THE VICE PRESIDENCY.
Gen. Irf > ean'f Letter Accepting the liepub-
lloan Nomination for the Sane.
WASHINGTON , July 2t. The following
y
la Logan's letter of acceptance of his nom
ination :
WASHINGTON , D. C. , July 10 , 1884.
DEAU Sin : Having received from you on
the 24th , of Juno the official notification of
my nomination by the national republican
convention as the official candidate for Vice
President of the United States , and consld-
* orlng It tc be the duty of every man devot
ing himself to public service to assume any
r position to which he may be called by the
voice of his countrymen , I accept the nom
ination with a grateful heart and a deep
sense of its responsibilities , and , if elected ,
I shall endeavor to discharge the duties of
the office to the best of my ability. This
honor , as is well understood , was wholly
unsought by me ; that it was tendered by
the representatives of the party in a man
ner BO flittering , it will serve to lighten
whatever labors I may be called to perform.
Although a variety of subjects are cov
ered In the very excellent and vigorous
declaration of principles adopted by tne late
convention , prohibits , upon an occasion
calling for bievity , an expression of that
full elaboration of which they are suscepti
ble , I avail myself of the party usage to
signify my approval of the various resolu
tions of the platform , and will discuss them
briefly :
PROTECTION TO AMKKICAN LABOR.
The resolutions of the platform declaring
-for a levy of such duties "as to afford secur
ity to our diversified industries , and pro
tection to the rights and wages of the labor-
er , and to the end that active and intelli-
t
7 gent labor , as well as capital , may have Its
just award , and the laboring man his full
share of the national prosperity , " meets
my hearty approval. If there bo a nation
-on the face ol the earth which might , if it
were a desirable thing , build a wall upon
its every boundery line and deny communi
cation to all the world , and proceed to live
, upon its own resources and productions ,
that nation is the United States. There is
t hardly a legitimate necessity of civilized
communities which cannot bo produced
from the extraordinary resources of our
several States and Territories , with their
. manufactories , mines , farms , timber lands
and water ways. This circumstance , taken
in connection with the fact that our form of
government Is entirely unique among the
4 nations of the world , makes it utterly ab
surd to institute comparisons between our
own economic systems and those of other
governments , and especially to attempt to
borrow systems from them. We stand
alone in our circumstances , our forces , our
possibilities and our aspirations. In all suc
cessful governments it is a prime requisite
- that capital and labor should be upon the
" best terms , and that both should enjoy the
highest attainable prosperity. It there be
a disturbance of the just balance between
them , one or the other suffer and dissatis
faction follows , which is harmful to both.
The lessons furnished by the comparatively
* short history of our own National lifo have
teen too much overlooked by our people.
The fundamental article in the old demo
cratic creed proclaimed almost absolute free
trade , and this , too , no more than a ottar-
ter of a centurv ago. The low condition of
our national credit , the financial and busi
ness uncertainties and general lack of pros
perity under that system can be remember
ed by every man now in middle life ; al
though , ina great number of refoim ? , Insti
tutedDF the republican party , sufficient cred
it has not been pjblicly awarded to that of
tariff reform , its benefits have , neverthe
less , been felt throughout the land. The
principle underlying this measure has been
fn the process of a gradual development by
* the republican party during the compar
atively orief period or its power.and to-day
a portion of its antiquated democratic oppo
nents make unwilling concessions to the cor
rectness of the document of an equitably
* adjusted protective tariff , by following
slowly in its footsteps , though a very long
. way in the rear. Tne principle involved is
* " " one of no great obscurity and can be readily
comprehended by any intelligent person
calmly reflecting upon It. The political and
social systems of some of our trade compet
ing nations have created working classes ,
miserable in the extreme , and they receive
' the merest stipend for their daily toil , and
In the great expense of the necessities of
life are deprived of those comforts of clothIng -
Ing , housing and health-producing food
which a wholesome mental and social re
creation can alone make existence happv
and desirable. Now. if the products of
these countries are to be placed in our mar
kets alongside of American products , either
the American capitalist must suffer in his
legitimate profits , or he must make the
American laborer suffer in the attempt to
compete with the species of labor above re
ferred to. In case of a substantial reduc
tion of pay , there can be no compensation
or advantage for the American laborer , because -
cause the articles of daily consumption
which he uses , with the exception of arti
cles not produced in the United States , and
being specially provided for , as coffee and
tea , and grown in our own country , and
would notice affected in price by the lower
ing of the duties. Therefore , while he
"would receive less for his labor , his c est of
V living would not be decreased. Being prac
tically placed upon the pay of the European
laborer our own would be deprived of the
facilities for educating and sustaining his
family respectably , he would be shorn of
the proper opportunities for self-im
provement , and his status as a
citizen , charged with a portion of the obli
gations of the government , would be les-
genod , the moral tone of the laboring class
would suffer , and in turn the interests of
capital and the well being of orderly citi
zens in general would be menaced , while
one evil would react upon another until
there would be a general disturbance of the
whole community. The true problem of
good and stable government is how to in
fuse prosperity among all classes of the
people the manufacturer , farmer , me-
r chanic and laborer alike. Such prosperity
is the prevention of crime , a security to
capital , and the very best guarantee of
peace and happiness. The obvious policy
of our government is to protect both labor
and capital by a proper imposition of du
ties. This protection should extend tc
every article of American production which
goes"to buildup the general prosperity of
our people. The national convention , in
view of the special dangers menacing the
wool interests of the United States , deemed
it wise to adopt separate resolutions on the
subject of its proper protection. This in
dustry is a very large and important one.
