The Columbus journal. (Columbus, Neb.) 1874-1911, March 19, 1879, SUPPLEMENT, Page 2, Image 6
. SUPPLEMENT. THE CIPHER DISPATCHES. In the Summer of 1S7S Tub Nnw-YortK TmnuKE found itself m possession of a mass of telegraphio dispatches which had passed between certain leaders of the Democratic party iu New-York City and their confidential agents in various contested States, at the tune of tho canvass of tho electoral vote hi 187(5. Tho wholo number of these dis patches was not far from 400. About half of them were in plain English ; these, although they were Bometinies usefnl id determining tho meaning of messages of another kind, related Generally to transactions of little importance. Tho rest wero in cipher, and a slight examination was sufficient to Bhow that thoy cbvered political secrets of tho first consequence. "We first began dealing seriously with these dis patches daring the Summer of 1878. Tho fact that the publication of the famous " Gobble " message had soon brought forward a person familiar with tho cipher in which it was sent, led to tho belief that a similar result might bo reached again. Speci mens of the various ciphers wero accordingly pub lished, from time to time, accompanied with com ments intended to attract to them wido attention. Our hone, however, was completely disappointed. No ono heemedto know tho key. Absolutely no help came from an v quarter. All manner of sugges tions were received, and many wero tried, but none proved in tho end to bo of the slightest practical value, save a single ouo communicated by Secretary Evans. That gentleman suggested that possibly a thorough student of puro mathematics might bo able to divine a law on which tho ciphers wero con structed. Copies of a few of tho dispatches were thereupon sent to a mathematical professor in a distant city who had kindly offered to attempt a translation, on tho condition that his name should under no circumstances bo made public; and al though (having comparatively little material to work with) ho did not succeed in discovering the Bystem upou which tho ciphers were constructed, aud never sent a single translation until alter the Bamo thing had been translated in the office, his work had, nevertheless, considerable value, as cor roborating t no results attained by others beloro thoy had reached the point where their work proved itfcolt. , .,,,,. Finally, 1 committed a largo number of the dis Tntpii,. to Mr. John 1L G. Hassanl. chief of Tun Tnuic.NE staff, and a serious and determined cfibrt for their translation was fanlv begnn. Shoitly ulteiward. Colonel William M. Grosvenor, also of '1 UK TniHL'Xi: stall, who had become greatly inter ested in the specimen dispatches thrown out, asked for a chance at the samo work, and a considerable number of tho dispatches weie confided to him. These gon?riincu at first worked independently of each other, aird without communication. For a time both grooed blindly, if not hopelessly, in what seemed tl3 impenetrable darkness of tho ciphers. About tho sauio date each began to get glimmerings of tho system on which tho double cipher was con structed. When, after weeks of labor, they first compared notes, Mr. llassard had found two trans position keys and was jiibt liuishiug a third, while Colonel Grosvcnor had found three others. Tho system being thus discovered, the rest were found much more rapidly. Tho last was discovered by both gentlemen on tho same evening, the one work ing at Litchfield, Conn., tho other at Euglowood. K. J. Each hastened to transmit tho key to me, and tho two letters came upon my tablo tho next day within an hour of each other. A dictionary cipher bafllea research much longer Its character was easily determined in tho olhce, but tho dictionary on which it was constructed conld not bo found. Ono circumstance, however, at last demonstrated that tho dictionary"! ques tion must be ono ot tho editions of Webster, for ouo or two words occurred in soino of the dispatches bent in this cipher which wero not found m any of tho modern English dictionaries, excepting ob Bter's. Mr. Isaac N.Ford, of The Tiuiji'.ni: Staff, badmeautimo laboriously gono through foity or fifty dictionaries of all sorts and sizes, omitting, un luckily, tho very one which had at first been sus pected, for the reason that it happened to bo tho only ono not on the shelves of the downtown book store whero theso searches wero made. Just as the hnut was narrowed down to this particular diction ary, tho mathematical professor telegraphed that this dictionary was tho basis of the key. aud in twenty-four hours tho ciphers it contained were un locked. After the main work had been done, a number of dispatches among local politicians at tho South, ap- Sarently of minor importance, sent in ciphers of a iffereut character from any previously translated, were attacked by Mr. llassard. Among theso wero the double number aud the double letter ciphers. I had intrusted in all about 400 dispatches to Mr. llassard aud Colonel Grosvenor. When thev had finished their labors only three of that whole collec tion