EZRA P. SAVAGE.
GEORGE W. MAKSH.
CHAKLES WESTON.
"WILLIAM STUEFER.
FRANK K. PROUT.
GEORGE D. FOLL3IER.
F 73 ?
WILLIASI K. FOWLER.
The President's Philippine Pol *
icy Warmly Supported.
EXTEAOTS PEOM A EEOENT SPEEOH
Patriotic Utterances of the Former United
StntoH Senator The Ishiniln Must be
Helil by thin Couulry Until Their Fcnpl *
Are Prepared lor a Liirfror Decree '
Self Government No Vuguboo of "Im
perialism" Tor Him.
| "We are dealing with savages as i
bloodthirsty and as incapable of being T
! ! reconciled as the Ogallala Sioux. *
] They precipitated the conflict of !
their own volition. "
: : * *
"A duty is imposed upon us by our ?
occupancy of the Philippine islands I
that wo cannot escape. I fully conf
i cur in what I understand to be the f
T policy of the president of the United !
jStntes. " |
Perhaps the testimony of Admiral
Dewey , concerning the situation in the
Philippines and the nation's present
duty there , does not appeal strongly to
the average fusionist , who is being led
by the party managers into opposition
of the government , for the reason that
the admiral is a Republican. Perhaps
the opinion of General Funston , the in
trepid volunteer from Kansas , has little
weight with them , because he , too , is a
Republican. May be the views of Gen
eral .Too Wheeler will be more seriously
considered by them , for the reason that
he once offered some pretty active and
effective armed resistance to the princi
ple of government without the consent
of the governed , enforced by Abraham
Lincoln , and because he has been a
of the Republican
life-long political opponent
publican party.
We are sure , coming nearer home ,
that Nebraska fnsionists will put some
stress upon the opinion of William Vin
cent Allen , who was a member of the
United States senate until March 4 , last.
Senator Allen voted for the ratification
of the treaty of Paris , according to
recommendation of William Jennings
Bryan. He not only voted for it , but
he urged its ratification in stirring
speeches. He vigorously endorsed the
course of the administration. He se
verely condemned the Filipinos for
their treachery , and declared them as
"bloodthirsty as the Ogallala Sioux. ' *
For the benefit of his political brethren
we herewith reproduce extracts from.
his speeches lest they forget , lest they
forget.
Feb. 6 , 1899 , in a debate on joint reso
lution , S. R. 240 , declaring the purpose
of the United States toward the Philip
pine islands , Senator William V. Allen
said :
"Mr. President , the news has come
to us within the last few hours of a con
flict between the American army and
navy and the Filipinos. To my own
state has fallen much of the loss of life
and limb. Ten out of 20 of the young
men who lost their lives in the battle
that has been fought -within the last 48
hours were members of the First Ne
braska infantry. There is mourning in
Nebraska today ; there will be weeping
in many a Nebraska home tonight. Mr.
President , this ought to be a warning to
us. I cannot condemn too severely the
assault , the treacherous assault , made
upon our troops. We were dealing
with savages as bloodthirsty and as
incapable of being reconciled as the
Ogallala Sioux. They precipitated this
conflict of their own volition.
"We are in the Philippine islands
as a conquering military power. We
hold them by virtue of the power to
make war and in no other sense and
there thos e islands and those people
must remain , respecting the dignity
and the sovereignty and the flag of this
nation , until then ? status among the na
tions of the earth shall be defined by
congress , the sole power to deal with.
this question. "
A few days later , in a debate on the
McEuery resolution , page 1,787 of the
Congressional Record , Senator Alleu
said :
"Mr. President , pur attitude in the
Philippines is a military attitude alto
gether. There is no civil power there.
We have held these islands and wilj
continue to hold them by virtue of this
government until congress , carrying out
a duty imposed upon it by the constitu
tion , shall formulate aud see that there
is adopted a system of civil goi ernmeut
for those people. I think that position
cannot be successfully contradicted.
