The Columbus journal. (Columbus, Neb.) 1874-1911, March 19, 1879, SUPPLEMENT, Page 2, Image 6

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

In the Summer of 1S7S Tub Nnw-YortK TmnuKE
found itself m possession of a mass of telegraphio
dispatches which had passed between certain
leaders of the Democratic party iu New-York City
and their confidential agents in various contested
States, at the tune of tho canvass of tho electoral
vote hi 187(5. Tho wholo number of these dis
patches was not far from 400. About half of them
were in plain English ; these, although they were
Bometinies usefnl id determining tho meaning of
messages of another kind, related Generally to
transactions of little importance. Tho rest wero in
cipher, and a slight examination was sufficient to
Bhow that thoy cbvered political secrets of tho first
"We first began dealing seriously with these dis
patches daring the Summer of 1878. Tho fact that
the publication of the famous " Gobble " message
had soon brought forward a person familiar with
tho cipher in which it was sent, led to tho belief
that a similar result might bo reached again. Speci
mens of the various ciphers wero accordingly pub
lished, from time to time, accompanied with com
ments intended to attract to them wido attention.
Our hone, however, was completely disappointed.
No ono heemedto know tho key. Absolutely no
help came from an v quarter. All manner of sugges
tions were received, and many wero tried, but none
proved in tho end to bo of the slightest practical
value, save a single ouo communicated by Secretary
Evans. That gentleman suggested that possibly a
thorough student of puro mathematics might bo
able to divine a law on which tho ciphers wero con
structed. Copies of a few of tho dispatches were
thereupon sent to a mathematical professor in a
distant city who had kindly offered to attempt a
translation, on tho condition that his name should
under no circumstances bo made public; and al
though (having comparatively little material to
work with) ho did not succeed in discovering the
Bystem upou which tho ciphers were constructed,
aud never sent a single translation until alter the
Bamo thing had been translated in the office, his
work had, nevertheless, considerable value, as cor
roborating t no results attained by others beloro
thoy had reached the point where their work proved
itfcolt. , .,,,,.
Finally, 1 committed a largo number of the dis
Tntpii,. to Mr. John 1L G. Hassanl. chief of Tun
Tnuic.NE staff, and a serious and determined cfibrt
for their translation was fanlv begnn. Shoitly
ulteiward. Colonel William M. Grosvenor, also of
'1 UK TniHL'Xi: stall, who had become greatly inter
ested in the specimen dispatches thrown out, asked
for a chance at the samo work, and a considerable
number of tho dispatches weie confided to him.
These gon?riincu at first worked independently of
each other, aird without communication. For a time
both grooed blindly, if not hopelessly, in what
seemed tl3 impenetrable darkness of tho ciphers.
About tho sauio date each began to get glimmerings
of tho system on which tho double cipher was con
structed. When, after weeks of labor, they first
compared notes, Mr. llassard had found two trans
position keys and was jiibt liuishiug a third, while
Colonel Grosvcnor had found three others. Tho
system being thus discovered, the rest were found
much more rapidly. Tho last was discovered by
both gentlemen on tho same evening, the one work
ing at Litchfield, Conn., tho other at Euglowood.
K. J. Each hastened to transmit tho key to me, and
tho two letters came upon my tablo tho next day
within an hour of each other.
A dictionary cipher bafllea research much longer
Its character was easily determined in tho olhce,
but tho dictionary on which it was constructed
conld not bo found. Ono circumstance, however,
at last demonstrated that tho dictionary"! ques
tion must be ono ot tho editions of Webster, for ouo
or two words occurred in soino of the dispatches
bent in this cipher which wero not found m any of
tho modern English dictionaries, excepting ob
Bter's. Mr. Isaac N.Ford, of The Tiuiji'.ni: Staff,
badmeautimo laboriously gono through foity or
fifty dictionaries of all sorts and sizes, omitting, un
luckily, tho very one which had at first been sus
pected, for the reason that it happened to bo tho
only ono not on the shelves of the downtown book
store whero theso searches wero made. Just as the
hnut was narrowed down to this particular diction
ary, tho mathematical professor telegraphed that
this dictionary was tho basis of the key. aud in
twenty-four hours tho ciphers it contained were un
locked. After the main work had been done, a number of
dispatches among local politicians at tho South, ap-
Sarently of minor importance, sent in ciphers of a
iffereut character from any previously translated,
were attacked by Mr. llassard. Among theso wero
the double number aud the double letter ciphers.