remained untranslated. These arc iu ciphers of which there aro no other examples, and they have not yet been mastered. Valuable aid was rendered by many of tho younger gentleiren in the office, and as tho hunt became keener, almost the entire Staff took part in it. The credit of translation, however, belongs ab eolutely to Mr. llassard and Colonel Grosvenor. They received no assistance from any outsidt quar ter, excepting from tho mathematical professor before mentioned, and received from him no trans lation whatever, and no important clew, until after they had discovered it themselves. w. it. Tribune Ujice, January 14, 1870. ton, on tho very day of his arrival at Columbia, a proposal to buy tho Canvassing Hoard for $30,000; to which Pelton appears to have readily assented. This figure was too low, and the negotiation, after lasting six days, was closed at tho price of fcs0, 000. It was arranged that Weed should meet a messenger at Baltimore, who was to carry tho money in three packages; and ho particularly re quested that Colonel Pelton should act as this mes senger himself. Weedaccordinglv arrived in Balti more irom Columbia on tho 20th of November, and I elton arrived there at the same timo from New xork; but again ta littlo delay upset the scheme. Subsequently a plot was forme'd to buy four mem bers of tho South Carolina Legislature, for S20, OOO, and having thus obtained control of tho State Government, to imt tho Haves electors in jail, and lock them up m separate cells until tho day for casting the electoral votes had passed. Iho result of this villany would have been to deprive South Carolina of any vote, and o throw the choice of a President into tho House f Representatives. which would have elected Tilden. The plan failed because tho four members could not be bought. .1. In Oregon the Democratic Governor withhold a certificate from ono of tho Hayes electors on tho ground of ineligibility, and, instead of allowing the other electors to fill tho vacancy, gave tho certifi cate to a Tilden elector named Cronin, who had clearly been defeated. Tho secret agent iu Oregon was one J. N. H. Patrick. He telegraphed to Colo nel Pelton that it was uecessary to " purchase a Republican elector to recognize and act with " Cro nin, and tho prico was $5,000. This proposal likewise was accepted, and tho money was sent to Oregon, where it arrived only on tho Oth of-Decom-ber, just toolato to bo of any use. THE CASE OF Mil. TILDEN. SECRET HISTORI OFTllli ELECTORAL CAN VASS IS 187G. Tho history of tho electoral crisis in November and December, 1S70. as disclosed by the cipher dis patches of the Democratic leaders and their secret agents, covers a period of about twenty-eight days, from tho Sth of November, when it first became ap parent that the Piesidencv depended upon tho count of tho vote in two or threo doubtful States until tho Gth of December, when the electoral ballots were duly cast for Hayes and Wheeler. By deci phering these telegrams Thk Tkiiiuni: has discov ered that agents wero at once sent out from No. 15 Gramercv Paik, the residence of Mr. Samuel J. Tilden, to South Carolina, Flonda and Louisiana, and that others, at the West, received telegraphic orders to proceed immediately to Oregon, m order to "capture'' one or all of those States for the Dem ocratic candidate. Thev all resorted to bribery, communicating to Mr. Tilden's nephew, Colonel W. T. Pelton, the particular of tho bargains they con cluded, and receiving Irom him a distinct aud formal approval. 1. In Florida the secret agents wero Manton Mar ble, C. W. Woollcy. and John F. Coyle. Marble transmitted to Gramercv Park, first a proposition for the purchase of the Florida Returning Board at tno price oi .v,mw. xuai was rejected as ex travagant, and the figure was reduced to $30,000, at which prico Colouel Peltou signified his willing ness to close the transaction. It fell t brunch m con sequence of a delay iu the receipt of the message of acceptance. 2. In South Carolina the purchasing agent was smith iL Weed. He telegraphed to Colonel Pel- A scene of intense dramatic interest was wit nessed at tho Fifth Avenue Hotel on Saturday. In a low, dark room, excessively hot and densely packed, tho whole world sat at tho reporters' tables, or crowded close with note-book in hand, to catch tho fauit whispers that fell from a worn and hag gard old man. With the look of a corpse except in moments of excitement, with slow, far-away voico and slow, painful movements, drooping left eyelid, parchment-hko checks, and auivering hand, Mr, Tilden repeated his statement, evidently prepared with great care, in a voice much of the time hardly audible four feet away. Uia maimer showed intense and increasing nervous excitement, by great ellort restrained : tho body rose and foil in the seat inces santly, as if ho wero trying in vain to rise, and tho seemingly half useless left arm shook like a leaf. Then tho excitement burst restraint, tho faco flushed almost purple, tho lip quivered, tho right arm repeatedly smote tho table with gieat force and passion, and tho