The necessary legislation to sustain this in
dustry upon a prosperous basis should be
extended. No one realizes more Tally than
myself the great delicacy and difficulty of
adjusting the tariff so nicely and equitably
as to protect every home industry , sustain
' every class of American labor , promote the
highest point of our great agricultural in
terests , and at the same time to give to one
and all the advantages pertaining to for
eign productions , not in competition with
our own. This is not only building up our
foreign commerce , but taking measures to
carrv it into our own bottoms. Difficult as
this work appears , and really is , it is sus
ceptible of accomplishment by patient and
- intelligent labor , and to no hands can it be
committed with as great assurance of suc
cess as to those of the republican party.
OUR MONETARY SYSTEM.
The republican party is the indisputable
author of our financial and monetary sys
tem , whiih it is safe to say has never be
fore been equaled by that of any other na
tion. Under the operation of our system of
ifinances the country was safely carried
T through an extended and expensive war ,
with a national credit which has risen high
er and higher with each succeeding year
until now the credit of the United States Is
surpassed by that of no other nation , while
v its securities are constantly increasing and
at a premium are early Bought after by in
vestors in all parts of the world. Our sys
tem of currency is the most admirable In
construction , while all the conveniences of
bill circulation attach to it , Every dollar of
paper represents a dollar of the world's
money standards , and as lone as the just
and wise policy of the republican party is
continued there can be no impairment of
our national credit. Therefore , under tbo
present laws relating thereto. It will be Im
possible for any man to lose a penny in the
bonds or bills of the United States , or in the
bills of National banks. Tho. advantage of
having a bank dote in the house which will
be as good in the morning as It was the
night before should be appreciated by all.
The convertibility of our currency should be
maintained intact , and the establishment of
an internal standard among all commercial
nations , fixing the relative values of gold
and silver coinage would < be a measure of
peculiar advantage to all.
INTKR STATK AND FOREIGN COMMERCE
AND PORKIGN RELATION.
