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ngi-
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The Valentine Democrat
VALENTINE , NEB.
J. M. RICE , Publinhez
THURSDAY , OCT. 8 , 1004. '
CHATS BY THE WAY.
Ex-Governor William PInckney
Whyte , of Maryland , is eighty years
old , but he is going to stump Maryland
and West Virginia for the Democratic
ticket. Something of the spirit of ' 7(1
animates Democrats , old and young ,
this year. It is a splendid sign. It
points to victory.
* #
Hon. True L. Norris , National Com-
raitteeman from New Hampshire , had
this comment to make on the situation :
"A few days ago I should have said
that the chances were about even be
tween the two candidates. To-day the
outlook is so much brighter for the
Democrats that I believe Judge Parker
a certain winner. HeMvill sweep the
States of New York , New Jersey and
Connecticut and will carry at least two
middle and two mountain States.
More than passing strange it is that
American products continue to be sold
in foreign parts cheaper than at home.
Even sewing machines , distinctively an
American production , far surpassing in
merit and cheapness of cost of manu
facture any like machine of foreign ori
gin , costs the home buyer nearly 100
per cent , more than the foreigner has
to pay for it.
* * *
Mr. Roosevelt announces that agree
ment with him is the one credible evi
dence that a man is a "good Ameri
can , " and failure to ajjree with him
proof of indifference to the "welfare
of the nation. " It is a simple test. On
the basis of the election returns of
1900 , when he was a candidate for the
Vice-Presidency , 4S.r voters of every
1000 came under this condemnation.
If as many as two in 100 should show
like contumacy the country , logically ,
would go rapidly to ruin. Sucn pro
found confidence in himself and the
party he leads fully explains Mr. Roose
velt's aspersions of the motives and
character of his opponents. But it
does not quite excuse it.
* * *
Republican "prosperity" talk What
shall be said of the Democratic in
crease in American tonnage engaged
in foreign trade from GG9,923 in 1SOO
to 2.540,237 in 1SGO , a Democratic in
crease per decade of forty-six per cent. .
as against the decrease from 2,540.237
in 1SGO to S2G.964 in 1900 , a Republi
can decrease of sixteen per cent , per
decade ? Edward M. Shepard.
Republican "prosperity' . ' talk What
shall be said of the Democratic in
crease in our total domestic merchan
dise exported from $31,000,000 in 1SOO
to § 310,000,000 in 1SGO , or an average
Democratic increase of 133 per cent.
per decade , as against the Republican
increase from $310,000,000 in 1SGO to
> $1,370.000,000 in 1900 , and increase of
only S3.5 per cent , per decade ? Ed
ward M. Shepard.
* A s
Prosperity is not the product of poli
ticians nor of Government policies. it
is the joint product of God and man. It
comes from the benevolence of nature
in giving us rain and sunshine , com
bined with the industry and the intelli
gence of the American f armors and la
borers of every class. Senator Jos. W.
Bailey , of Texas.
, m
-f -
v
Every German newspaper ic New
York City is against Roosevelt. This
is official. At least the sf-itc-nient is
made on the authority of Joseph AVin-
ter , the man who organized the Roose
velt German-American League.
* *
Mr. Cleveland's statement that tho
State ticket fairly' represents "the
fighting strength or New York's Dem
ocracy" is the opinion of a man who
knows New York , Avho knows fighters
iind Avho knows Democracy. New
York World.
* * *
One of the-great founders of the Re
publican party , when it was conse
crated to the cause of the abolition of
slavery , advises negroes not to vote the
Republican ticket , and it is no less than
former Secretary George S. Boutwell ,
of Massachusetts.Hf .
Hf * *
Of all the travesties on sincerity is
the kind of talk the Republican candi
date for Vice-President is using , espe
cially Avhen he said ; speaking of our
foreign relations , "We need no allies
except those of truth and justice. "
How does that comport Avith the speak-
softly , big-stick policy the utterance
of the Rough Rider President ?
