- .
General Garfield's Letter of Accept
ance of the Republican
Nomination.
An Alile Document from rb Ib
lellisent .TIiih.
Mentoi:, O., July 13, 1 a. m.
General Garfield Las forwarded the
following letter of acceptance of the
nomination tendered him by the re
publican national convention to Sen
ator Hoar, of Massachusetts :
Mektor, O., July 10, 1880.
Dear Sir: On the evening of the
8th of June la6t, I had the honor to
receive from you in the presence of
the committee, of which you were
chairman, the official announcement
that the republican national conven
tion at Chicago had that day nomi
nated me as their candidate for
president ot the United States. I
accent the nomination with grati
tude for the confidence it implies
and with a deep eeuse of the respon
sibilities it imposcB. I cordially en
dorse the principles set forth in the
platform adopted by the convention.
Of nearly all of the Bubjecta on
which it treats my opinions are on
record among the published pro
ceedings of congress. I will ven
ture, however, to make special men
tion of some of the principal topics
which are likely to become subjects
of discussion. Without recurring
to the controversy which has been
settled during the last 20 years, and
with no purpose or wish to revive
the passions of tho late war, it should
be said that while the republicans
lully recognize aud will strenuously
defend all the rights reserved to the
states, the' reject tho pernicious
doctrine ot state supremacy which
eo long crippled the functions of the
national government and at one
time brought the union very near
to destruction. They insist that the
United States is a nation, with am
ple powers of self-preservation ; that
its constitution and the laws, made
iu pursuance thereof, are the su
preme law of the land; that the
right of the nation to determine the
method by which its own legislature
6hall be created cannot be surren
dered without abdicating one of the
fundamental powers of government;
that the national laws relating to the
election of representatives iu con
gress shall neither be violated or
evaded; that every elector should
be permitted freely and without in
timidation to cast his lawful vote at
buch an election and have it honest
ly counted, so that the potency of
his vote shall not be destroyed by
the fraudulent vote of any other
person. The best thoughts and en
ergies of our people should be di
rected to those great questions of
national well-being in which all
have a common interest. Such ef
forts will soonest restore to perfect
peace those who were lately in arms
against each other, for justice aud
good will are our last possessions.
But it is certain that the wounds of
the war cannot bo completely healod
and tho spiritof brotherhood cannot
fully pervade tho whole couutry
until overy citizen, rich or poor,
white or black, is securo in the free
and equal enjoyment of every civil
and political right guaranteed by
the constitution aud the laws.
Wherever the enjoyment of these
rights is not assured discontent will
prevail, immigration will cease aud
the soil and industrial forces will
continue to be disturbed by the mi
gration of laborers aud the conse
quent diminution of prosperity.
The national government should
exercise all its constitutional au
thority to put out these evils, for all
the peoplo and all the states are
members of one body, and no man
can Buffer without injury to all.
The most serious eviU which now
afflict the south arise from the fact
that there is not such freedom and
toleration of political opinion and
action, so that the minority psrty
can exercise effective and whole
some restraint on the party in pow
er. Without such restraint party
rule becomes tyrranical and corrupt.
The prosperity which is made pos
sible in the eouth by its great- ad
vantages of soil and climate will
never be realized until every voter
can freely and safely support any
party he pleases. Next in import
ance to freedom and justice i6 the
popular election, without which
neither justice nor freedom can be
permanently maintained, unless its
interests are intrusted to the Btates
and the voluntary action of the
people. Whatever help tho nation
can justly afford should be gener
ously given to aid the slateB in sup
porting the common schools; but it
would be unjust to our people and
dangerous to our institutions to
apply any portion of the resources
of the nation or the states for sup
port of sectional schools. The sep
aration of the church and the state
in everything relating to taxation
should be absolute. On the subject
of the national finances my views
have been bo frequently and fully
expressed that little is needed in the
way of additional statement. The
public debt is now so well secured,
and the rate of annual interest has
been reduced by refunding, that
rigid economy in expenditures and
the faithful application of our sur
plus revenues to the payment of the
principal of the debt will gradually
and certainly free tho people from
its burden and close with honor the
financial chapter of the war. At the
same time the government cau pro
vide for all ordinary expenditures
and discharge it sacred obligations
to the soldiers of the Union and to
the widows and orphans of those
who fell in its defense. The re
sumption of specie payment, which
the republican party so courageous
ly and successfully accomplished,
has removed from th'e field of con
troversy many questions that long
and seriouBly disturbed the credit of
the government and business of the
country. Our paper currency is
now as national as the flag, and re
sumption has not only made it