"Mr. President , a duty is imposed
upon us by our occupancy of the Philip
pine islands that we cannot escape. J
would not incorporate those people into
the body of our population or make citi
zens of them at this time. I fully con >
cur in what I understand to be the pol
icy ot the president of the United States.
to hold them for such reasonable time
that the influence and education of this
government may prepare them in some
blight degree for the duties of an inde
pendent lorm of government. That fur
nishes no excuse ± or their assault upon
the duly constituted authorities in
those islands. That conies from their
lack of knowledge. It comes possibly
from those who have given them , bad
advice. I think it does so largely , but
whether they be responsible or irrespon
sible , the first great lesson they must
learn is obedience to the duly consti
tuted authorities of the islands until the
sovereignty changes from that author
ity teA
A prominent railroad man of Ne
braska says that during the past 18
months the receipts of the Burlington
road for excess baggage have doubled.
This excess baggage is paid by commer
cial travelers almost entirely and indi
cates that there are more of these com
mercial men on the road , and they are
each of them carrying a larger amount
of sample trunks with them. This is a
true index of the commercial prosperity
of the state.
Is it any wonder that the price of
beef is high ? Three years ago i : iu labor
ing classes went without
MUTUAL INSURANCE. 4 >
llow Governor Ifolcoml ) Defeated ?
It Till llu Organized a Company. * *
The remarkable record of Silas A.
Holcomb in the matter of insurance
legislation challenges the attention of
the people of the state , and leads at once
to the inevitable conclusion that it would
bo unsafe to place such a man on the
supreme bench. A weak man in the
presence of temptation while in the
gubernatorial chair , what could be ex
pected of him as a judge ? What case
would be safe in his hands ?
During the legislative session of 1895
there was a determination to puss a law
which would allow the organization of
mutual companies for the insuring of
village and town property. To defeat
this there was present at the state house
an organized lobby , possessed of ample
means for oil room purposes. It was
well known at the time that § 10,000 in
cash was on hand to be used in defeat
ing mutual insurance legislation.
On Jan. 17 Mr. Brockman of Richard
son introduced house roll 246 , a bill au
thorizing the formation of mutual com
panies. It was perfectly satisfactory to
the people who were demanding mutual
insurance. The record of the introduc
tion of the bill is found on page 261 of
the house journal.
On Feb. 26 the bill was reported to
the general file , and was delayed there
until March 27 , when it was taken up
in the committee of the whole and re
commended for passage. On March 80
( page 1,183 of the house journal ) it was
passed by unanimous vote. Such re
formers as Barry , Hull and Soderman
were there and voted for the bill. The
reason for the unanimous vote was that
the insurance boodle had been in sight
so notoriously that any man voting
against the bill would have been marked
at once as a boodler.
The lobby concentrated its efforts to
defeat the bill in the senate. Every
method of delay was resorted to. At
least one prominent clerk was bribed.
Money was offered to senators to get
them to delay or lose the bill. At one
time the one crooked clerk and one
boodliug senator carried it away and
were made to disgorge only after the
senate had issued warrants for their ar
rests.
In the senate , as in the house , all the
boodle plans failed. The bill passed
with but one dissenting vote , and that
one senator was politically blacklisted
for that act and has never since been
allowed to hold office.
But the old-line insurance people
knew what they were doing. They had
delayed the final passage of the bill
until the last day of the session. They
knew what Governor Holcomb would
do. They knew that he would wait
until after the adjournment of the
legislature , when all danger of passing
over his head , was past , aud then he
would veto the bill.
The record shows that on April 5th
( page 1359 of the house journal ) , the
bill was presented to the governor by a
joint committee. Until it reached his
hands it was carefully guarded to keep
the lobbyists and boodlers from stealing
it. At that late day one of the clerks
was offered § 1,000 if he would lose the
bill or allow himself to be held up and
robbed of it.
After the adjournment of the legisla
ture Governor Holcomb carried out his
part of the contract. After numerous
consultations with a Lincoln lobbyist
he vetoed the bill. For this action he
was never able to give a decent excuse ,
and left himself open to the strong
suspicion that he had entered into a
satisfactory deal with the boodling
lobby.