* * *
The New York Times , speaking of
Mr. Roosevelt's recent letter of ac
ceptance of the Republican nomination , ,
says : "No such astonishing document
has ever before been issued by a Presi
dent of the United States or by a can
didate for President. It sounds like a
A'oice from the Middle Ages , or like an
outcry of the King of Abyssinia. Its
aim is certainly not to tell the truth ,
but to put the President's opponents
'in.a hole. ' "
* * *
"Chicago , " said T. C. Newman , of
that city , "will give from 40.000 to GO-
000 for Parker. If we can hold the ma
jorities doAvn in the big Republican
counties the Illinois electoral vote will
surely be cast for the constitutional
party. "
* a *
James H. Taliaferro , West Virginia :
"My State is no longer doubtful. We
will wipe out McKinley's 18,000 and
land with 15,000 for Parker and Da-
vis/
Senator Gulberson , of Texas , who has
just gone on a speaking tour , dropped
in at Democratic headquarters to-day.
He said : "I have no doubt whatever of
Democratic success. All the signs
point to a victory for our party. I not
only believe Ave Avill carry the States
of New York , New Jersey and Connec
ticut , but I also feel confident we will
iwin two of the middle Western States
and will pick up a few votes in the in
ter-mountain States. At least , that is
the information I have been receiving
from persons thoroughly posted on con-
; jlitiona in t&e States I have named. "
An Eloquent , Sobering and Saving Appeal to the
American People No Longer to Permit Them
selves to Be Pooled and Misled ,
It Is Addressed to BJen Who Think It is a Warning , a Strong Voice
Through , the Darkness and Storm Telling of Peril and How to
Escape It HO Urges .Economy , Equal Opportunity , Turlflt Ket'orm ,
Rule of the Law.
To the Honorable Champ Clark and
Others , Committee , etc. :
Gentlemen In my response to your
committee , at the formal notification
proceedings , I referred to some matters
not mentioned in thisletter. . I desire
that these be considered as incorpo
rated herein , and regret that lack of
space prevents .specific reference to
them all. I wish here , however , again
to refer to my views there expressed
as to the gold standard , to declare
again my unqualified belief in said
standard , and to express my apprecia
tion of the action of the convention in
reply to my communication upon that
subject.
Grave public questions are pressing
'for decision. The Democratic party
appeals to the people with confidence
that its position on these questions
will be accepted and endorsed at the
polls. While the issues involved are
numerous , some stand forth pre-emi
nent in the public mind. Among these
are tariff reform , imperialism , econom
ical administration and honesty in the
public service. I shall briefly consider
these and some others within the nec
essarily prescribed limits of this letter.
EXECUTIVE ENCROACHMENT.
While I presented my views at the
notification proceedings concerning this
vital issue , the overshadowing impor
tance of this question impels me to
refer to it again. The issue is often
times referred to as "Constitutionalism
vs. Imperialism. "
If we would retain our liberties and
constitutional right unimpaired , we can
not permit or tolerate , at any time or
for any purpose , the arrogation of un
constitutional powers by the executive
branch of our Government. We should
be ever mindful of the words of Web
ster , "Liberty is only to be preserved
by maintaining constitutional re
straints and just divisions of political
powers. "
Already the National Government
has' become centralzed beyond any
point contemplated or imagined by the
framers of the Constitution. How tre
mendously all this has added to the
powers of the President ! It has de-
velepod from year to year until it al
most equals that of many monarchs.
While the growth of our country and
the magnitude of interstate interests
may seem to furnish a plausible reason
.for this centralization of power , yet
these same facts afford the most po
tent reason why the Executive should
not be permitted to encroach upon the
other departments oi ! the Government ,
and assume legislative , or other pow
ers , not expressly conferred by the
Constitution.
The magnitude of the country and
its diversity oC interests and popula
tion would enable a determined , ambi
tious and able Executive , unmindful of
constitutional limitations and fired
with the lust of power , to go far in
the usurpation of authority and the
aggrandizement of personal power be
fore the sitution could be fully appre
ciated or1 the people be aroused.
The issue of imperialism which has
been thrust upon the country involves
a decision whether the law of the laud
or the rule of individual caprice shall
govern. The principle of imperialism
may give rise to brilliant , startling ,
dashing results , but the principle of
democracy holds in check the brilliant
Executive and subjects him to the
sober , conservative control of the peo
ple.The
The people of the United States
stand at the parting of the ways.