The subjects embraced in the resolutions
respectively looking to the promotion of our
inter state and foreign commerce and to the
matter of our foreign relations are fraught
with great importance to our people. In re
spect to inter state commerce there Is much
to be desired in the way of facilities of trans
portation , that commerce may flow freely to
the states themselves , the diversity of Indus
tries and employments be promoted in all
sections of our country , and that the great
granaries and manufacturing establishments
in the interior may be enabled to send their
products to the seaboard for shipments to
foreign countries , relieved of vexatious re
strictions and discriminations. In matters
of which it may emphatically be said ,
"Time is money , " and also of unjust
charges upon articles destined to meet close
competition from the products of other
parts of the world. As to our foreign com
merce , the enormous growth of our indus
tries and our surprising production of
cereals and other necessities'of life impera
tively require that immediate and effective
means may be taken , through peaceful , or
derly and conservative methods to open up
markets which have been and are now
monopolized largely by other nations. This
is more particularly relative to our t-Uter
republics of Spanish America , as also to our
friends and people of the Brazilian empire *
The republics of Spanish America are allied
to us by the very closest and warmest feel
ings based upon a similarity of his tuit'on
and government common aspiration and
mutual hopes. The ' 'great republic , " as
they proudly term the United States , is
looked upon oy their people with affection
ate admiration and as a model for them to
build upon , and we should cultivate be
tween tnem and ourselves closer commer
cial relations , which will bind all together
by ties of friendly intercourse and mutual
advantage. Further than this , beinga small
commonwealth , in the military and naval
sense of the European powers , they look
to us at least as a moral defender against
the system of territorial and other encroach
ments which , though aggressive in the past ,
have not been abandoned to this day. Di
plomacy and intrigue have done much more
to wrest the commerce of Spanish America
from the United States than has the legiti
mate commercial competition. Politically
we should be bound to the republics of our
continent by the closest ties , and communi
cation by ships and railroads should be en
couraged to the fullest possible extent con
sistent with a wise and conservative public
policy. Above all , we should be upon such
terms of friendship as to preclude the pos
sibility of national misunderstandings be
tween ourselves and any other members of
the American republican family. The best
method to promote an uninterrupted peace
between one and all would lie in the meetIng -
Ing of a general conference , or congress ,
whereby an agreement to submit all inter
national differences to the peaceful decision
of friendly arbitration might be reached.
An agreement of this kind would give to
sister republics confidence in each' other ,
and in the United States closer communica
tion would at once ensue reciprocally and
advantageous. Commercial treaties might
be made whereby much of the commerce
which now flows across the Atlantic wouUl
seek its legitimate channel and inure to tne
greater prosperity of all American common
wealths. The full advantages of a policy ol
this nature could not be " stated in a brief
discussion like the present.
FOREIGN POLITICAL RELATIONS.
The United States has grown to be a gov
ernment representing more than 50,000,000
people , and in every sense , except in that
of mere naval power , is one of the first na
tions of the world , and as such its citizen
ship stould be valuable , entitling its pos
sessor to protection in every quarter of the
globe. I do not consider it necessary that
our government should construct enormous
fleets of improved ironclads and maintain a
commensurate body of seamen in order to
place ourselves on a war footing with the
military and naval powers of Europe. Such
a course would not be compatible with the
peaceful policy of our country , though it
seems absurd that we have not effective
means to repel wanton invasion of our
coast , and give protection to our coast
towns and cities against any power. The
great moral force of our country is so uni
versally recognized as to render an appeal
to arms by us , either in the protection of
our citizens abroad or in recognition of any
just internal right , quite improbable. What
we most need in this direction is a firm and
vigorous assertion of every right and privil
ege belonging to our government or its citi
zens , as well as an equally firm assertion of
the rights and privileges belonging to the
general family of American republics , situ
ated on this continent ; when opposed , if
even ever they should be , by different sys
tems of. government upon another conti
nent. An appeal to the rights of such a
government as ours could not be disregard
ed bv any civilized nation. In the treaty ,
by Washington ; we led the world to a
means of escape from the horrors of war ,
and it Is to be hoped that the era when all
international differences shall be decided by
peaceful arbitration is not far off.
EQUAL RIGHTS OF MAN.