The defeat of this meritorious bill in
such a suspicions manner caused much
indignation over the state and the next
legislature met with the determination
to pass a mutual insurance bill and put
it through so early that a cowardly gov
ernor could not head it off. Jones of
Nemaha on the 18th of January , 1897 ,
introduced house roll 183 , a bill exactly
similar to the Brockmau bill , except
that it had several more sections relat
ing to assessments and other matters ,
which were also covered in the laws al
ready on the statute books. The bill
passed the house on the 13th of March
by unanimous vote. It passed the sen
ate on the 2d of April with just one
negative vote and was presented to the
governor on the 3d of April.
For some reason not orally explained.
but which is pretty well shown up by
the records , Governor Holcomb held the
bill until the 8th of April , when he an
nounced to the legislature that he had
signed it.
New the sequel : That same day the
news was given out that a new insur
ance company had been organized under
the new law aud that Silas A. Holcomb
was elected as its president. This action
had been taken before the bill was
signed and the salary of the president
was fixed at § 50 per month. Comment
on this transaction is unnecessary. "The
records are the best evidence. "
From that date to the close of his
afficial term as governor , Holcomb drew
money every month as follows :
Salary as governor . $208.33
Salary as insurance president . 50.00
Rake-off in house rent deal . 19.80
§ 278.13
This was a pretty comfortable salary
for a "plain man , " and did not count
the other perquisites he might get in
the way of railroad passes , assessments
from clerics and appointees and other
"compliinentaries , " as O. W. Palm
would term them.
Silas made the office pay , but the in
surance scandal will be remembered. It
have another chapter.
TUE WEDGE OF GOLD.
Achcn stole the golden wedge ,
And while he kept it
Hidden In his tout ,
The curse of God.
Who hates a thief ,
Rested on Israel.
But when the whiskered prophets
Took Achen to the suburbs
Of the camp.
And stoned him there with stones
'Till ho was dead.
The curse was lifted ,
And Israel in the next campaign ,
Carried every precinct
In the state.
You are the Achcn , SI ,
You took the wedge.
You , Si , took everything In sight ,
And now
The whiskered prophets of reform
Are after
You.
They're pelting you with stones.
They've driven you to the suburbs
Of the camp ,
And there they'll fling you ,
Si ,
AB worthless rubbish , into the
Ash barrel
Of oblivion.
They're building now
A mighty wall
Around the supreme courfc ,
With iron gate so high
And bars so close
That e'en
Maret ,
The slipperest weasel of your gang.
Cannot squeeze through ,
And on that guto they'll carve
"Xo cunning fox of
Sham reform ,
Xo trap door conjurer of
Ballot frauds ,
Xo constitution breaker
With stolen house rent
In his jeans
Can enter , , .
Here. " . -
Tough ? ' " . .
You bet ic's tough.
But Si.
You had your chance.
You've had your day in politics.
The people have been kind to you.
They tucked you in a carriage
And at
Broken Bew ,
They cheered your cause ,
And waved you on with banners ,
Aud you , old fox ,
You ,
Bowed and smiled ,
With sanctimonious mien ,
Knowing full well
That all the while
You had
The wedge.
Oh , Silas ! Silas !
Had you but served the people
And not yourself ,
They would not now ,
In this election ,
Remain at home to husk the corn
And leave you
Xuked to your enemies.
Lincoln Journal.
Harrington Writes a totter.
M. O. Harrington , Democratic nomi
nee for congress in the Sixth district , is
also a victim of the habit of letter writ
j ing , as witness the following sent by
him to Juan Boyle of Kearney , chair
man of the Democratic district commit
tee.
KEARXEY , NEB.
Juan Boyle , Esq. ,
DEAR Si u The state central committee
is urging prompt action. We must ac
cept the inevitable. The future of Democ
racy in the Sixth district depends largely
upon the number we can draw from Pop
ulist sources. There is only one more
year to wait and fusion will bo all over.
There will be but two parties aud the
leaders of the Democratic party now will
be the recognized leaders then. Submit
gracefully , even tho' we have to stretch a
point to do so. Find enclosed a certificate
which please sign in the two places mark
ed before a justice of the peace or a notary
public who has a seal. McXeel , who has
been absent in "Virginia , will be .at home
in a few days and want to have it ready
for him. M. C. HAIJRINGTOX.