Shall we follow the footsteps of our
fathers along the paths of peace , pros
perity and contentment , guided by the
ever-living spirit of the Constitution ,
which they framed for us , or shall we
go along other and untried paths , hith
erto shunned by all , following blindly
new ideals , which , though appealing
with brilliancy to the imagination and
ambition , may prove a will o' the wisp ,
leading us into difficulties from which
it may be impossible to extricate our
selves without lasting injury to our
National character and institutions ?
TARIFF REFORM AT ONCE. "
Tariff reform is one of the cardinal
principles of the Democratic faith , and
the necessity for it was never greater
than at the present time. It should be
undertaken at once in the iuterest of
all our people.
The Diusjley tariff is excessive in
many of its rates , and , as to them at
least , unjustly and oppressively bur-
dons the people. It secures to domestic
manufacturers , singly or in combina
tion , the privilege of exacting excessive
prices at home and prices far above the
level of sales made regularly by them
abroad with profit , thus giving a
bounty to foreigners at the expense of
our own people. Its unjust taxation
burdens the people generally , forcing
them to pay excessive prices for food ,
fuel , clothing and other necessaries
of life. It levies duty on many articles
not normally imported in any consider
able amount , , which are made exten
sively at home , for which the most ex
treme protectionist would hardly jus
tify protective taxes , and which in
large amounts are exported. Such
duties have been and will continue to
be a direct incentive to the formation
of huge industrial combinations , which ,
secure from foreign competition , arc-
enabled to stifle domestic competition
and practically to monopolize the home
market.
It contains many duties imposed for
the express purpose only , as was openly
avowed , of furnishing a basis for re
duction by means of reciprocal trade
treaties , which ae Republican admin- '
istration , impliedry , at least , promised
to negotiate. Having on this promise
secured the increased duties , the Re
publican party leaders , spurred on by
protected interests , defeated the treat
ies negotiated by the Executive , and
now these same interests cling to the
benefit of these duties which the peo
ple never intended they , should have ,
and to which they have no moral right.
Even now the argument most fre
quently urged in behalf o'f the Dingley
tariff , and against tariff reform gener
ally , is the necessity of caring for our
infant industries. Many of these in
dustries , after a hundred years of
lusty groAvth , are looming up as indus
trial giants. In their case , at least , the
Dingley tariff invites combination and
monopoly , and gives justification to
the expression that the tariff is the
mother of trusts.
For the above mentioned reasons ,
among many others , the people demand
reform of these abuses , and such re
form demands and. should receive im
mediate attention.
HOPE OF AID FROM THE SENATE
The two leading parties have always
differed as to the principle of customs
taxation. Our party has always ad-
A-anced the theory that the object is
the raising of revenue for support of
the Government whatever other results
may incidentally flow therefrom. The
Republican party , on the other hand ,
contends that customs duties should be
levied primarily for protection , so-
called , with revenue as the subordinate
purpose , thus using the power of taxa
tion to build up the business and prop
erty of the few at the expense of the
many.
This difference of principle still sub
sists , but our party appreciates that
the long-continued policy of the coun-
inadequate , contrary to my expecta
tions , I favor such 1'urtber legislation ,
withinconstitutional limitations , as
Avill best promote ; and safeguard the
interests of all the people.
Whether there is any common law
which can be applied and .enforced by
the Federal courts , cannot be deter
mined by the President , or by a candi
date for the Presidency.
The determination of this question
was left by the people in framing the
Constitution , to the Judiciary and not
to the Executive. The Supreme Court
of the United States has recently con
sidered this question , and , in the case
of the Western Union Telegraph Com
pany vs. the Call Publishing Company ,
to be found in the one hundred and
eighty-first volume of the United States
Supreme Court reports , at page 92 , it
decided that common law principles
could be applied by United States
courts in cases involving interstate
commerce , in the absence of United
States statutes specifically covering
the case. Such is the law of the land.
GREATER MARKETS NEEDED.
In my address to the Notification
Committee I said that tariff reform "is
demancted by the best interests of both
manufacturer and consumer. " With
equal truth it can be said that the ben
efits of reciprocal trade treaties would
enure to both. That the consumer
would be helped is unquestionable.
That the manufacturer would receive
great benefit by extending his markets
abroad hardly needs demonstration.