voice rang through tho room with painful intensity, liko tho shriek of a drowning man. After every such effort, tho sentence died away, as if tho voico wero stopped by closing waters. Tho effect was almost that of a death-bed declaration. Had the matter thereof equalled in force tho solemnity of manner, this declaration would have had a great effect. Not. iudecd. that tho people would havo been moro ready to lift to tho Presidency a mau 60 broken, and so manifestly liv ing only in bitter and torturing memories. But tho matter was by no means equal to tho manner in lm- pressivoness, nor could any unprejudiced hearer avoid contrasting tho declarations of Mr. Tilden with his own admitted conduct toward men whoso deeds fill a dark page In the history of the country. Mr. Tilden's testimony was doubtless as strongas, after four months of preparation and consultation, It was nossiblo to make it. That it was not exceed ingly stiong was duo to tho inherent and insuper able difficulties ot bis posit ion. It was not possible tor him to state that, iu respect to Weed, Marble. Woollcy, Cojloor Pelton, either in watching their doings, knowing their character as ho did, or in reprobating their acts when they became known to him, his conduct was consistent with tho (spotless virtue and unwavering purpose which ho professed. It was not possible for him wholly to conceal that low moral tone which half excused Pelton for try ing to buy votes, because ho was swift to believe without evidence that others had done orattempted the same thing. His only intense feeling was not wrath because of crimes committed, but wrath be cause of 1 oss sustained. Pelton was tolerated and kept whin ho was known to havo done wrong. Years afterward he was disowned with indignation only when tho public had found him out. Mr. Ti blends dcclai at ion of his ignorance of cor rupt negotiations seems as broad, full and emphatic as it could be. If there wero mental reservations, as it now appears there were in his published card of October last, of such character that an exact statement of truth had the public effect of a state ment that was fa'se, they do not yet appear. He claims to havo had no knowledge that Pelton was communicating in cipher with tho Democratic agents at the South ; no knowledge that Weed had gono to ftouin Carolina, until lie returned; no knowledge that Woollcy had gono to Florida. or raincK to uregon ; no Knowledge of any coinipt proposal as to South Carolina, until it was anested by Mayor Cooper's relusal to provide money for it, aud no know ledge even then or afterward of tho truo nature of the negotiations in that State or the others. 'Ihese insertions, n miiy ueiiovcu, acquit .Mr. Tilden of ono lifetime, in order not to know who was telegraph ing, and to whom, and what about. That Colonel Pelton had been in charge of correspoudence.not be cause ho was trusted by thocummittce, but because he was thought to represent Mr. Tilden. was of necessity known to Mr. Tilden from tho angry at tacks of Democratic papers upon the " Bureau of Nincompoops." If Mr. Tilden did not find out what ni uephow was doing, it was becanso ho was deter mined in,i to know. IV. Confronted with tho fact that Colonel Pelton had asked aid in crimo from Mr. Cooper, it was not possiblo for Mr. Tilden to let the bargain go on without making it his own, in tho eyes of Messrs. Cooper and Hewitt. But when Pelton was recalled, why did Mr. Tildon ask no questions T Ho swears "it was not necessary!'' Yet Pelton remained as before in chargoof telegraphic correspondence of tho Committee. Mr. Tilden, oven then, did not stop that, nor try to stop it, nor make tho slightest ellort to know what had been done, or would bo done during the weeks that still remained. All this scandal proves the talsity of tho answer, " it was " not necessary " to ask. Had ho asked at that time, November 21, and stopped tho telegraphing, or caused Mr. Hewitt to seo tho telegrams, the sec ond job in South Carolina, and all tho jobs in I lor ida. Oregon and Louisiana, would havo been pre vented. He did not ask nor utter a word to prevent them. Why? V. At that time, about November 21, it becamo known to Mr. Tilden what Smith Weed had been doing. Ho now swears that ho " took Weed to task ' for taking part in such transactions," after ecd's return. But after that the second job in South Car olina was arranged by Weed himself, bv telegram from New-York. After that, and as late as Decem- l her 4, the extraordinary legal dispatch was scut to Eouin uaroiinn " imnnrtjint luugmeni on uuo wai- "rauto bo obtained Thursday. If order to de " liver paper appurtenance to oflico bo disobeyed, immediately commit for contempt, or if the righi " ful.electors attempt tho exercise of authority by "meeting, attach for contempt. Prepare beforo " hand and enforce immediately would bo appro " priatc. Would be humane to imprison thein sep arately during Wednesday. All probably de spends on your State. Leave nothing undone." Verily, " the voice is Jacob's voice, but tho bauds " are tho hands of Esau." VI. Mr. Tilden