The central idea of a republican form of
government is the rule of the whole people
as opposed to other forms which rest upon
the privileged class. Our forefathers in
their attempt to erect a new government
which might represent the advanced
thought of the world , at that period , upon
the subject of governmental reform , adopt
ed the idea of people sovereignty , and thus
laid the basis of our present Republic ,
while technicillya government of the people
ple it was in strictness only a government of
a portion of the people , excluding from all
participation a certain other portion held in
the condition of absolute despotic and hope
less servitude the parallel to which fortu
nately , does not now exist in any modern
Christian nation. With the culmination ,
however , of another cycle of advanced
thought , the American republic suddenly
assunu d the full character of the govern
ment of the whole people , and 4,000,000
human creatures emerged from the condi
tion of bondsmen to the full status of free
men , theoretically invested with the same
civil and political rights possessed by their
former masters. The subsequent legisla
tion which was guaranteed by every legal
title of citizenship and full equality before
the law. in all respects this previously
disfranchised people amply covers the re
quirements and secures to them , so far as
legislation an , the privileges of American
citizenship , but a disagreeable fact in the
case is that while theoretically In the enjoy
ment of a govtramnnt of the whole people ,
practically we are almost as far from it as
we were in the ante bellum days of the re
public. These are but a few of the leading
and indisputable facts which cover the
whole statement in the case. la many of
the southern states the colored population
is in excess of the white. The colored people
ple are republicans , as are also a consider
able portion of the white people. The other
portion of the latter are democrats , in ihe
face of this incontestible truth , these states
Invariably return democratic majorities. In
other states of the south the colored people ,
although not a majority , form a very con
siderable body of the population , and with
'inownlto ' republicans , are numerically in
excess of the democrats , yet precisely the
amo polltlctains , theresual It ob democra-s
tic party Invariably carrying the elections ,
as it If notovcn thought advisable to allow
one national or unimportant election to be
carried by the republicans a a "blind , ' * eras
as a stroke of finesse. Careful and impar
tial investigation has shown these results to
follow the systematic exercise of physical
intimidation and violence , combined with
the most shameful devices ever practiced in
the name of free elections. So firm has this
result become that wo are brought face to
face with tbo extraordinary political fact
that the democratic party of tn e south re
lies almost entirely upon the methods stated
for their success in a national election. This
unlawful perversion of the popular fran
chise , which I desire to state dispassion
ately and in a manner comporting
with a proper dignity of the occasion ,
Is one of deep gravity to the Ameri
can people in a double sense. First , it is
in violation , open , direct and iligrant , of
the primary principles upon which our gov-
erment is supposed to rest , viz : that the
control of the government is participated in
by all the legally qualified citizens in ac
cordance with the plan of that popular gov
ernment , that majorities must rule in de-
cislonal questions ; second , It is in violation
of the rights and Interests of states wherein
are particularly centered the great wealth
and Industries of the nation , and which pay
an overwhelming portion of the national
taxes. The immense aggregation of inter
ests embraced within , and the enormously
greater population of these other
states of the Union , arc subjected
every four years to the dangers
of a wholly fraudulent show of numerical
strength. Under this system minorities
actually attempt to direct the course of na
tional affairs , and though up to this time
success Has not attended their efforts to
elect a president , yet success has been so
perilously imminent as to encourage a rep
etition of the effort at each quadrennia
election , and subject the interests of an
overwhelming majority of our people north
and southrto the hazard of an illegal subver
sion. The stereotyped argument in refuta
tion of these plain truths is that if the republican -
publican element was really in the majority
thej could not be deprived of their rights
and privileges by the minority , but neither
statistics of population nor the unavoidable
logic of the situaSon can be over-ridden.
The colored people of the south have re
cently emerged from the bondage of their
political oppressors , and they have
ad but few advantages of education which
might enable them to compete with the
whites. As I have heretofore mainta'ned ,
In order to achieve the ideal perfection of
popular government it is absolutely neces
sary that the masses should be educated.
This proposition applies itself with full force
to the colored people of the south. They
must have better educational advantages
and thus be enabled to become the peers of
their brethren , as many of them undoubt
edly already are. A liberal school system
should be provided for the rising generation
of-the south ; and the colored people be
made as capable of exercising the duties of
electors as the white people. In the mean
time it is the duty of the national govern
ment to go beyond resolutions and declara
tions on the subject and to take such abso
lute action as mxy be in its power to secure
the freedom of national elections every
where , and epecially to the end that in the
presidential contests the great business and
other interest of the country may not be
placed in fear and tiembling lest the un
scrupulous minority should succeed in
stifling the wishes of the majority. In ac
cordance with the spirit of the last republi
can Chicago platform , measures should be
taken at once to remodv this great evil.
FOnEIQN IMMIGRATION.
Under our liberal institutions the subjects
and citizens of every nation have been wel
comed to find a home in our midst , and in
compliance with our laws , to co-operation
with our government. While it Is the policy
of the republican party to encourage the op
pressed of other nations and offer them facil
ities for becoming' useful and intelligent citi
zens , in the legal definition of the term party ,
nas never contemplated the admission of fi
class of servile people who are not only unable -
blo to comprehend our institutions , but indis
posed to become part of our national family
or embrace any higher civilization than their
own. To admit any such immigrants would
be only to throw a retarding element Into
every path of our progress. Our legislation
should be amply protective against this dan
ger , and if not sufficiently so now should bo
made so and to the full extent allowed by our
treaties with friendly powers.