This letter is of particular interest
and significance to all Populists of Ne
braska. It sets forth the avowed pur
pose of the Democrats to swallow the
Populists next year. What concessions
are made this year by the Democrats
are expected to bear fruit an hundred
fold next year , when Candidate Bryan
and the silverplated Democracy will put
the Populist party out of sight. This is
the meaning of the adherence of Bryan
to Holcomb in the state convention ,
despite the protest of many leading
Democrats who objected to supporting
Holcomb , but who are doing so in a
desultory sort of way merely to profit
by it next year , when the Populist party ,
just as Mr. Harrington writes , is to dis
appear and when leaders of Democracy
now will continue to be leaders after
the swallowing has taken place. Mr.
Harrington's letter , which has just
come to the surface , throws a strong
side light on the working of Boss Bryan
and his Democratic machine.
General Fred Fcmston , like Admiral
Dewey , has disappointed the opponj j
eiit's of the administration's war policy , j
He has confirmed what the admiral |
has said since his return. He denies the j
capacity of the Filipinos for self-govern- j
ment and favors going ahead in a vigor
ous manner to subdue the rebBlliou in
Luzon. He characterizes Aguiualdo as
a "con" man. He is confideucing his
followers into believing they can whip
the Americans and drive them out of
the islands. As a disciple of George
Washington , according to General
Funston , the little rebel is a miserable
failure , and Nebraskans who may think
they are supporting a pure and high-
minded patriot by voting against the
administration should open their eyes to
the facts.
Silas A. Holcomb as governor repudi
ated Mr. Sturgess , recommended by or-
ganizwJ labor for appointment on the
state commission for the Omaha exposi
tion. United labor now has its oppor
tunity to repudiate Mr. Holcomb , and
the prospects are very good that it will
do so. The truth is there is positively
no warrant for labor of any kind sup
porting Mr. Holcomb and his ticket , on
general principles. All kinds of labor
is in great demand all over the state , at
enhanced wages , and this in no wise
because there is a Populist state admin
istration , but because the good Lord has
sent big crops and the Republican party
has maintained sound money and kept
its promise to reopen the mills au'd re
store prosperity.
f PROOF OF PROSPERITY-1 '
gA Few Facts For the Iencfit ! |
of Calamityites , < * '
After having gone through f _ ur years
of depression and hard times , the people
ple of Nebraska are all the better able to
recognize and appreciate the present
era of prosperity. And they are all the
more able to detect the fallacies of the
arguments advanced by the free silver
shouters and the calamity howlers
who were muking such direful predic
tions three years ago.
Under the circumstances it is remark
able that any business man or any farmer
should vote for the calamity crowd
and against his own interests. It is re
markable thnt h0 should allow himself
to be fooled by any such a bugaboo as
"imperialism , " "militarism , " "foreign
alliance" or Sulu "treaties. "
The prosperity hero at home is appar
ent. To correctly judge how it is all
over the country , it is only necessary to'
read the reports which have been gath
ered from among the industrial institu
tions of the sarroundiiig states.
The 2,229 concerns which have sent
in reports not only employed (54,749 (
more hands in 1898 than they did in
1895 , but there was an increase in the
amount of wages paid of $37,415,763.20.
Does this not look like prosperity ?
What would the showing bo if all the
industrial concerns in the country had
reported ? For these 2,229 concerns
alone it means that the 64,500 hands
who were out of employment in 1895
were all employed at good wages in
1898. With this great prosperity
among the consumers is it any wonder
that the farmers of the west are pros
perous ?
In 1895 where ten men were at work
and received § 100 in wages , in 1898 13
were at work and received § 144 in
wages. The ten men not only had
three new companions beside them , but
they were themselves getting 11 per
cent more w.ges. Those ten men un
derstand it and so do the three men be
side them.
From Colorado there are reports from
60 concerns .which employed 4,758
hands in 1895 and 6,632 in 1898. The
increase in wages was § 117,670.73.
There was an increase of 40 per cent in
the number of hands and an increase of
15 per cent in the wages of each man.
From Connecticut there are reports
from 78 concerns which employed 3,839
hands in 1895 and 15,576 in 1898. The
increase in wages per month was § 96-
411.99.
From South Carolina there are 15 re
ports from concerns which employed
3,718 hands in 1895 and 8,892 in 1898.