I had intrusted in all about 400 dispatches to Mr.
llassard aud Colonel Grosvenor. When thev had
finished their labors only three of that whole collec
tion remained untranslated. These arc iu ciphers
of which there aro no other examples, and they
have not yet been mastered.
Valuable aid was rendered by many of tho
younger gentleiren in the office, and as tho hunt
became keener, almost the entire Staff took part in
it. The credit of translation, however, belongs ab
eolutely to Mr. llassard and Colonel Grosvenor.
They received no assistance from any outsidt quar
ter, excepting from tho mathematical professor
before mentioned, and received from him no trans
lation whatever, and no important clew, until after
they had discovered it themselves. w. it.
Tribune Ujice, January 14, 1870.
ton, on tho very day of his arrival at Columbia, a
proposal to buy tho Canvassing Hoard for $30,000;
to which Pelton appears to have readily assented.
This figure was too low, and the negotiation, after
lasting six days, was closed at tho price of fcs0,
000. It was arranged that Weed should meet a
messenger at Baltimore, who was to carry tho
money in three packages; and ho particularly re
quested that Colonel Pelton should act as this mes
senger himself. Weedaccordinglv arrived in Balti
more irom Columbia on tho 20th of November, and
I elton arrived there at the same timo from New
xork; but again ta littlo delay upset the scheme.
Subsequently a plot was forme'd to buy four mem
bers of tho South Carolina Legislature, for S20,
OOO, and having thus obtained control of tho
State Government, to imt tho Haves electors in
jail, and lock them up m separate cells until tho
day for casting the electoral votes had passed. Iho
result of this villany would have been to deprive
South Carolina of any vote, and o throw the choice
of a President into tho House f Representatives.
which would have elected Tilden. The plan failed
because tho four members could not be bought.
.1. In Oregon the Democratic Governor withhold
a certificate from ono of tho Hayes electors on tho
ground of ineligibility, and, instead of allowing the
other electors to fill tho vacancy, gave tho certifi
cate to a Tilden elector named Cronin, who had
clearly been defeated. Tho secret agent iu Oregon
was one J. N. H. Patrick. He telegraphed to Colo
nel Pelton that it was uecessary to " purchase a
Republican elector to recognize and act with " Cro
nin, and tho prico was $5,000. This proposal
likewise was accepted, and tho money was sent to
Oregon, where it arrived only on tho Oth of-Decom-ber,
just toolato to bo of any use.
Tho history of tho electoral crisis in November
and December, 1S70. as disclosed by the cipher dis
patches of the Democratic leaders and their secret
agents, covers a period of about twenty-eight days,
from tho Sth of November, when it first became ap
parent that the Piesidencv depended upon tho count
of tho vote in two or threo doubtful States until
tho Gth of December, when the electoral ballots
were duly cast for Hayes and Wheeler. By deci
phering these telegrams Thk Tkiiiuni: has discov
ered that agents wero at once sent out from No. 15
Gramercv Paik, the residence of Mr. Samuel J.
Tilden, to South Carolina, Flonda and Louisiana,
and that others, at the West, received telegraphic
orders to proceed immediately to Oregon, m order
to "capture'' one or all of those States for the Dem
ocratic candidate. Thev all resorted to bribery,
communicating to Mr. Tilden's nephew, Colonel W.
T. Pelton, the particular of tho bargains they con
cluded, and receiving Irom him a distinct aud
formal approval.