THE CIVII * SERVICE.
The subject of c'ivil service administration
is a problem that has occupied the earnest
thought of statesmen for a number of years
past , and the records will show that towards
its solution many results of valuable and com
prehensive character have been attained by
the republican party since its accession to
power. In a partisan warlare , made upon the
latter , with the view of weakening it in the
public confidence , a great deal has been al
leged in connection with the abuse of the
civil service. The party making these indis
criminate charges seems to have forgo.tten
that it was under the lull sway of a democratic
organization that the motto , "To the victors
belong the spoils , " became a cardinal article
in the democratic creed. With a
determination to elevate our govern
mental administration to a stand
ard of justice , excellence and public moral
ity , the Republican party has sedulously en
deavored to lay the foundation of a system
which shall reach the highest perfection un
der the plastic hand of time and accumulat
ing experience. The problem is one of far
greater intricacy than appears upon its super
ficial consideration and embraces sub-ques
tions of how to avoid the abuses possible to
the lodgment of an immense number of apE -
ointments in the hands of the executive , of
E ow to give encouragement to provoke emu
lation in the various government employes in
order that they may strive tor proficiency and
rest their hopes of advancement upon the
attributes of official merit , good conduct and
exemplary honesty , and how best to avoid the
evils of creating a privileged class in the gov
ernment service who , in imitation of Euro
pean prototypes , may gradually lose all pro
ficiency and value in the belief that they pos
sess a life calling , only to be taken away in
case of some flagrant abuse. The thinking ,
earnest men of the Republican party have
made no mere wordy demonstration upon this ,
but thev have endeavored quietly to perform
that which their opponents are constantly
promising without performing. Under Re
publican rule the result has been , that with
out engrafting any objectionable features of
the European system upon our own , there
lias been a steady and even a rapid elevation
of the civil service in all its departments , until
it can now be stated , without fear of success
ful contradiction , that the service is more
just , more efficient and purer in all its features
than ever before since the establishment 9f
our government , and if defects still exist in
our system the country can safely rely upon
the Republican party as a most efficient in
strument for their removal. I am in favor of
the highest standard of excellence in the ad
ministration of the civil service _ and will lend
my best eflort to accomplish the point of the
greatest attainable perfection in this branch
of our service.
THE REMAINING TWIN KEI.IC OF BARBATUSXI.
The republican party came into existence in
a crusade against the democratic institutions
of slavery and polygamy. The first has been
buried beneath the embers of civil uar , and
the party should continue its efforts until the
remaining iniquity shall disappear from our
civilization under the force of faithfully exe
cuted laws.
There arc subjects of importance which I
would gladly touch upon did space permit. I
limit myselt to saying that while there should
be a rigid economy in the governmental ad
ministration , there should be no self-defeat
ing parsimony , either in our domestic or for
eign service ; official dishonesty should bo
promptly and relentlessly punished ; our ob
ligations to the defenders of our country
should never be forgotten , and the liberal
system of pensions provided by the republi
can party should not be imperiled by adverse
legislation ; the law establishing the labor bu
reau , through which the interests of labor can
be placed in an organized condition , I regard
as a salutary measure ; the eight hour law
should be enforced as rigidly as any other ;
we _ should increase our navy to a degree en
abling us to amply protect our coast lines , our
commerce , and to give us a force in foreign
waters which shall be a respectable and prop
er representative of a countrv like our own :
the public lands belong to the people and
should not bo aleniated from them , but re
served for free homes tor all desiring to pos
sess them , and , finally , our present Indian
policy should be continued and improved
upon as our experience in its administration
shall from time to time suggest.
I have the honor to subscribe myself , sir ,
your obedient servant ,
JOHN A. LOOAN.
To John D. Henderson , Chairman Republican
Committee.
INCOMPI.ETK.
Those eyes divine
Like rich , brown wine , *
Those rosebud lips that rippling smiles en
twine.
That piquant nose ,
Those double rows
Of pearls that sparkle when her lips un
close.
Those cheeks of peach ,
Those white ears , each
Like some rare fashioned shell o'er the
ocean beach.
That golden hair ,
Unbound with care ,
And like a sun mist floating every where.
Those softest hands ,
With their golden bands ,
And one that gleams like a dewdrop in the
sands.
That shapely waist ,
With a zone embraced ,
And a dragon's head In old Eutrurian
chased.