everywhere equal to coin, but has
brought into nse our store of gold
and silver. The circulating medium
is more abundant than ever before,
we need only to maintain the equal
ity of our dollars to insure to labor
and capital a measure of value from
the nse of which none can suffer
low. The great prosperity which
the country is now enjoying should
not be endangered by some violent
changes of doubtful financial ex
periments. In reference te oar custom laws,
a policy should be pursued whjch
will bring revenue to the treasury
and will enable labor and capital
employed in our great industries
compete fairly iu our own markets
with the labor aud foreign produ
cers. We labor for the people of
the United States not for the whole
world aud it is our glory that the
American laborer is more intelli
gent and bettpr paid than his foreign
competitor. But the country must
be independent unless its people
with their abundant natural resour
ces, produce the requisite skill in
war time to clothe, arm and equip
themselves for war, and in times of
peace produce all the neceesary im
plements of labor. It was the man
ifest intention of the founders of
our government to provide for the
common defense, not by standing
armies alone, but by raising amoug
the people a greater army of arti
sans, whose intelligence and skill
should powerfully contribute to the
safety and glory of the nation. For
tunately for the interests of com
merce, there is no longer any for
midable opposition to appropriations
for improvements of our harbors
and great navigable rivers, provided
that the expenditures for that pur
pose are strictly limited to works of
national importance. The Missis
sippi river, with its great tributa
ries, is of such vital importance to
so many millions of people that the
safety of its navigation requires ex
ceptional consideration, iu order to
secure to the nation the control of
all its waters. President Jefferson
negotiated the purchase of a vast
territory extending from the Gulf
of Mexico to tho Pacific ocoan. The
wisdom of congress should be in
voked to devise some plan by which
that great river shall cease to be a
terror to those who dwell upon its
banks, and by which its shipping
may safely carry the industrial pro
ducts of twenty-five millions of
people. The interests of agricul
ture, which is the basis of all our
material prosperity, and in which
seven-twelfths of our population is
engaged, as well as the interests of
manufacturers and commerce de
mand that the facilities for cheap
transportation shall bo increased by
the use of all our great water
courses. Ine material interest of
our country, the traditions of its
settlement and the sentiments of our
people led the government to offer
the widest hospitality to emigrants
who seek our shores for new and
happier homes, willing to share the
burdens as well as tho benefits of
our society and intending that their
posterity shall become an undistin
guishable part of our population.
The recent movement of the Chinese
to our Pacific coast partakes but
littlo of the qualities of such an
emigration either in its purpose or
its results. It is too much like an
importation to be welcomed with
out restrictions; too much like an
invasion to be looked upon without
solicitude. We cannot consent to
allow any form of servile labor to
be introduced among us under the
guise of immigration. Recoguizing
the gravity of this subject, the pres
ent administration, supported by
congress, has sunt to China a com
mission of distinguished citizens for
the purpose of securing bucIi moder
ation of the treaty as will prevent
the evils likely to arise from the
present situation. It is confidently
believed that these negotiations will
be successful without the loss of
commercial intercourse between the
two powers which promises great
increase of reciprocal trade and the
enlargement of our markets. Should
these efforts fail it will be the duty
of congress to mitigate the evils
already felt and prevent their in
crease by such restrictions as with
out violence will place on a proud
foundation the freedom and dignity
of labor. The appointment of citi
zens to the various executive aud
judicial offices of the government is
perhaps the most difficult of all the
duties which the constitution has
imposed upon the executive. The
constitution wisely demands that
congress shall co-operate with the
executive departments in placing the
civil service on a better basis. Ex
perience has proved that with our
frequent changes of administration
no system of reform can be made
effective and permanent without the
aid of legislation. Appointments
to the military and naval service are
so regulated by law and customs as
to leave little ground for complaint.
It may not be worse to make similar
regulations in civil service, but
without invading the authority or
the necessary discretion of tho ex
ecutive, congress should devise a
method that would devise the tenure
of office and greatly reduce the un
certainty which made that service
so uncertain and unsatisfactory
without depriving any officer of his
rights aB a citizen. The government
should require him to discharge all
his official duties with intelligence,
efficiency and faithfulness. To se
lect wisely from our vast population
those who are best fitted for the
many offices to be filled requires an
acquaintance far beyond the range
of any one man. The executive
should therefore seek and receive
the information and assistance of
those whoBe knowledge of the com
munities in which the duties are to
be performed beBt qualifies them,
to aid them in taking the wisest
choice.