1. In Florida the secret agents wero Manton Mar
ble, C. W. Woollcy. and John F. Coyle. Marble
transmitted to Gramercv Park, first a proposition
for the purchase of the Florida Returning Board at
tno price oi .v,mw. xuai was rejected as ex
travagant, and the figure was reduced to $30,000,
at which prico Colouel Peltou signified his willing
ness to close the transaction. It fell t brunch m con
sequence of a delay iu the receipt of the message of
2. In South Carolina the purchasing agent was
smith iL Weed. He telegraphed to Colonel Pel-
A scene of intense dramatic interest was wit
nessed at tho Fifth Avenue Hotel on Saturday. In
a low, dark room, excessively hot and densely
packed, tho whole world sat at tho reporters' tables,
or crowded close with note-book in hand, to catch
tho fauit whispers that fell from a worn and hag
gard old man. With the look of a corpse except in
moments of excitement, with slow, far-away voico
and slow, painful movements, drooping left eyelid,
parchment-hko checks, and auivering hand, Mr,
Tilden repeated his statement, evidently prepared
with great care, in a voice much of the time hardly
audible four feet away. Uia maimer showed intense
and increasing nervous excitement, by great ellort
restrained : tho body rose and foil in the seat inces
santly, as if ho wero trying in vain to rise, and tho
seemingly half useless left arm shook like a leaf.
Then tho excitement burst restraint, tho faco
flushed almost purple, tho lip quivered, tho right
arm repeatedly smote tho table with gieat force and
passion, and tho voice rang through tho room with
painful intensity, liko tho shriek of a drowning
man. After every such effort, tho sentence died
away, as if tho voico wero stopped by closing
waters. Tho effect was almost that of a death-bed
declaration. Had the matter thereof equalled in
force tho solemnity of manner, this declaration
would have had a great effect. Not. iudecd. that tho
people would havo been moro ready to lift to tho
Presidency a mau 60 broken, and so manifestly liv
ing only in bitter and torturing memories. But tho
matter was by no means equal to tho manner in lm-
pressivoness, nor could any unprejudiced hearer
avoid contrasting tho declarations of Mr. Tilden
with his own admitted conduct toward men whoso
deeds fill a dark page In the history of the country.
Mr. Tilden's testimony was doubtless as strongas,
after four months of preparation and consultation,
It was nossiblo to make it. That it was not exceed
ingly stiong was duo to tho inherent and insuper
able difficulties ot bis posit ion. It was not possible
tor him to state that, iu respect to Weed, Marble.
Woollcy, Cojloor Pelton, either in watching their
doings, knowing their character as ho did, or in
reprobating their acts when they became known to
him, his conduct was consistent with tho (spotless
virtue and unwavering purpose which ho professed.
It was not possible for him wholly to conceal that
low moral tone which half excused Pelton for try
ing to buy votes, because ho was swift to believe
without evidence that others had done orattempted
the same thing. His only intense feeling was not
wrath because of crimes committed, but wrath be
cause of 1 oss sustained. Pelton was tolerated and
kept whin ho was known to havo done wrong.
Years afterward he was disowned with indignation
only when tho public had found him out.
Mr. Ti blends dcclai at ion of his ignorance of cor
rupt negotiations seems as broad, full and emphatic
as it could be. If there wero mental reservations,
as it now appears there were in his published card
of October last, of such character that an exact
statement of truth had the public effect of a state
ment that was fa'se, they do not yet appear. He
claims to havo had no knowledge that Pelton was
communicating in cipher with tho Democratic
agents at the South ; no knowledge that Weed had
gono to ftouin Carolina, until lie returned; no
knowledge that Woollcy had gono to Florida.
or raincK to uregon ; no Knowledge of
any coinipt proposal as to South Carolina,
until it was anested by Mayor Cooper's
relusal to provide money for it, aud no know ledge
even then or afterward of tho truo nature of the
negotiations in that State or the others. 'Ihese
insertions, n miiy ueiiovcu, acquit .Mr. Tilden of ono
lifetime, in order not to know who was telegraph
ing, and to whom, and what about. That Colonel
Pelton had been in charge of correspoudence.not be
cause ho was trusted by thocummittce, but because
he was thought to represent Mr. Tilden. was of
necessity known to Mr. Tilden from tho angry at
tacks of Democratic papers upon the " Bureau of
Nincompoops." If Mr. Tilden did not find out what
ni uephow was doing, it was becanso ho was deter
mined in,i to know.