Those ankles What ?
I had better not.
Ah , yes , sh's from Chicago ; I forgot.
[ The Current.
GENERAL JACKSON'S DUELS.
DIM Duel With Dickinson and Fight TVlth
the Uentous.
< : inc.insntl Enquirer.
General Andrew Jackson , President
of the United States , and immortal as
the patron saint of democracy , is one
of the few men whose record was not
materially sullied by his dueling. To
fight seemed to be in perfect accord
with the man'sjcourageous temperament
and the whole drift of his career. The
first affair of honor in which the gen
eral was engaged was when he was a
very young man , and holding the office
of district attorney in western Ten
nessee. It was in the summer of 1796.
Major General Sevier had just been
elected governor , and still retained his
commission as a general. Jackson
wanted him to resign , and they became
engaged in a dispute , in which Sevier
told Jackson that he had run off with
another man's wife. This happened
in the streets of Knoxville. Jackson
replied : "Great God ! Do you men
tion her sacred name ? " Both drew
pistols and fired in the crowdedstreets.
One man was grazed , but no one was
seriously injured.
When Jackson challenged Sevier the
latter declined to fight because he was
a poor man and had a large family de
pendent upon him. Soon after this
meeting the parties came together on
the main road from Knoxville unex
pectedly. All were on horseback.
Jackson , who was accompanied by Dr.
Van Dyke , called upon Sevier to defend
himself. The latter jumped from his
horse , which ran away with the pistols
in the holster. Sevier's son drew on
Jackson , saying he would protect his
father , and Van Dyke drew on Sevier ,
but travelers interfered , and no blood
was spilled. In this case Jackson was
popularly adjudged to be in the right ,
asthe lady in question was then his
wife and had been deserted by her
former husband. He held her name
sacred.
In 1805 General Jackson heard that
Charles Dickinson , a young lawyer ,
had spoken disparagingly of Mrs. Jack
son. This was something he would not
allow under any circumstances. He
found Dickinson , who told him if he
said it he must have been drunk. The
matter was for a time amicably ar
ranged. Again Jackson heard that
young Dickinson had been talking.
The General the'n went to the young
man's father-in-law and told him that
he wished the young man would held
his tongue and comport himself as a
gentleman. He wanted no quarrel ,
and counseled Captain Ervin to exert
his influence to quiet the young man
down. Meantime a horse race was to
come off in which Jackson and Dickin
son were interested. The stakes were
§ 2,000 a side. Before the race the
horse in opposition to General Jackson
broke down , and $800 was forfeited.
A young man named Swann , in speak
ing of the notes placed on each side ,
said something that impugned General
Jackson's veracity , and Jackson , when
the matter was brought before him ,
promptly said that whoever made the
statement was a d d liar. Swann ad
dressed a letter asking for an explana
tion. The general replied by reiterat
ing his language , though he did not
know whom it struck when first used ,
and referred to Dickinson as a tale
bearer , a cowardly paltroon and liar.
Swann then challenged Jackson , who ,
in accordance with a threat previously
made , caned Swann in a public place.
Dickinson next wrote a fierce letter to
him , and left on a trip for the south ,
expecting an answer on his return.
While he was away another duel came
off between two gentlemen , Mr. Coffee
ah d Mr. McNairy , who were mixed up
in the same affair , Coffee being wound-
od. When Dickinson returned on May
20th he published a long letter in the
Nashville Impartial Review , full of cut
ting sarcasam , and branding General
Jackson as a coward and paltroon.
The inevitable came. Before the
article appeared in print Dick
inson was handed by Gen
eral Overton , Jackson's second , a pe
remptory challenge. It was promptly
accepted , and Dr. Harrison Collet car
ried Dickinson's reply , naming Friday ,
May 30 , 1806 , as the date. General
Jackson wanted to fight at an earlier
date , but the other side would not con
sent. The location of the duel was a
long day's ride from Nashville , in Ken
tucky , across the Red river. It was the
general opinion that the meeting would
be fatal to Jackson. Dickinson was a
marksman of unerring accuracy , and
was considered the crack shot of Ten
nessee. He was certain he would kill
his antagonist. The morning before
the duel he kissed his young wife good-
by , assuring her he would be home the
following evening. She was in entire
ignorance of his mission from home.