The increas" in wages paid was § 111-
806.56 each month , or over 100 per cent ,
while the wages of each man was in
creased over 19 per cent.
From Missouri there are 206 reports
from concerns which employed 5,057 in
1895 and 7,565 in 1898. The total in
crease in wages was § 95,431.80 for one
month alone.
In Ohio , from 86 reports there was an
increase of 3,735 in the number of
hands , aud an increase of § 426,040.57
in the amount of wages paid every
month.
In the state of Washington there was
an increase of 3,64 i in the number of
hands employed by 168 firms , and a
monthly increase of wages paid of
§ 241,369.05.
Taking the country at large , reports
from 203 lumber firms which employed
9,079 hands in March , 1895 , employed
15,485 in March , 1898 , and the increase
in wages for the month was § 258,133.76.
Reports from 176 woolen mills show
the employment of 23,456 hands in
March , 1895 , and 29,556 in March , 1898 ,
an increase in wages of § 209,156.40 for
the month , or an increase of over two
million dollars for the year.
In the manufacture of iron and steel
64 firms have reported with an increase
of 8,451 hands for the month of March ,
and a yearly increase in wages of § 511-
459.73.
In the coal industry 24 firms report
an increase of 3,207 in the number of
hands and an increase of § 2,4'il,6SO.G4
in the amount of wages paid during the
year. During the month of Z\Iarch ,
1895 , the hands received each an aver
age of § 37.40 cents. In March , 1898 the
average wage was § 43.50.
i
These great increases mean a great !
deal to the laboring men , and they
mean a great deal to the producing '
class who have the chance to feed a
larger number of working men. Ana
the working men have the money to
pay for the produce.
There are at the present time 1,000-
000 more hands employed in the fac
tories and industries of the country
than there were in 1896. This repre
sents a wage earning of more than one
million dollars per day. In 1896 the
free silver shouters talked much about
the silver interests and their impor
tance to the country. What a small
item the silver business is after all ,
compared with the increased amount of
money paid out for wages.
In the state of Nebraska , according
to the government reports , 137 institu
tions employed 633 hands in March ,
1895. The same institutions in March ,
1898 , employed 1,284. The total in
crease in wages paid amounted to § 28-
537.31 for the month. Taking the whole
country over , the wages paid per capita
for the month of March , 1895 , averaged
§ 34.69 ; for March , 1898 , the average
was $38.60 a net gain of over 11 per
cent.
ii fv
IIOLCOMB'S HOUSE KENT. ±
< >
' $0flicial Record Showing the FacUj'f
of the Scandal. ?
Silas A. Iloleomb , while governor ot
the state , not only accepted an uncon
stitutional appropriation for the pay
ment of his private house rent , but by
tbo use of padded vouchers ho took from
the state treasury almost double tin *
amount of money that the house rent
actually cost. It takes no argument to
substantiate this. The records are the
best evidence.
When the legislature of 1893 made n
house-rent appropriation for Governor
Crounse , the last Republican governor ,
it was promptly vetoed. Crouuso in
his message declared it unconstitutional ,
and said the legislature had no power to
increase the salary or perquisites of any
btate ofiicer.
Governor Holcomb had no Mich re
gard for the constitution or the law
He regarded the law as "a farce and 11
fiham , " us his sworn testimony later dis
closed. He was glad to take the houso-
rent appropriation , and ho intended to
make as much as possible out of it.
The records show that for the first
six months after the appropriation was
available in 1895 , Holcomb lived in : i
house belonging to A. O. Crandall.
There is no evidence of the actual
amount paid Crandall for the rent , but
the vouchers drawn show that for each
quarter the governor drew $180 in ad
vance. He had Crandall sign the
vouchers.
On the 1st of October llolcomb rented
a house from Mrs. Gould at the rate of
§ 30 per month. And yet the records
fehow that for the quarter ending .Tun. 1 ,
1896 , he diew in advance § 180 for
"house rent. " The date of this voucher
is Sept. 30 , 1895.