His productive capacity has outgrown
the home market. The very term ,
"home market , " has changed in its
significance. Once , from the manufac
turers' point of view , it meant expan
sion ; to-day the marvelous growth of
our manufacturing industries has far
exceeded tho consumptive capacity of
our domestic markets , and the term
"home market" implies contraction ,
rather than expansion. If we would
run our mills to their full capacity thus
giving steady employment to our work-
Tile persistent refusal of the Repub
lican majority in the Federal Senat <
to ratify the reciprocity treaties nego
tiated in pursuance of thepoiicy ndvo
cated alike by Mr. Elaine and Mr : Me
Kinley , and expressly sanctioned ii
the fourth section of the Dingley act
is a discouraging exhibition of bat
faith. As already mentioned by me
the exorbitant duty imposed on manj
an imported article by the Diftglej
tariff was avowedly intended by its
author not to be permanent , but to
serve temporarily as a maximum , from
which the Federal Government was
empowered to offer a reduction , in re
turn for an equivalent concession on
the part of a foreign country. Presi
dent McKiuley undertook honestly to
carry out the purpose of this section
of the act. A number of reciprocity
agreements were negotiated within
the prescribed limit of two years ,
which , if ratified , would have had
the two-fold result of cheapening
many imported products for Amer
ican consumers , and of opening
and enlarging foreign markets to
American producers. Not one of those
agreements has met with the approval
of the Republican masters oJ the Sen
ate. Indeed they did not even permit
their consideration. In view of the
attitude of the present Executive , no
new agreement under the general
Treaty power need be expected from
him. Nor does the Republican plat
form contain a favorable reference to
one of the suspended treaties. This
section of the Dingley act stands forth
as a monument of legislative cozenage
and political bad faith.
NO TYRANNY OVER OTHERS.
In some quarters it has tieen assumed
that in the discussion cf the Philippine
question in my response , the phrase
"self-government , " was intended to
mean something less than independ
ence. It was not intended that it
should be understood to mean , nor do
I think as used it does mean less than
independence. However , to eliminate
From Atlanta Constitution.
FOR PRESIDENT !
try , as manifested , in its statutes ,
makes it necessary that tariff reform
should .be prudently and sagaciously
undertaken , on scientific principles , to
the end that there should not be an
immediate revolution in existing con
ditions.
In the words of our platform we de
mand "a revision and a gradual reduc
tion of the tariff by the friends of the
masses , and for the common weal , and
not by the friends of its abuses , its
extortions and discriminations. "
In my response to your committee 1
pointed out the method under which
a gradual reduction of customs duties
may be accomplished without disturb
ing business conditions. I desire again
to express the opinion that this method
should be followed.
It is true that the Republicans , who
do not admit in their platform that the
Dingley tariff needs the slightest alter
ation , are likely to retain a majority
of the Federal Senate throughout the
next Presidential term , and could ,
therefore , if they chose , block every
attempt at legislative relief. But it
should be remembered that the Re
publican party includes many revision
ists , and I believe it will shrink from
defying the popular will expressed un
mistakably and peremptorily at the
ballot box.
The people demand reform of exist
ing conditions. Since the last Demo
cratic administration the cost of living
has grievously increased. Those hav
ing fixed incomes have suffered keenly ;
those Jiving on wages , if there has been
any increase , know that such * increase
has not kept pace with the advance in
cost of living , including rent and the
necessaries of life. Many to-day are
out of work , unable to secure any
wages at all. To alleviate these condi
tions , in so far as is in our power ,
should be our earnest endeavor.
COMMON LAW AND THE TRUSTS.
I pointed out in my earlier response
the remedy , which in my judgment ,
can effectually be applied against mo
nopolies , and the assurance was then
given that If existing .laws , including
both statute and common law , proved
men and securing to them and to the
manufacturer the profits accruing from
increased production , other markets
must be found. Furthermore , when
our manufacturers are dependent on
raw materials in whole or in part im
ported , it is vital to the extension of
their markets abroad that they secure
their materials on the most favorable
terms.
Our martyred President , William
McKinloy , appreciated this situation.