claims that it was safe to let Pel ton alone becanso he could get no mono. But this is palpably untrue. Pelton did get money to send to Oregon. :mil from n bank m which Mr. TiliJOIi was especially well known. There were hundreds of unscrupulous Democrats who have given larger sums than Pelton needed, for much binaller vic tories. If there were no others, there was John Morrissey and the Democratic gamblers who had at stake over $1,200,000. Did Mr. Tilden reason. "Pelton will no longer dare to go to Cooper, or to "coimito me: therelore other uiouey.uot bycandi " date or committee, will bo louud, and I shall know " nothing about it " ? Did ho rt-llcct, " Then I can "prove that I denounced and btopped tho at " tempt"? If-that was not his reasoning, why did ho never inquire, interfere anil stop Pelton's charge of correspondence through his apparent lepre scntatiou of Mr. Tilden himself. VII. After the act for which Mr. Tilden took Weed "to task,'' ho retained that poison as his manager of forces in a Dtmocnitie convention. After Marble had said that votes wero for sale in Florida, Mr. Tildon took caro to ask no more, but continued on intimate terms with him. After Pel loir's journey to Baltimore to meet Weed, and for more than a year after the full public exposure of tho Oregon business, Pelton remained in Mr. Til den's house. This treatment ot men known to be guilty will, by tho public, bo held conclusive proof that Mr. Tilden's profession of absolute and un swerving hostility to bribery is not true. He was hostile to any bribery that could bo traced to him, and particularly hostile to any bribery that was found out. and destroyed hi3 own prospects. No other form of moral indignation has been shown in bis conduct. But he virtually placed W. T. Pel- ton in a position where he was siiro to havo oppor tunity to buy votes, knowing well that ho was a man who would buy votes if ho could, and that ho could find tho money; in that position ho held Pelton by carefully retraining from any word ot natural caution or protest; and ho took extraor dinary pains for weeks not to find out anything about tho uso Pelton was making of his peculiar poweis. This is Mr. Tilden's record, upon his own testimony. What eiso will appear, when the dis patches sent to G. W. Smith shall havo been traced to the person who actually received and opened them, we shall probably see. The Louisiana matter has not yet been brought to light. A CRY FUR MURE FREEDOM. charge only to convict him of another quite as fatal to his position as a Presidential candidate. For they aro to be compared with certain facts now fully established : 1. Mr. Tilden kucw W. T. Pelton thoroughly. Democratic newspapers, by way of preparing tho scapegoat for tho wilderness, aro accumulating proof that Pelton's conduct, especially iu regard to money matters, had been biich that no confidence could be placed m his integnty, and theso doms were best known to Governor 1 ilden. who h.iil Pil fered by them. Yet at a most critical and delicate time, when "tho air was full of rumors of conup " tion," as Mr. Tilden himself testifies, ho did suffer Pelton to conduct tho confidential communication between New-York and tho Democratic agents at the South. Ho know that corrupt proposals must reach such a man. A word from him to Mr. Hewitt. Mr. Cooper, or Mr. Pelton himself, would havo stopped such communication, and caused all proper agents of the party at the Smith to be warned to communicate only with Mr. Hewitt. It he had ever said, "Pelton is indiscreet, and may mak. scandal." or "Pelton is conupt, and may buy or promise to " buy,' there would havo been an end. Mr. Tilden admits, and tho world knows, that ho did not speak that word. Why not? II. Mr. Tilden knew Weed, Woollcy. Coyle and M.uble. He had seen under the veneering, and knew Mnible for the Joseph Surface of the age. He had beta the chairman ot tho Democratic State Committee in 180b, and necessarily know of Mr. Woollei's part m the impeachment of Johnson. He had been uovcrnor, ana necessarily knew the pro clivities ot the most skilled lobbyist at Albany. It was bis duty to know whether such men icpre sented the Democratic National Committee, at the very points where corruption was most probable. 111. It is absolutely impossible that Samuel J. Tilden wjis ignorant of all tho cipher telegrams which came Irom the South, unless he made an ef fort to be ignorant. It was his habit and his very nature to give extraordinary attention to the detais of political contests. If it is true that ho did not get constant reports from the men sent South, it can only be because ho suddenly made an extraor dinary eflort to suppress natural anxiety and lm patience, aud to put Deumu ami tho habits of From The Xew-York Tribune. In tho doubtful dusk of tho morning gray. With hammer and drill and jimmy and crank, Some high-toned men they pluinlcicd a bank, And tho precious spoil thoy carried away. What desolation tho owner found! And he said, "A h ssnn it teaches me; I'll set a fiieot soldiers around ; These high-toned coves hcv ben too free It