IV. Confronted with tho fact that Colonel Pelton
had asked aid in crimo from Mr. Cooper, it was not
possiblo for Mr. Tilden to let the bargain go on
without making it his own, in tho eyes of Messrs.
Cooper and Hewitt. But when Pelton was recalled,
why did Mr. Tildon ask no questions T Ho swears
"it was not necessary!'' Yet Pelton remained as
before in chargoof telegraphic correspondence of
tho Committee. Mr. Tilden, oven then, did not
stop that, nor try to stop it, nor make tho slightest
ellort to know what had been done, or would bo
done during the weeks that still remained. All this
scandal proves the talsity of tho answer, " it was
" not necessary " to ask. Had ho asked at that
time, November 21, and stopped tho telegraphing,
or caused Mr. Hewitt to seo tho telegrams, the sec
ond job in South Carolina, and all tho jobs in I lor
ida. Oregon and Louisiana, would havo been pre
vented. He did not ask nor utter a word to prevent
them. Why?
V. At that time, about November 21, it becamo
known to Mr. Tilden what Smith Weed had been
doing. Ho now swears that ho " took Weed to task
' for taking part in such transactions," after ecd's
return. But after that the second job in South Car
olina was arranged by Weed himself, bv telegram
from New-York. After that, and as late as Decem-
l her 4, the extraordinary legal dispatch was scut to
Eouin uaroiinn " imnnrtjint luugmeni on uuo wai-
"rauto bo obtained Thursday. If order to de
" liver paper appurtenance to oflico bo disobeyed,
immediately commit for contempt, or if the righi
" ful.electors attempt tho exercise of authority by
"meeting, attach for contempt. Prepare beforo
" hand and enforce immediately would bo appro
" priatc. Would be humane to imprison thein sep
arately during Wednesday. All probably de
spends on your State. Leave nothing undone."
Verily, " the voice is Jacob's voice, but tho bauds
" are tho hands of Esau."
VI. Mr. Tilden claims that it was safe to let Pel
ton alone becanso he could get no mono. But this
is palpably untrue. Pelton did get money to send
to Oregon. :mil from n bank m which Mr. TiliJOIi
was especially well known. There were hundreds
of unscrupulous Democrats who have given larger
sums than Pelton needed, for much binaller vic
tories. If there were no others, there was John
Morrissey and the Democratic gamblers who had at
stake over $1,200,000. Did Mr. Tilden reason.
"Pelton will no longer dare to go to Cooper, or to
"coimito me: therelore other uiouey.uot bycandi
" date or committee, will bo louud, and I shall know
" nothing about it " ? Did ho rt-llcct, " Then I can
"prove that I denounced and btopped tho at
" tempt"? If-that was not his reasoning, why did
ho never inquire, interfere anil stop Pelton's charge
of correspondence through his apparent lepre
scntatiou of Mr. Tilden himself.
VII. After the act for which Mr. Tilden took
Weed "to task,'' ho retained that poison as his
manager of forces in a Dtmocnitie convention.
After Marble had said that votes wero for sale in
Florida, Mr. Tildon took caro to ask no more, but
continued on intimate terms with him. After Pel
loir's journey to Baltimore to meet Weed, and for
more than a year after the full public exposure of
tho Oregon business, Pelton remained in Mr. Til
den's house. This treatment ot men known to be
guilty will, by tho public, bo held conclusive proof
that Mr. Tilden's profession of absolute and un
swerving hostility to bribery is not true. He was
hostile to any bribery that could bo traced to him,
and particularly hostile to any bribery that was
found out. and destroyed hi3 own prospects.