He pointed out in his last address to
the people that we must make sensible
trade arrangements if "we shall extend
the outlets for our increasing surplus. "
He said , "a system which provides a
mutual exchange of commodities is
manifestly essential to the continued
and healthful growth of our export
trade. . . . The period of exclusive-
ness is past. The expansion of our
trade and commerce is the pressing
problem. Commercial wars are un
profitable. A policy of good will and
friendly relations will prevent re
prisals. Reciprocity treaties are in
harmony with the spirit of the times ;
measures of retaliation are not. "
This argument was made in the in
terests of our manufacturers , whose
products , he urged , \ "have so multi
plied , that the problem of more mar
kets requires our urgent and immediate
attention. " He had. come to realize
that the so-called "stand , pat" policy
must give way that there must be a
reduction of duties to enable our manu
facturers to cultivate foreign markets.
McKINLEY'S LAST WORDS.
The last words of this President who
had won the affection of his country
men ought to be studied by every
man who has any doubt of the neces
sity of a reduction in tariff rafes in
the interest of the manufacturer. They
present with clearness a situation and
a proposed remedy that prompted the
provision in our platform which de
clares that "We favor liberal trade ar
rangements with Canada and with peo
ples of other countries where they can
be entered into with benefit to Ameri
can agriculture , manufactures , mining
or commerce. "
all possibility for conjecture , I now
state that I am in hearty accord with
that plank in our platform that favors
doing for the Filipinos what we have
already done for the Cubans ; and I
favor making the promise to them now
that we shall take'such action as soon
as they are reasonably prepared for it.
If independence , , such as the Cubans
enjoy , cannot be prudently granted to
the Filipinos at this time , the promise
that it shall come the moment they
are capable of receiving it will tend to
stimulate rather than hinder their de
velopment. And this should be done
not only in justice to the Filipinos ,
but to preserve our own rights ; for a
free people cannot withhold freedom
from another people and themselves
remain free. The toleration of tyranny
over others will soon breed contempt
for freedom and self-government , and
weaken our power of resistance to in
sidious usurpation of our constitutional
rights.
AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP.
The pledge of the platform to secure
to our citizens , without distinction of
race or creed , whether native born or
naturalized , at home and abroad , the
equal protection of the laws and the
enjoyment of all the rights and privi
leges open to them tinder the covenants
of our treaties , as their just due , should
be made good to them. In the accom
plishment of that result it is essential
that a passport issued by the Govern
ment of the United States to an Amer
ican citizen shall be accepted the world
over as proof of citizenship.
TO ENFORCE CIVIL SERVICE LAW
The statute relating to Civil Service
is the outcome of the efforts of thought
ful , unselfish and public spirited citi
zens. Operation under it has frequent
ly been of such a character as to of
fend against the spirit of the statute ,
but the results achieved , , even under a
partial enforcement of the law , have
been such as to both deserve and com
mand the utterance of the Democratic
party that it stands committed , to the
principle of Civil Service reform and
demands its just and impartial en-
forcement.
RECLAMATION OF ARIL ) LANDS.
A vast expense * of country in the
$ Vest , portions of which are to be
found in each of the sixteen States
and Territories , mentioned in the law ,
is directly affected by the National
statute the outcome of intelligent and
persistent efforts of leading citizens ,
providing for the reclamation of the
arid lands for the benefit of homeseek-
ers. During the years of t'lfdevelop
ment of the measure which finally re
ceived the vote of every member of
the upper house oC Congress , it en
countered opposition , based to a large
extent upon the view that the aim of
its promters was to secure the benefits
of Irrigation to private owners at Gov
ernment expense. The aim of the stat
ute is , however , to enable this vast ter
ritory to reclaim its arid lands without
calling upon the taxpayers of the coun
try at large to pay for it. Whether the
purposes of the bill will be fully ac
complished must depend in hirgo meas
ure upon the abilitAsobriety of judg
ment , independence and honesty of th&
officers of the Interior Department
having this great work m charge.