Dickinson was uccompanied by a party
of gay young men. All disported them
selves as if on a pleasure tour. On the
journey the principal amused them by
Diving exhibitions of his skill with the
pistol. At a distance of twenty-four
feet ho fired at command four balls into
a space that would be covered by hali
a dollar. At a , wayside inn he cut a
string at a good distance with a pistol
ball , and instructed the landlord , should
Andrew Jackson pass that way , to
point it out to him. It was also said
that ho wagnred § 500 that ho would
come within half an inch of a certain
button on General Jackson's coat , and
had several thousand dollars wagered
on the result of the fight , betting ho
would kill his antagonist at the first
fire.
fire.General
General Jackson's demeanor was en
tirely different. His second , General
Overton , and himself conversed solemn
ly together on the prospects. They
know the opponent to be a sure shot ,
and counted every chance. The men
were to stand at eight paces , with pis
tols down , and fire at the simple word
without further ado. The two parties
passed the night at country taverns
about two miles apart. Jackson had
determined to lot his adversary fire
first , as he knew him to bo the quicker
and surer , and then take his chances
later. Jackson was dressed in a loose
frock coat , which concealed the slenderness -
derness of his physique and rendered
the exact position of his vital parts
somewhat uncertain. Dickinson was
the younger and handsomer , Jackson
being more commanding and superior.
There was a still intensity in his man
ner that rendered him grand as he
stood under the tall pomars on that
bright May morning , awaiting the
crack of doom.
The word "ready" was repeated by
both men , and General Overton shouted
the signal , "Fire ! " Dickinson almost
instantly firod. There was a puff of
dust from Jackson's coat , and he raised
his hand and clasped it to his breast.
His friends waited to see him fall , but
he stood calm and implicable as fate.
Astounded at his failure , Dickinson re
coiled a step or two , saying , "Great
God ! have I missed him ? "
"Back to the mark , sir ! " shrieked
Overton , with his hand on his pistol.
Dickinson recovered his composure
and stood with eyes averted. General
Jackson took deliberate aim and pulled
the trigger. The pistol neither snap
ped nor went off. It stopped at half-
cock. Carefully he cocked it , and a
second time took aim and fired , Dick
inson reeled and was caught by his
friends. A deadly pallor came over his
face , and his trousers became crimson
from the life-blood that trickled from
his breast. The ball had entered one
side and came out at the other.
Jackson was joined by Overton , and
they hurried from the field. Looking
down , Overton saw that the General's
shoe was full of blood. It was the
first he knew that his friend was
wounded. "My God ! Are you hit ? "
he exclaimed.
"I believe he has pinched me a little ,
but say nothing about it , " Jackson re
plied.
Dickinson's aim had been perfect. He
struck the mark where he thought he
would pierce Jackson's heart , but the
slender figure and deceptive dress of
his adversary rendered the would not
fatal. The bullet raked the breastbone
and broke two or three ribs. Jackson
was laid up for weeks , and , though he
lived to a ripe old age , the wound was
the eventual cause of his death. It was
a case in which one or the other had to
be killed , and Jackson was to blame no
more than the other man. Dickinson
died the following day , before his wife
arrived at his bedside.
The next encounter of importance in
which General Jackson was engaged
was in 1813. It was no fault of his.
A young captain named William Car
roll , who later became a general , was
a favorite of Jackson. Jesse Benton , a
brother of Colonel Thomas H. Benton ,
challenged Carroll to fight a duel for
some imaginary offense. Carroll suc
ceeded in getting Jackson to be his
second , though the general did all ho
could to make a pleasant settlement.
Jesse Benton was untamed and fiery ,
and would fight. They met , and Car
roll wounded him. Jackson , who was
aggravated that the fight should take
place at all , made light of the affair all
round. Jesse Benton then poured into
the ears of Thomas Benton a wonderful
tale , and Thomas at once denounced
Jackson as an ingrate , a traitor , etc.
Jackson said he would horsewhip him
on sight , and every one believed it.
On the 3d of September all the parties
were in Nashville. Jackson , with his
friend , Colonel Coffee , went to the
postofilce , where they saw the two Ben-
tons standing.