The doctrines announced by the
Chicago convention are not the
temporary devices of a -party to at
tract voteB and carry an election.
They are deliberated convictions
resulting from a careful study of the
spirit of our institutions, the course
of our history, and the best impulses
of our people. In my judgment
these principles should control the
legislation and administration of the
government. In any event they will
guide my conduct until experience
points a better way. If elected, it
will be my purpose to enforce strict
obedience to the constitution and
the laws, and to promote, as best I
may, the interest and honor of the
whole country, relying for snpport
upon the wisdom of congress, the
intelligence and patriotism of the
people and the favor of God.
With great respect, I am, very
truly yours. J. A. Garfield.
To Hon. Geo. F. Hoar, chairman
of committee.
One railroad for a county and its
county-seat is a good thing ; two
railroads when they do not compete
will hardly compensate for the bon
ded indebtedness intended to secure
that end. Besides, frequent rail
roads always tend to marrow and
contract the limit of territory pre
viously tributary to a trade centre.
This is a boasted free .country,
therefore then, amongst other free
institutions, give us free, railroads.
Ulysses Dispatch.
DEMOCRACY NOT ALL BOUR
BON. The "Southern Idea" Overhauled.
The independent method of the
Times in discussing political ques
tions Is extremely displeasing to the
organs of political Burbonism, both
northern and southern. For, The
Jleyister, an exponent, of Bourbonic
politics at Columbia, South Caro
lina, is quite right in saying that
"Bourbonism is not confined to the
south, by any means." There are
northern Bourbons no less fossilized
and "rock-rooted" in obsolete tra
ditions and 8uper6titionsof the dead
past than their southern political
kindred. And yet, there is a differ
ence botween northern and southern
Bourbons which the latter might
advantageously consider.
It is the specinl .complaint of the
southern Bourbons that The Times,
and the "people of the north" (ex
cepting the Bourbon section of
them), utterly refuse to recognize
and accept the lawful relations of
the southern states to the union,"
aud scandalously abuse the southern
people for "rising up as one man"
to demand a "recurrence" to those
lawful relations. This is not a cor
rect statement of the case ; it is only
a statement of the southern Bour
bonic view of it. Tho real question
upon which tho Bourbons aud The
Times are unable to agree Is:
What are the lawful relations, not
merely of the southern states, but ot
all the states, to the nation? The
Times supposes that the lawful
relations of the southern states to
the nation are the same, exactly, as
the lawful relations of the northern,
and eastern, and western Btates of
the nation. It "utterly refuses to
recognize" any difference among
these lawful relations; and accord
ingly rejects, as unwarranted and
ridiculous the uotiou which impels
southern Bourbons to habitually
speak of "The South" as one
would speak of a distinct political
anatomy, having rights of govern
ment peculiar to itself, which are
threatened by the hostility of an
other country styled "The North."
The Times has no knowledge of
any such political rights possessed
by such a people. It has knowl
edge of certain organized commu
nities styled South Carolina, Vir
ginia, New York, Illinois, etc., Lav
ing tho relation to the American
nation of parts or provinces thereof,
organized for the purposes of local
government. Why should a partic
ular number of the provinces, or the
office-seekers in them, style them
selves "The South," and rise up as
one man to demand the union of our
fathers, and "the rule of the couutry
in high obedience to the constitu
tion," etc.? Have we notgofthp
union of our fathers?" Is not the
country ruled in "high obedience to
the constitution ?'" There are Bour
bons at the north, at the east, aud at
the west who would answer No to
these queries; but there is no north,
or east, or west, as a section that
would "rise up as one man" to give
that answer. It is only in the pro
vinces where the slavery barbarism
has left a large inheritance
of its peculiar ideas and preju
dices that the people are all Bour
bonsat least all of them whose
voices are heard, and "rise up as
one man" and demand that the
whole nation shall "recognize and
accept" certain "lawful relations of
the southern states to the union"
other than the existing relations of
all the states, with which all but
themselves arc content.
How shall this female being, "The
South," which "rises up as one man,"
be comprehended. It is not mani
fested as a political organism, hav
ing any right or power of govern
ment. It is not comprehensible in
any terms of a political relation to
the union or the nation, or any
other thing. Is it a mere extra
legal perfuuetory organism known
as a political party? The southern
Bourbons will not admit that.