seems to me They hev ben too freel" And ho stationed soldiers, solemn and still, And his vaults he piled with tno gold again ; Then t-ime on tiptoe the high-toned men With hammer and crow and jimmy and drill ; " We aio crushed in the tyrant's fangs!'' thoy cried. As they met the troopers; " we're slaves, may be! The spectacle cruelly wounds our pride; If they went oil we should feel more free Withdraw 'em and we Should feel more free!" The hizh-toncd men thev lingered there, With jimmy and drill and hammer and crow, And they kept a-walking to and fro, With a persecuted and saddened air. And a mule-team wailed beside tho w.iIL "You troopers go oil and let us be !" Thev said. " Wo ain't dom' not bin' at all, But ifyon 'uns went wo should ieel more free. We all agree Wo should feel moro free.'' And tho high-toned men uttered dismal croaks. And flourished their jiiumv and hammer aud saw, And sh'iited, " You'd ought to obey tho law Which says that you shan't be a watclun' folks F Then tho owner said, " 1 remember you ! You were here afore and you went for me; 'F ve bed full swing what wouldn't yodu ? Fact is. I guess you hev ben lu free Preliaps,"sas he. "A leetle tu fr e !" al THE VALOROUS ULACKIWRN. Now that the retreat has been begun it is a good titiio to recall some of the gittedanii valorous Black burn's remarks concerning the weakness of yield ing. In his famous "w.ping out" speech he de clared that tho Democratic side of tho chamber would " never yidd or surrender unless this Con gress shall have died by virtue of its limitation. A principle cautiot be compromised. It may bo sur rendered, but that can only be done by its advo cates giving proofs to the world that thev aro cra vens and cowards. We cannot yield ami wo will not yield. Wo are planted on our convictions, rhcro we will stand. He who dallies is a dastard, and he who doubts is damned." Whether Black burn has "dallied" or "doubted" is not revealed, but there is no doubt that tho wholo party is ' damned." , " TURN BACK THE HANDS P The party in power in the Legislative Depart ment of the Government has served its notice upon tho country. It may as well bo accepted at once.f in tno &9iiato ilr. Saulshury, for ins party, arrcs- gantly assumes tho responsibility of power, ai with a resonant crack of tho whip that brings bac. the old days bids tho Republicans m that body bo not only patient, but silent and submissive, while ho and his political associates work fltkeir own sweet will. Confederate generals direct the coun sels of tho organization that controls tho Senate, apportion among thomselvcs tho committees and among their constituents tho patronage, dictate tho course of legislation, and shape tho policy of tho party. At tho other end ot tho Capitol Mr. Stephens, lato Vice-President of tho Confederacy, Mr. Reagan, lato Postmaster-General of tho Con federacy, Mr. Chalmers, lato a Brigadier General of tho Confederate Army, with others moro or less prominently connected with that disastrous political venture, have given out that tho people having called tho Demo cratic party back to power to relievo tho country from tho evil consequences of eighteen years of Radical misrule, it is the duty of tlto present Con gress to enter immediately upon the task. In both Senate and Uouso thero is uncommon anxiety on tho part of tho gentlemen nowly invested with power to enter at once npon its exercise. Instead or shrinking from its responsibilities, they oral eager to assuino them. And we must give them - credit at least for apparent sincerity. They cer tain ly do act as though they f ullv believed in them selves, and believe that they had actually been sent for in a crisis. In their expressions, their tone, their manner, their wholo behavior, thev indicate as plainly as possible their belief that their reappear ance in Congress is tho result, not of their own. but of the country's confession of error and repentance. Thoy have como back, they say, m so mauj' words, to correct tho mistakes and sweep away the legisla tion of tho past eighteen years. They havo confi dence in themselves, to say tho least. And who, pray, aro the gentlemen stopping so confidently to tho front, and bidding everybody else stand back while they take the Government iu hand? Their unsparing condemnation of existing laws and their startling proposals of radical changes invite us to a scrutiny of their record, and an inquiry as to their fitness for tho revolutionary proceedings they havo in contemplation. What is theiecord of theso men who assume responsibility with such jaunty self-confidence? It is not tar to seek. Iu 1852 they were intniskd with almost un questioned power iu all departments of tho Govern ment and nearly all tho States. There was scarcely an opposition. What was their statesmanship I In three years they had set on foot an agitation which dost them their majority in the House, aud created sectional division in parties ; and this continued without their gaining anything they set out for, until tho Government passed completely out of their hands iu 1800. and then thoy