No other form of moral indignation has been shown
in bis conduct. But he virtually placed W. T. Pel-
ton in a position where he was siiro to havo oppor
tunity to buy votes, knowing well that ho was a
man who would buy votes if ho could, and that ho
could find tho money; in that position ho held
Pelton by carefully retraining from any word ot
natural caution or protest; and ho took extraor
dinary pains for weeks not to find out anything
about tho uso Pelton was making of his peculiar
poweis. This is Mr. Tilden's record, upon his own
testimony. What eiso will appear, when the dis
patches sent to G. W. Smith shall havo been traced
to the person who actually received and opened
them, we shall probably see. The Louisiana matter
has not yet been brought to light.
charge only to convict him of another quite as fatal
to his position as a Presidential candidate. For they
aro to be compared with certain facts now fully
established :
1. Mr. Tilden kucw W. T. Pelton thoroughly.
Democratic newspapers, by way of preparing tho
scapegoat for tho wilderness, aro accumulating
proof that Pelton's conduct, especially iu regard to
money matters, had been biich that no confidence
could be placed m his integnty, and theso doms
were best known to Governor 1 ilden. who h.iil Pil
fered by them. Yet at a most critical and delicate
time, when "tho air was full of rumors of conup
" tion," as Mr. Tilden himself testifies, ho did suffer
Pelton to conduct tho confidential communication
between New-York and tho Democratic agents at
the South. Ho know that corrupt proposals must
reach such a man. A word from him to Mr. Hewitt.
Mr. Cooper, or Mr. Pelton himself, would havo
stopped such communication, and caused all proper
agents of the party at the Smith to be warned to
communicate only with Mr. Hewitt. It he had ever
said, "Pelton is indiscreet, and may mak. scandal."
or "Pelton is conupt, and may buy or promise to
" buy,' there would havo been an end. Mr. Tilden
admits, and tho world knows, that ho did not speak
that word. Why not?
II. Mr. Tilden knew Weed, Woollcy. Coyle and
M.uble. He had seen under the veneering, and
knew Mnible for the Joseph Surface of the age. He
had beta the chairman ot tho Democratic State
Committee in 180b, and necessarily know of Mr.
Woollei's part m the impeachment of Johnson. He
had been uovcrnor, ana necessarily knew the pro
clivities ot the most skilled lobbyist at Albany. It
was bis duty to know whether such men icpre
sented the Democratic National Committee, at the
very points where corruption was most probable.
111. It is absolutely impossible that Samuel J.
Tilden wjis ignorant of all tho cipher telegrams
which came Irom the South, unless he made an ef
fort to be ignorant. It was his habit and his very
nature to give extraordinary attention to the detais
of political contests. If it is true that ho did not
get constant reports from the men sent South, it
can only be because ho suddenly made an extraor
dinary eflort to suppress natural anxiety and lm
patience, aud to put Deumu ami tho habits of
From The Xew-York Tribune.
In tho doubtful dusk of tho morning gray.
With hammer and drill and jimmy and crank,
Some high-toned men they pluinlcicd a bank,
And tho precious spoil thoy carried away.
What desolation tho owner found!
And he said, "A h ssnn it teaches me;
I'll set a fiieot soldiers around ;
These high-toned coves hcv ben too free
It seems to me
They hev ben too freel"
And ho stationed soldiers, solemn and still,
And his vaults he piled with tno gold again ;
Then t-ime on tiptoe the high-toned men
With hammer and crow and jimmy and drill ;
" We aio crushed in the tyrant's fangs!'' thoy cried.
As they met the troopers; " we're slaves, may be!
The spectacle cruelly wounds our pride;
If they went oil we should feel more free
Withdraw 'em and we
Should feel more free!"
The hizh-toncd men thev lingered there,
With jimmy and drill and hammer and crow,
And they kept a-walking to and fro,
With a persecuted and saddened air.
And a mule-team wailed beside tho w.iIL
"You troopers go oil and let us be !"
Thev said. " Wo ain't dom' not bin' at all,
But ifyon 'uns went wo should ieel more free.
We all agree
Wo should feel moro free.''
And tho high-toned men uttered dismal croaks.
And flourished their jiiumv and hammer aud saw,
And sh'iited, " You'd ought to obey tho law
Which says that you shan't be a watclun' folks F
Then tho owner said, " 1 remember you !