"When," says the organ at Colum
bia, "The Times talks about two
thirds of the democrat party being
composed of southerners, don't it
know better, or does it lie under a
mistake? Don't everybody know
that we at the south are a minority
of the democrat party? What, then,
is this thing, "The South," which
the same organ tells us "rises up as
one man" and demands what is not
demanded by a north, an east, or a
west, or any other sectional being
namely, that certain false "relations
of the southern statesjto the'union"
shall be recognized and accepted as
lawful ?
The Times can only comprehend
it in a sectional party, aiming to get
control of the national government
for the purpose of applying in some
way, the Bourbon idea of the "law
ful relations of the southern states
to the union." In describing it as a
southern sectional party The Times
lies under no mistake. There are
Bourbons at the north, but all north
ern men who call themselves demo
crats are not Bourbons; and if they
were, still the southern Bourbons
would comprise two-thirds of the
effective potency of the party. All
the power that any political party
exercises in government is the power
of its representatives in the lawmak
ing body. These voters exercise
no governing power at all ; their po
litical fnnction is limited to the se
lection of persons who exercise the
government' powers. There are (or
were in 1876) 2,670,595 voters called
northern democrats, who are repre-
scnted in tho national legislature by
18 members. Thcro arc lfiVifilQ
southern voters called democrats,
who are represented in the national
legislature by 101 members. The
1,013,070 southern, democrats who
rise up as one man for a Bourbon
theory which the northern peoplo by
an immonse majority, including a
considerable number of northern
democrats, refuse to accept have
more than twice as much power in
tho popular branch of the legislature
as the 2,070,595 northern democrats
have. In the other branch the pre
dominance of the southern Bour
bons is still greater, no less than 30
of the 42 senators called democrats
being doulhern. "Tho South" which
rises up as one man tor Bourbonism
is comprehensible only as the con
trolling part of a political party
which, by means of such coutrol,
seeks to apply a sectional theory of
the "relations of the southern states
to the union" which no other section
favors, and throe-fourths, aud more,
of the whole nation will not recog
nize and accept.
That sectional theory asserts the
false aud abnurd hypothesis of "free
aud independent states," which was
applied in the South Carolina nulli
fication of 1833, and again in the
state-sovereignty rebellion of 1861.
Upon that hypothesis the "relation
of the states to the union" was the
relation of several and distinct na
tions conjoiued in a league, confed
eration or federal union, the politi
cal agency of which was limited by
the sovereignty, freedom, and inde
pendence of the several members.
This Bourbon theory of the "lawful
relations of the southern states," or
any states "to tho union" The Times,
and a vast majority of tho American
people, not only "utterly refuse to
recognize and accept," but most
distinctly, fully andpositively deny
and reject. In place of jt they as
sert that the lawful relations of the
southern states, and all the slates, iu
our politioal system is that of locally
organized provinces of a sovereign
nation; whose enacted will is su
preme law of the land a law that is
to be executed (in the words of the
supremo court) "by means of phys
ical force, exercised through its of
ficial agents, on every foot of Amer
ican soil.'
Every southern Bourbon is in er
ror who thinks tho T'imes harbors
any feoling of animosity toward
Lee and Jackson, or any other de
funct southern Bourbon ; or toward
Wade Hampton, Ben Hill, or any
other living Bourbon. It does not.
It has no prejudice against a mythi
cal female entity styled "The South."
nor against southern citizens; nor
has it tho leaBt objection to their ex
hibiting an inheritance of ancestral
idoltary by canonizing aud wor
shiping all the dead leaders of the
pro-slavery rebellion, if their relig
ious feeliugs incline them to that
course. But it must be excused
from sharing their idolatry, from ad
mitting their superstitions, and from
recognizing or accepting their false
political theory concerning the or
ganized provinces of this nation and
their relations to the national being.
It has no quarrel with southern men
on account of their past conduct ; its
only controversy is with the politi
cal ideas and doctrines that guide
aud Inspire their present conduct.
When they say 'The South rises
up as one man' to demand an appli
cation of tho Bourbon theory aud
principles for which Lee and Jack
son fought duriiig the rebellion, The
Times knows, and they know, that
they mean only that the Bourbon
party at the houUi rises up, etc. Tho
southern Bourbons are enabled to
style themselves 'The South,' aud to
say of themselves that 'the South
rises up as one man,' only because
they have politically suppressed all
other men in that section.