entered upon a conspiracy to break up and destroy it. What fitness does the record of those eight years show? They tried for four years a Government of their own. Does that re ord show such a largo capacity for statesmanship that we bhould send out for them to come back and take the old Union in cuarce? Here are financial questions to be solved by legislation. What cer tificate of fitness for this work do they bring? Only this: that they left tho Government in 18(51 in such straightened circumstances and impaired credit that its bonds were at a discount, and it could scarcely borrow money in tho markets of tho world ; and that in their own experience of a confedera v they succeeded only in making a currency which was so worthless as to bo a source of mirth among themselves. And they havo como back to a Gov ernment wiioso credit has been raised by the lei -latiou of these eighteen years to a par with that of the wealtlnc-t nations in the world; ton Govern ment winch the same legislation has put in a posi tion to redeem its obligations iu the money ot the world. This is the legislation they feel called upon to sweep aw-iy. and this the certificate of their lit uess for financial administration. Hero aro serious questions of tho relations between capital and labor : what special fitness have they shown forleginlation upon this subject? Only this: that eighteen years ago thev struck out for them selves in a now Government whose corner-stone was the system of slave labor. There is to-dav no such system iu existence, and their acquaintance with that of fteo lubor and its relations with capital dates only from tho fall of their abortive Confederacy. Hero is the system of internal rev enue which seems to havo aroused tho interest of the late Confederate Vice-Pre-ident, Mr. Stephens, who says it should be thoroughly overhauled and changed: what constitutes their fitness fortius work? Only this: that their rebellion made tho system necessary, and that its collection in tl o Southern States is attended with moro tioublu and expense than anywhero else becanso resistance to the law is more general there. There are laws to bo passed and appropriations to bo made for tho postal sen-ice : what constitutes the qunli licitions of these gentlemen for this duty? Nutli mg that we know of, except that they come from a section which has never paid for its own postal facilities, but has always exhausted the surplus de rived from the profits of the s-r ice in the Northern States, and required additional appropriations from the Treasury to furnish its mail accommodations Did Mr. 1,'eagan. the ex-Postmater-G'eieral of tho Confederacy, show speual fitness for legislating upon this Mihjei t when ho recommended tho pay ment ot a mail contractor who was shown by tho records of his own department to have been paid onco already ? Mr. Stephens expresses a purpose to repeal the law taxing State Banks, bo that the sev- erai Klines iimy cuuruT ii.'iiiks oi i vsue, as of old. No one who is old enough to remember the con venience and the bautics of the State bank cur rency we enjoyed before the war will after this question Mr. Stephens' wisdom as a legislator upon that subject. States which repudiate their bonds might perhaps charter banks whoso notes would circulate with thoso of the National banks or with greenbacks. It does not now seem probable though. But the great thing which all Democrats unite in saying that the party was brought backtopowtr for is to repeal the infamous election laws. And what is their special fitness for this sort of legisla tion? Well, only this: that among the first of fences for which this party was repudiated by tho people twenty years ago was its outrageous frauds upon the ballot-box in Kansas, in tho attempt of these g-ntlemen who have como hack to govern ns to steal that State; that, from that time on, they have notoriously defrauded the ballot-box win n ever and wherever their needs required, and oppor tunity offered, notably so m this city ami that thty have regained their ascendancy in the National Legislature by means of the most linhlnudm,. frauds at the polls m the Southern States that wero ever known even in that party's history, lh.it qualifies thtin to bo Iho protectors of the ballot and 10 legislate wineiy lor me iretiiom oi elections. The-e are tho men and this the party who havo come back to take charge of the Government and sweep awav the legislation of "eighteen years of Radical misrule." I hey make no boms of savii.g so. Tney aro not slow to announce their mission nor are they in o lest m p'eking un the mrwl.ti-! official spoils. Ah for us, wo make no complaint; we have no disposition to say a word to revivo tho animosities of tho war. But tho calmness wih which these people come forward to make our 1 iws upon all these varied questions, aud the assurance w ith which they aumo that they have been ulkd in to overturn existing things and build aiaw, must naturally challenge inquiry as to their quali fications for so large a task, and the preparatory Bchool in which they were fitted for it.