"Now , you d d rascal , I am go
ing to punish you , " said Jackson to
Torn Benton , advancing , riding-whip
in hand. Benton made a movement
to draw a pistol , and Jackson drew his ,
still advancing , whip in hand. Jesse
Benton then discharged a pistol loaded-
ed with slugs at Jackson , literally tear
ing up one of his shoulders. Jackson
fell , weltering in blood. A running
duel then commencad in the street ,
though without effect. Coffee shot at
Thomas Benton and knocked him down
a flight of stair ? , and friends of Jack
son tried to kill Jesse Benton , Avho was
wounded with a dirk. Jackson came
very near dying , and carried Benton's
ball to his dying day. This was the
fast of the important engagements in
which General Jackson figured.
Nominations for Fifty Tears.
N. Y. Herald.-
At the present time it may not be out
of place to give a table showing the
nominations and the balloting in the
democratic conventions within the last
ifty years. It will be seen that Breck-
mridge enjoys the honoi of securing
; he nomination on the fifty-sixth ballot.
Next came Franklin Pierce , who was
nominated on the forty-ninth ballot ,
and Horatio Seymour , who was chosen
on the twenty-third :
1S3G. Martin Van Buran , first ballot.
1840. Martin Van Buran , unanimouslv.
184 * . James K. Polk , ninth bullot.
1848. Lewis Casa , fourth ballot.
13..2. Franklin Pierce , forty-ninth bal-
ot.
1836 , James Buchanan , seventeenth bal-
ot.
1860. John C. Breckenridge , fifty-sixth
bal'ot. '
1864. George B. McCIellan , first ballot.
18c8. Horatio Seymour , twenty-third
ballot.
1S72. Horace Greeley , indorsed.
1 76. Simuel J. Tilden , second ballot.
1SSO. Winfield S. Hancock , second ballot.
1884. Grover Cleveland , second ballot.
STOCK DIKECTOKY
DENNIS M'KILLIP.
Ranch on Red Willow , Thornburg , Hayes
County , Neb. Cattle branded "J. M. " on
leftside. Young cattle branded same as
above , also ' J. " on left Jawu Under-slope
right car. Horses branded "E" on left
shoulder.
\Y. J. WILSON.
Stock brand circle on left shoulder ; also f
dewlap and a crop and under half crop on
left ear , and a crop and under bit in the
right. Ranc'i ' on the Republican. Post-
oftlco , Max , Dundy county , Nebraska.
HENRY T. CHURCH.
0born , Neb. Range : Red Willow creek ,
In southwest corner of Frontier county , cat
tle branded "O L O" on right side. Also ,
an over crop on right ear and under crop on
left. Horses branded " 8" on right shoulder.
SPRING CREEK CATTLE CO.
Indianola. Xeb. Range Republican Val
ley , east of Dry Creek , and near head of
Spring Creek , in Chase county ,
J. D. NVKLiioiur ,
Vice President and Superintendent.
THE TURNIP BRAND.
Ranch 2 miles north of McCook. Stock
branded on left hip , and a few double cross
es oa left Pide. C. D. ERCANBRACK.
STOKES & TROTH.
P. 0. Address , Carrico , Hayes county ,
Nebraska. Range , Red Willow , above Car
rico. Stock branded as above. Also run the
lazv ci brand.
GEORGE J. FREDERICK.
Ranch4 miles southwest of McCook , on the
Driftwood. Stock branded "AJ" on the
left hip. P. 0. address , McCook , Neb.
JOHN HATFIELD & SON.
McCook , Neb. , Ranch 4 mile ? southeast ,
on Republican river. Stock branded with
a bur and In/r on left hip
J B. MESERVe.
Ranch , Spring Canyon on the Frenchman
River , in Chase county , Neb. Stock branded
as above ; also " 711 ' on left side ; " 7" on
ritrht hip and "L. * ! on right shoulder :
"L."on left shoulderand "X. " on left
n\v. Half under-crop left ear , and square-
crop riiiht ear.
JOSEPH ALLEN.
Ranch on R d WiUow Creek , half mile
above O born postotfice. Ci'-tisbrandad on
right side ana bip above. 3-4
FOR SALE impriived Deeded Frm
nnd Say Lr.ind. Timber and water. Two
'arm bouses , with other improvements.
Convenient to No. 1 school pnvileiies. Sit-
uit d "n Republican river , neir mmth of
R d Willow creek. Call on J. F B ack ,
on premises , or address him at Indianola ,
Nebraska.