You were here afore and you went for me;
'F ve bed full swing what wouldn't yodu ?
Fact is. I guess you hev ben lu free
Preliaps,"sas he.
"A leetle tu fr e !"
Now that the retreat has been begun it is a good
titiio to recall some of the gittedanii valorous Black
burn's remarks concerning the weakness of yield
ing. In his famous " out" speech he de
clared that tho Democratic side of tho chamber
would " never yidd or surrender unless this Con
gress shall have died by virtue of its limitation. A
principle cautiot be compromised. It may bo sur
rendered, but that can only be done by its advo
cates giving proofs to the world that thev aro cra
vens and cowards. We cannot yield ami wo will
not yield. Wo are planted on our convictions,
rhcro we will stand. He who dallies is a dastard,
and he who doubts is damned." Whether Black
burn has "dallied" or "doubted" is not revealed,
but there is no doubt that tho wholo party is
' damned." ,
The party in power in the Legislative Depart
ment of the Government has served its notice upon
tho country. It may as well bo accepted at once.f
in tno &9iiato ilr. Saulshury, for ins party, arrcs-
gantly assumes tho responsibility of power, ai
with a resonant crack of tho whip that brings bac.
the old days bids tho Republicans m that body bo
not only patient, but silent and submissive, while
ho and his political associates work fltkeir own
sweet will. Confederate generals direct the coun
sels of tho organization that controls tho Senate,
apportion among thomselvcs tho committees and
among their constituents tho patronage, dictate tho
course of legislation, and shape tho policy of tho
party. At tho other end ot tho Capitol Mr.
Stephens, lato Vice-President of tho Confederacy,
Mr. Reagan, lato Postmaster-General of tho Con
federacy, Mr. Chalmers, lato a Brigadier
General of tho Confederate Army, with
others moro or less prominently connected
with that disastrous political venture, have
given out that tho people having called tho Demo
cratic party back to power to relievo tho country
from tho evil consequences of eighteen years of
Radical misrule, it is the duty of tlto present Con
gress to enter immediately upon the task. In both
Senate and Uouso thero is uncommon anxiety on
tho part of tho gentlemen nowly invested with
power to enter at once npon its exercise. Instead
or shrinking from its responsibilities, they oral
eager to assuino them. And we must give them -
credit at least for apparent sincerity. They cer
tain ly do act as though they f ullv believed in them
selves, and believe that they had actually been sent
for in a crisis. In their expressions, their tone, their
manner, their wholo behavior, thev indicate as
plainly as possible their belief that their reappear
ance in Congress is tho result, not of their own. but
of the country's confession of error and repentance.
Thoy have como back, they say, m so mauj' words,
to correct tho mistakes and sweep away the legisla
tion of tho past eighteen years. They havo confi
dence in themselves, to say tho least.
And who, pray, aro the gentlemen stopping so
confidently to tho front, and bidding everybody
else stand back while they take the Government iu
hand? Their unsparing condemnation of existing
laws and their startling proposals of radical
changes invite us to a scrutiny of their record, and
an inquiry as to their fitness for tho revolutionary
proceedings they havo in contemplation. What is
theiecord of theso men who assume responsibility
with such jaunty self-confidence? It is not tar to
seek. Iu 1852 they were intniskd with almost un
questioned power iu all departments of tho Govern
ment and nearly all tho States. There was scarcely
an opposition. What was their statesmanship I In
three years they had set on foot an agitation which
dost them their majority in the House, aud created
sectional division in parties ; and this continued
without their gaining anything they set out for,
until tho Government passed completely out
of their hands iu 1800. and then thoy
entered upon a conspiracy to break up and
destroy it. What fitness does the record
of those eight years show? They tried for four
years a Government of their own. Does that re
ord show such a largo capacity for statesmanship
that we bhould send out for them to come back and
take the old Union in cuarce? Here are financial
questions to be solved by legislation. What cer
tificate of fitness for this work do they bring? Only
this: that they left tho Government in 18(51 in
such straightened circumstances and impaired credit
that its bonds were at a discount, and it could
scarcely borrow money in tho markets of tho world ;
and that in their own experience of a confedera v
they succeeded only in making a currency which
was so worthless as to bo a source of mirth among
themselves. And they havo como back to a Gov
ernment wiioso credit has been raised by the lei -latiou
of these eighteen years to a par with that of
the wealtlnc-t nations in the world; ton Govern
ment winch the same legislation has put in a posi
tion to redeem its obligations iu the money ot the
world. This is the legislation they feel called upon
to sweep aw-iy. and this the certificate of their lit
uess for financial administration.