It is the same way that they,
though only one-ihird of all Hip
electors called democrats, have made
themselves two-thirds of the effec
tive potency of that which goes by
the name of democrat party. In the
platform of that party, which the
southern Bourbons profess to ac
cept and uphold, it is declared that
"the right to a free ballot is tne
right preservative of all rights, and
must and shall be maintained in
every part of the United States."
The Times knows, and the southern
Bourbons know, that, if they main
tained that right in the southern
provinces, they would not be able
to describe themselves as "The South
rising up as one man," and would
not present the spectacle of a south
ern minority having twice the pow
er in government of a northern ma
jority double their own number.
Clijcago Times.
A WOMAN'S PLEA.
Why Mr. Chinliolm Favor the
Election ol'CSarlield.
We are Dermitted to make tho
following extracts from a letter
written by Mrs. Ohisholm to a friend
in Wisconsin. Tho letter is a wo
man's plea for tho election of Gar
field the plea of a woman who has,
through Buffering and sorrow, earn
ed the right to spoak. Under date
of Solona, Pa., July 30, Mrs. Chis
holm writes:
I received a letter to-day from a
friend in the south enjoiuing me
not to fail to keep before those who
will use it the fact that there is a
petition prepared and signed by all
the democrats of Kemper county to
havo all concerned in tho murder
ot' the 29th of April, 1877, pardoned
without a trial. This petition is not
to be presented until winter. Two
general 8 of the Union army arc in
the field for election to the presi
dency. On the one side, a misera
ble, lonely woman, without practi
cal friends, however much sympathy
I may receive, and made "a wan
derer upon the face of the earth,"
with wrongs unredressed, waiting,
praying, and watching, almost hop
ing that in the election of General
Garfield I may haye some hope of
justice. On the other hand, the
murderers of my son my fair, fair
boy, my tender, loving daughter,
and my noble husband with hands
red with blood, and unpunished,
are laboring to elect General Han
cock and then apply the sponge of
executive pardon. What are you
men of the north going to do? Do
you not hear'voices of patriots call
ing to you from the ground where
their life's blood was poured out?
My dear sir, can yon not arouse the-
p'eople? They must be ouly sleep
ing. Are all the sacrifices that have
been made ouly a " half-forgotten
memory?" In a cemetery near mo
1 cee a white and bronze monument,
on top of which is the drooping
form of an angel, with head bowed
in weeping over the sleeping dust
of dead boldiers who fell in many
battles of the war, contending for
the same principles for which my
husband, son and daughter were
slain so many years after. Near to
this spot are our dear one?. They
were strangers to the count 13 and
the soil, but believing, that the
United States was their country, it
is fit they should rest here. As I sit
here, breathing the blest air that
floats above my darlings would you
tell me to forget all about their cruel
butchery by Kemper cotiutyV best
citizens? I know I should breathe
prayers for all mankind. I do. But
God dues not require me to mock
nun wim prayers ior ueviit ac
cursed. Oh, how I remember the
MIer love of my husband and re
member his gentle, loving care, the
sweetness of my daughter and my
brave boy 1 When the remembrance
of thut bloody struggle, that terri
ble day, comes to me, when the life
less and mangled forms of my dear
ones were brought to me; when
those in authority turned a deaf ear
and refused to hear my cry ; when
all these years haye passed by and
no law has hoen invoked to punish
such atrocities, why should I lorget ?
Respectful 1, your friend,
W. W. CltlSIIOLM.
Tho following is an extract from a
speech made by Gen. Garfield be
fore the republican convemion of
the Ohio nineteenth district, which
gave him his seventh nomination for
election to congress. The extract
is worth republishing, not ouly as
showing what Gen. Garfield's opin
ions were six years ago as to public
policy, but also as indicating with
what prophetic ken he forecast the
future of tho country under repub
lican legislation. His predictions
regarding the prosperity of the peo
ple wheu resumption should be au
assured fact, were not the idle words
of a politician, but rather the keen
deductions of a statesman capable
of rcasoniug from cause to effect.
Here is the extract:
And now we have entered upon a
new and important period of our
devclopement. The minds of all
our people must be turned to tho
consideration of other questions
that havo arisen, and their correct
determination is a matter that deep
ly concerns every citizen. We must
Ftudy well the developement of our
industries, and all the various ele
ments that contribute to our pros
perity. We havo settled our difier
ences with the outside world, and
are at peace with all nations. We
have settled the question of slavery,
and sottled forever the dogma of se
cession. Wo have entered upon a
business era in American politics,
not a sentimental period, but tmcler
iving questions alFecting the pros
perity of this people. I may uppak
of the important subject of trans
portation as one of those; what can
be done to bring the producer into
closer communication with the con
sumer, doing away with so much
absorption by the " middle men,"
thus affording a more adequate
profit to producers by decreasing
the expenses and getting his mer
chandise to the markets of the world.