In 1902 the main canal * ; and ditches
in the region affected agregated more
than 59,000 miles and the work of re
clamation is but in its infancy. The
total cost of construction of the neces
sary head-gates , dam. . , main canals ,
ditches , reservoirs and puir.ping sta
tions at that time war a little over
$93,000,000 , which of itself suggests
the hundreds of millions that may
eventually be invested in the territory
covered by the statute. Th i magnitude
of the conception , and the enormous ex
pense its carrying out involves , make
us realize the overwhelming impor
tance of a broad , capable and honest
administration of the work authorized
by the statute , if effect is to be given
to that part of the plan that relieves
the countrv at large fron ultimate lia-
bi.lit.v.
'NATIONAL FAITH BROKEN.
An Isthmian canal has long been the
hope of our statesmen , and tre avowed
aim of the tworeal parties , as their
platforms in the past shew. Ihe Pan
ama route having been selected , the
building of the c-uial should bo pressed
to completion with all reasonable ex
pedition.
The methods by which the Execu
tive acquired the Panama Canal route
and rights are a source of regret to
many. To them the statement that
thereby a great public work was as
sured to the profit of our people is not
a sufficient answer to the charge of
violation of National good faith. They
appreciate that the principles and
healthy convictions which in their
working out have made us free ami
great , stand firmly against the argu
ment or suggestion that we shall be
blind to the nature of the means em
ployed to promote our welfare. They
hold that adherence to principle ,
whether it works for our good or ill.
will have a more beneficent influence
on our future destiny than all our ma
terial upbuilding , and that we should
ever remember that the idea of doing
a wrong to a smaller , weaker nation
than we. or even all mankind , may
have a resultant good is repugnant to
the principles upon which our govern
ment was founded.
Under the laws of the United States
the duty is imposed on the Executive
to proceed with due diligence ? in the
Avork of constructing the Canal. That
duty should be promptly performed.
AMERICAN SHIPPING.
Our commerce in American bottoms
amounts to but nine per cent , of out-
total exports and imports. For forty
years prior to 1SG1 , when the Republi
can parry came into power , our mer
chant marine carried an average of
eighty per cent , of our foreign com
merce. ' By 1S77 it had clwiurtiod to
twenty-seven per cent. Now we carry
but a contemptibly small fraction of
our exports and imports.
American shipping in the foreign trade
was greater by almost one hundred
thousand tons in 1S10 nearly a hundred
years ago than it was last year. In
the face of the continuous decline in
the record of American shipping dur
ing the last forty-three years , the
promise of the Republican party to re
store it is without encouragement.
The record of the Democratic party
gives assurance that the task can be
more Avisely entrusted to it.
It is an arduous task to undo the ef
fect of forty years of decadence , and
requires the study and investigation
of those best fitted by experience to
find the remedy which surely does not
lie in .the granting of subsidies , wrung
from the pockets of all the taxpayers.
Recent disclosures , coupled with the
rapid augmentation of government ex
penditures , show a need of an investi
gation of every department of the
government. The Democrats in Con
gress demanded it. The Republican
majority refused the demand. The
people can determine by their Aote in
November Avhether they wish an hon
est and thorough investigation. A
Democratic Congress and Executive
Avill assure it.
ARMY AND NAVY.
We are justly proud of the officers
and men of our Army and Navy. Both ,
however , have suffered from the per
sistent injection of personal and politi
cal influence. Promotions and appoint
ments have been frequently baseu on
favoritism instead of merit. Trials
and court-martials have been set
aside under circumstances indicating
political interference. These and other
abuses should be corrected.
USURPATION IN PENSION ORDER.
The National Democracy favors lib
eral pensions to the surviving soldiers
and sailors and their dependents , on
the ground that they deserve liberal
treatment. It pledges by its platform
adequate legislation to that end. But
it denies the right of the Executive to
usurp the power of Congress to legis
late on that subject. Such usurpation
was attempted by Pension Order No.
78 , and effect has been given to it by a
Congress that dared not resent the
usurpation. It is said that "this order
was made in the performance of a duty
imposed upon the President by act of
Congress , " but the provision making
the imposition is not pointed out. The
act to which the order refers , which is
the one relating to pensions to Civil
War veterans , does not authorize pen
sions on the ground of age. It doer
grant pensions to those "suffering
from any mental or physical dis
ability or disabilities , of a per
manent character , not the result
of their own vicious habits , which so
incapacitates them from the perform
ance of manual labor as to render
them unable to earn a support. " Thi §