The next voucher drawn was on
March 15 , 18JW , when Holcomb took $ ! . iO
all in a lump , the voucher saying it was
for "house rent , " but did not say what
period of time it covered. This was the
case ivith ah luturu vouchers , an adroit
effort having been made to cover up the
misappropriation or steal. The record
of all the vouchers drawn , as shown by
the books in the auditor's oilice is as
follows :
May 2 , JW 5 . § 180.00
.Inly 11 , IHlCi . 180.00
Fep't. : ; o , isici . ibo.oo
March I } , 1.SIM5 . IKiO.OO
Dec. 81 , 18 ! J . : ; ( HX )
Aug. 7 , 181)7 ) . 120,00
Dec. 24 , lh . )7 ) . : ! W.OO
May 2 < > , 1WS ) . SSO.O * )
AUK 8 , 1 > S . 100.00
Dec. 10 , lh .W . 20000
Jan. f , 1V.K ) . 8a.au
$2roj : no
Governor Holcomb deliberately mis
appropriated and put in his pocket each
month a little over $19. All this in
spite of the fact the appropriation is for
a certain amount for house rent , "or so
much thereof as may bo necessary. "
No quibble will justify the steal. The
state oilicials now admit the wrong ,
and to prevent the vouchers from being
inspected by the public , the auditor has
removed them from their usual places
with the other vouchers in the vault ,
and has them concealed at the present
time in Deputy Pool's desk. A good
way to prove this is to go and ask to see
them.
The sworn evidence given by Mrs.
Gould shows how much was paid for
the house which Holcomb rented of her
on the 1st of October , 1895 , and which
lie still occupies. She testified before
an investigating committee as follow :
Q.Vlio rented the property ?
A. Both of u ; my husband and my-
self.
self.Q. . Who is the tenant ; "
A. Mr. Holcomb.
A.Q - What does ho pay now ?
A. Thirty dollars.
A.Q. . Who pays the w.iter rent ?
A. I In dot > . .
A.Q. . The rental price is the same as
when you rented it *
A. Ye.s , sir.
Here followed a numbcrof questions re
lating to the rental value of property in
the city as compared with years ago , and
the testimony resumed as follows :
Q. What year was it with reference to
his being elected governor ? Do you
know the year that you rented it to him ?
A. Why , I am not positive when the
rent begun , but I think it was in October ,
18U5,1 couldn't swear to that. I hadn't
only 1.1 minutes to get ready in and I
hadn't much time to look anything up. I
think it was October , 1.S9.1 , he first rented
it.
it.Q. . After that your husband did the
leasing ?
A. Yes , sir.
Q. And yon don't know how manv
years he rented it for ; that is you can't
recall now"
A. I suppose it would bo .since 1893. Jr
Would bo four yeai-a. This is 1899.
Q. In collecting the rent , Mr.s. Gould ,
to whom was it p.iid ?
A. It was usually paid to me , but to
Mr. Gould when he was at home.
Q. Who paid it to your
A. The governor.
Q. How did he pay it to vou , by checker
or money1
A. Sometimes in moner and some
times in check or draft.
Q. W > .re you ever paid bv warrant
from the state.- Did the state par you ?
A. No.
Q. It was always paid either bv money
ar a private check ?
A. Yes. sir.
Q. Was it naid monthlv or quarterly ?
A. Monthly.
Q. In advance ?
A. Not always. Sometimes it would
be pretty near two months. Sometimes
the 15th and sometimes near the last. It
never was paid right at the day.
Q. Did you collect it by gomg after it ,
or was it brought to the hou e ?
A. He usually brought it to me.
The legislative investigating commit
tee , before which this evidence was
given , tried to get Holcomb to testify.
He refused to come forward and ex
plain himself , for the good reason that
no explanation was possible. The fol
lowing is a part of the committee's offi
cial report :
"The 24th session of the legislature of the
state of Nebraska , by house roll Xo. 632 , a
bill making appropri.-tion for current ex
penses for the biennium , appropriated the
sum of $1,500 or hou e rent for the gov
ernor. The < : oth session of the legislature ,
by house rol Xo. G14 , also appropriated
for the purpose of hou = e rent for the gov
ernor the sui.i of § 1,500 for the biennium.
Complaint having been made to the com
mittee that this sum had been misappro
priated , evidence in relation to the same
was heard , and from the evidence we find :
That the first two vouchers drawn against
this fund thus created were each for the