This is a vital national question, that
all the best minds of the country
must grapple and settle right. No
one must be idle or lazy iu this mat
ter. I will not attempt to discuss it
uow, for this is neither the time nor
place. I will only add that it is one
of the great oncoming questions of
the immediate future. Before clos
ing I will only allude to one other
difficult and vital question now be
fore the American people. Ever
since the war we have seriously felt
the evil effect of the unsettled and
corruptible condition of our cur
renc)'. Imagine, if you please, a
man placed in a position where, if
he casts his vote to help one class of
people, he must necessarily injure,
in a corresponding degree, an equal
ly large class. You cau readily un
derstand that he would he perplexed
how to yote so a9 to benefit one class
without injuring the other, both
classes being fellow citizens, equally
entitled to the assistance of proper
legislation. That is precisely the
position in which every member of
congress is placed on the currency
question. Draw a line, and one side
are those who are in debt, who are
obliged to borrow money to carry
on their business. On the other
side aro the creditors, those who
ftirnish tho capital to the other class,
and those who neither borrow nor
lend. Would you legislate solely
for the benefit of the debtor class, to
the detriment of all on tho other
side of the line? Or, on the other
hand, would you help only the lend
ing class at the expense of the other?
It is almost impossible to cast a yote
in congress on this question without
hurting one or the other. You ask
why this is so. It is because the
currency is in an unnatural and ar
tificial condition. I am in favor of
such a policy as will make it impos
sible for congress to toss the busi
ness of the country up or down,
which ever way it may vote. Our
currency should stand upon the ba
sis of trade, and be adjusted to meet
the necessities of the business of tbe
co'untry. It should be so fixed and
established that no congress or pres
ident can come in and change it from
time to time, causing fluctuation and
uncertainty in all the channels of
business. This point can never be
reached, in my opinion, until our
currency is restored to the solid
value established by the constitution
and the world. I am in favor of
legislating slowly it must not be
attempted suddenlyand gradually
bringing our currency up to the
money standard of the world. Then
you can say to congress, "Stand out
of our daylight; we can transact our
business without your interference.
Zinciln Journal.
NEW STORE!
TSpm Qama 1 S!L
(Successors to HENRY ,v BRO.)
-0-
All customers of tbe old tirm are cor
dially in i ted to continue their pat
ronage, the same as beretotorr; to
gelher with as many new custo
mers as wish to" purchase
Good Goods
For the Least-Money.
'I'll In Spuce I Reserved
FOR-
GREISEN BROS.,
Boots and Shoes.
EAGLE MILLS,
c,j
ox-
SHELL CREEK,
Near Mntthis's Bridge.
JOSEPH BUCHER, - Proprietor
jMLTThe mill is complete in every par
ticular for making the best of Hour. "A
oquurc, fulr liiinesM" i'k the.
motto. -J.Vi-x
uiorv PACIFIC
LAND OFFICE,
SAMUEL C. SMITH Agent,
ATTENDS TO ALL BUSINESS per
taiiiiiiiii' to a general Itcal Estate
Agency ami .Notary Public. Havt in
structions and blanks furnished by
United State Laud Otlice for making
linal proof on Homesteads, thereby sav
ing a trip to (.rand Island. Have a large
number ol farms, eitylots and all lauds
belonging to IF 1'. It. It. in Platte and
adjoining comities for Hale very cheap.
Attend to contesting claims before U.S.
Land otlice.
Oflloe our Door West of Ilitmmnnit Hoan,
COLUMBUS, NEB.
II. Cordis, Clerk, Speaks German.
NEBRASKA HOUSE,
S. J. MARMOY, Prop'r.
Nebraska Ave., South of Depot,
coLuranus, ii:n.
A new bouse, newly furnished. Good
accommodations. Board by day or
week at reasonable rates.
TSTSctH a Fli-Ht-ClaNM Table.
Meals,... 2.1 Cents. I Lodgings 25 Cts
3S-2tf
THE NEBRASKA FARMER.