Hero aro serious questions of tho relations between
capital and labor : what special fitness have they
shown forleginlation upon this subject? Only this:
that eighteen years ago thev struck out for them
selves in a now Government whose corner-stone
was the system of slave labor. There is to-dav no
such system iu existence, and their acquaintance
with that of fteo lubor and its relations with
capital dates only from tho fall of their abortive
Confederacy. Hero is the system of internal rev
enue which seems to havo aroused tho interest of
the late Confederate Vice-Pre-ident, Mr. Stephens,
who says it should be thoroughly overhauled and
changed: what constitutes their fitness fortius
work? Only this: that their rebellion made tho
system necessary, and that its collection in tl o
Southern States is attended with moro tioublu
and expense than anywhero else becanso resistance
to the law is more general there. There are laws
to bo passed and appropriations to bo made for
tho postal sen-ice : what constitutes the qunli
licitions of these gentlemen for this duty? Nutli
mg that we know of, except that they come from a
section which has never paid for its own postal
facilities, but has always exhausted the surplus de
rived from the profits of the s-r ice in the Northern
States, and required additional appropriations from
the Treasury to furnish its mail accommodations
Did Mr. 1,'eagan. the ex-Postmater-G'eieral of tho
Confederacy, show speual fitness for legislating
upon this Mihjei t when ho recommended tho pay
ment ot a mail contractor who was shown by tho
records of his own department to have been paid
onco already ? Mr. Stephens expresses a purpose to
repeal the law taxing State Banks, bo that the sev-
erai Klines iimy cuuruT ii.'iiiks oi i vsue, as of old.
No one who is old enough to remember the con
venience and the bautics of the State bank cur
rency we enjoyed before the war will after this
question Mr. Stephens' wisdom as a legislator upon
that subject. States which repudiate their bonds
might perhaps charter banks whoso notes would
circulate with thoso of the National banks or with
greenbacks. It does not now seem probable though.
But the great thing which all Democrats unite in
saying that the party was brought backtopowtr
for is to repeal the infamous election laws. And
what is their special fitness for this sort of legisla
tion? Well, only this: that among the first of
fences for which this party was repudiated by tho
people twenty years ago was its outrageous frauds
upon the ballot-box in Kansas, in tho attempt of
these g-ntlemen who have como hack to govern ns
to steal that State; that, from that time on, they
have notoriously defrauded the ballot-box win n
ever and wherever their needs required, and oppor
tunity offered, notably so m this city ami that thty
have regained their ascendancy in the National
Legislature by means of the most linhlnudm,.
frauds at the polls m the Southern States that wero
ever known even in that party's history,
qualifies thtin to bo Iho protectors of the ballot and
10 legislate wineiy lor me iretiiom oi elections.
The-e are tho men and this the party who havo
come back to take charge of the Government and
sweep awav the legislation of "eighteen years of
Radical misrule." I hey make no boms of savii.g
so. Tney aro not slow to announce their mission
nor are they in o lest m p'eking un the mrwl.ti-!
official spoils. Ah for us, wo make no complaint;
we have no disposition to say a word to revivo tho
animosities of tho war. But tho calmness wih
which these people come forward to make our 1 iws
upon all these varied questions, aud the assurance
w ith which they aumo that they have been ulkd
in to overturn existing things and build aiaw,
must naturally challenge inquiry as to their quali
fications for so large a task, and the preparatory
Bchool in which they were fitted for it.