulte "at. so come home. Lincoln (Neb.) Call. CAMPAIGN NOTES. Is the story true that thousands of laboring men are wearing McKinley but tons who intend to vote for Bryan? We rather guess not. The laboring man is not that sort of a hypocrite, if we or rectly estimate him. and it is an insult to him to say otherwise. Mr. McKinley said: "Good monev never made hard times." .Mr. I'rvan said: "3Ioney can be too good." Will the people of this country have diflic.ilty in determining which is right? Among the best speeches lieing made in this campaign are those coming from that little two-story -Kirch at Canton. It requires no argument to see why Bryan and his followers do not want to tain about protection. It is the mills and not the mints that millions of workers want opened. Stop the wheels in the head and let the wheels in the machine shops go around. The most pressing money question is that of wages for the people and a rev enue for the government. Bryan is now being called the business- killer. He meanders through the East making silver speeches and the mills and factories close in his wake. After reading Bryan's wool record in Congress the fanner who votes for him must either have a forgiving disposition or in his wits be on the wrong ide of the non compos mentis boundary line. A farmer's illustration of the SO-cent silver dollar is that it would be like offer ing for sale a calf labeled "This is twins." and demanding doable price for it. 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