M1
F.SCT?3 MnlMHHI.' f- nPITCP mil.
lisliers or the Nebraska Farmer,
Lincoln, Neb., are making that paper a
grand goon tiling tor our country people,
and are ably ,eeonded by Ex-Governor
Furnas, at the head of the Horticultural
department, and Geo. 31. Hawley at the
head of the Grange department. It
ranks with any agricultural publication
in the world. X copy of the Farmer
may be seen by calling at this oflicc, or
by sending .stamp to the publishers
The subscription price of the Farmer has
been reduced to $1.50, and can be had
by calling at this otlice, as we are club
bing it and our paper both for one
year at the very low price of $3.00.
$66 si
withou
EK in your own town,
capital risked. 1011
;e the business a trial
ut expense. The best
opportunity ever offered for those will
ing to work. You should try nothing
else until 3'ou see for yourself what you
can do at the business we offer. No room
to explain here. You can devote all
vour time or only your spare time to the
business, and make great pay ror every
hour that you work. "Women make as
much as men. Send for special private
terms and particulars, which we mail
free. ?." Outfit free. Don't complain ol
hard times while you have sunn a
chance. Address II. HA LLETT & CO.,
Portland, -Maine. -tai-y
FA KM K R.N!
BE OF GOOD CHEER. Let not the
low prices of your products dis
courage you. but rather limit your ex
penses to your resources. You can do
so by stopping at the new home of your
fellow farmer, where you can find good
accommodations cheap. For hay foi
team for one night and day, 2.1 cts. A
room furnished with a cook stove aud
bunks, in connection with the stable
free. Thoe wishing can be accommo
dated at the house of the undersigned
at the following rates: Meals 25 cents;
beds 10 cents. J. 13. SENECAL,
Ji mile east of Gerrard's Corral
MONTH guaranteed.
(DOVUthe int
Tint roni
av at home made bv
dustrious. Capital
not renuired: we will start
you. Men, women, boys and girls make
money faster at work for um than at any
thing else. The work is light and pleas
ant, and such as anyone can go right
at. Those who are wise who see this
notice will send us their addresses at
once and see for -hemselves. Costly
Outfit and terms free. Now is the time.
Those already at work are laying up
large sums of money. Address TBUjS
& CO., Augusta, Maine. 481-7 1
tL"7 J
JOHN ' WIGGINS.
Wholesale and Retail Dealer in
HARDWARE,
83S933SSS3SdS333S9933S3S33Sd3
Sb333g T O VE S ,S',aS33
83dS3333333b5dS)33J.3d333b'33
iron, TIlWAM,
NAILS. ROPE,
Wagon Material
-GLASS, PAINT, ETC., ETC.
Corner 11th and Olive Sfs.
COLUMBUS, NEBRASKA.
1870.
1880.
THK
&plunbu& fournul
Id conducted as a
FAMILY NEWSPAPER,
Devoted to tbe belt mutual inter.
eats of itti readers aud iti publiib
ers. Published at Columbun, Platte
county, tbe centre of the agricul
tural portion ofNebrasku.it i read
by hundreds of people east who art
looking towards Nebraska as their
future home. Its subscribers in
Nebraska are tbe stuuncb, solid
portion, of the community, as Is
evidenced by the fact that the
Jouknal has never contained a
"dun" against them, and by the
other fact that
ADVERTISING
In its columns always brings its
reward. Business is business, and
those'wbo wish to reach tbe solid
people of Central Nebraska will
nnd the columns of the Journal a
splendid medium.
JOB WORK
Of all kinds neatly and quickly
done, at fair prices. This species
of printing is nearly always want
ed in a hurry, and, knowing this
fact, ''we have so provided for it
that we can furnish envelopes, let
ter heads, bill heads, circulars,
posters, etc., etc., on very short
notice, aud promptly on time as
we promise.
SUBSCRIPTION.
1 copy per annum $200
Six months 100
" Three months, 50
Single copy sent to any address
in the United States for 5 cts.
M. X. TUENEB & CO.,
Columbus, Nebraska.
Um TB ajUBH Hi?P7!
$1.0TIN(IEW$.50
Now is the time to subscribe
for this
BEST ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE
FOR THK YOUNG.
Its success haB been continued and un
exampled. Eiamhe it ! S&M9 for it !
JPf f&olumbus$gfoMtial
And THE NURSERY, both post-paid,
one year, $3.10. If you wish THE
NURSERY, send $1.60 to John L.
Shorey, 36 Bromfield street, Boston,
Mass. If you desire both, send by
moner ordsr, 3.10 to 31. K. Turner t
Co., Coluiabui, Neb. ' .
GOING EAST
TAXIS TXU2
No Changing Oars
)KKUM,
OMAHA.COUNCIL BLUFFS.NEBRAS
KA CITY or PLATTSMOUTH
TO-
CHICAGO,
Where direct connections
nude with
are
Through Sleeping Car Lines
1-
Xew York, llnston, Philadelphia,
Baltimore. Washington,
And all Eastern Cities!
THE cUIOTVr T.IXR
via PEORIA for
In dianapoIis,('iiiriiinati. Louisville
ASI) AM. TOINTS IX TUB
SOUTHEAST.
The II'-i tw for
ST.-
LOUIS,
Whore Direct CmiHi'crioHs are made in
the UNION DLPOl with TlirsHgh
Sleeping Car Line for all 1'oiHt.-.
SOUTI-I.
o
The Shortest. Spc.li-t nI Mt Cnm-fort:iM-
KHte
via HANNIBAL to
Ft. SCOTT, DENHON, lALLAS.
IIOlLsTIN. MIIN.sAN' AN'TU-
XIO. t.ALVLMPN.
And all Point in
TEXAS.
Pullman 1 li-wWel P.tl.i- SleepiH
Cars, V.. K. .V ij. P..J.I.-.. OrawiH Km.hii
Cars, with IIrtH, H--liHtMsr f'bnir..
No Kxtra Chanr rr sii. jH KeHHiuic
Cbuirx. The F.tiiM.u-. c. K. & o. future
Dining Car-.
Fast time, SteH Kui Track and Snp
rior KoiiipuM-nt, -niliMil with tht'Jr
Ureal IhroH-A t'ur ArrounMrt. :ik...
this, abo cull other, the !.irite KwHtn
to the
KAN'r.ftOir'I'M a MOUTH MST.
TUY IT, -him vou will lindTRAVBL
INO .1 LlriCY iH.i-tt l .1 Dlai'OM
FOKT. All information bHt Kcite of Kir.
Sleeping ar AeeiH4nifc.Mi, ami
Time T.ibh-, will he k-rfitj givm
by applying to
.TA.MKS K. WOOD.
S3! Gen'l Passenger Ag't, lil;.u;.
SPEICE & NORTH,
General Agent- fr th- Sale ut
Real Estate.
Union Pacific, and .Midland Pacific
K. K. Lands for .sale at fr.m pt.MtB jl0.(H
per acre for cash, or 011 tJ v or ten years
time, in annual purulent l suit pur
chasers. We have al-o a large and
choice lot of other lands, improved ami
unimproved. Tor sale at low price and
on reasonable termn. AUo l,nsine and
residence lots in the eitr. We keep a
complete abstractor title to all real es
tate iu Platte County.
633
c :o 1. 1 mi it 1 ;s, 4- f. 1 .
Dr. A. HEINTZ,
DKALKK IN
I
iv us, 1.1 (fci oats.
Fine Soaps, Brushes,
PERFUMERY, Etc., Etc.,
And all articleo usually kept on hand by
Druggist.
Physicians Prescriptions Carefully
Coinpoitnifetl.
Eleventh street, near Foundry.
COLUMIJUS, : NEIJKASKA
TTirVKY CASS,
Mannjacturer ami dealer in
Wooden and Jlefalic Hiirial Caskets
All kinds and sIzp of ICol. aIo
has the sole rLrht ti m inufjv-
ture and ?eli tae
Smith's Hammock Reclining Chair.
Cabinet Turning and StoII work. Pic
tures, Picture Frames ind Mouldings
Looking-glass Plate. Walnut Lumber!
etc., etc. COLUMBUS, NBB.
$1500i
TO ?0r00 A YEAR, or
?5 to $20 aduy In yew
own locality. No risk.
"Women do as wnll
men. 3Ianymad more than the amount
stated above. No one can fail to mako
money fast. Any one can do tho work.
You can make from 50 cts. to $2 an hour
by devoting your evenings md spare
time to the business. It costs nothing
to try the business. Nothinic like it for
the money making ever offered befere.
Business pleasant and strictly honora
ble. Reader, if you want to know all
about the best paving business befero
the public, send us your addresn and we
will send you full particulars and pri
vate terms free; samples worth 3 aNo
free; you can then makeup vour mind
for vouruelf. Address GEORGE STIN.
SON & CO., Porlarid, Maine. 48i-y
ssbaasTfrrI' -t
N-
A
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