McCook weekly tribune. (McCook, Neb.) 188?-1886, July 24, 1884, Image 6

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    MB. ELAINE'S LETTER.
HU Acceptance of tha ICepubUcnn Noml
' natlvm.f'jr'.l'resfclent.
5 AuatMTA , ME. , July ib , 1844.
The Hon. John B. Henderson 'anh others o
the Committee , etc. , etc.
GENTLEMEN : In accepting the nominatloi
for the presidency tendered me by the rejmt
llcan nutlo'nal convouMon.J/beg to express i
deep sense of the honor which Iflconferrci
and of the duty which Is Imposed. I vcntiin
to accompany the acceptance with some ob
sorvatious upon the questions involved in tin
contest , questions whosb settlement may af
feet the future of the nation favorably or uii
favorably for a Ipnff scries of years.
In enumerating the issues upon which tin
republican party appealslor popular support
the convention lias been singularly expllcii
and lellcltous. It has properly given the lead
ing position to the industrial interests of tin
country as alfected by the tariff on imports
On that question the two political parties an
radically in. conflict. Almost the first act o ;
the republicans , when they came into powei
in ItOl. was the establishment of the princlph
of protection to American labor and to Amcr
icim capital. This principle-tho lopublicar
party has ever since steadily maintained
while on the other hand the democratic partj
in Congress haa for fifty years persistently
warred upon it. Twice within that period 0111
opponents have destroyed tarilft arranged foi
protection , and tince the closa of the civl
war , whenever they have controlled the liotis (
of reprebentativesi , hostile Icgislatlonhas beer
attempted never more conspicuously than ir
their priuci ] > al measure at the last'session ol
congress.
THE TAIUFF QUESTION.
Revenue laws are in their very nature sub
ject to frequent revisions In order that the }
may be adapted to changes and modlficatlout
of mule. The.republican part'is not con
tending1 for the permanency of any particulai
statute. The issue between the two patties
does , not have reference to a specific law. il
Is tar broader and Tar deeper. It involves n
principle of wide application and beneficent
infiuence , against a theory which we believe
to be unsound in conception and inevitably
hurtful In practice. In the many tariff revis
ions which have been necessary for the past
twenty-three years , or which may hercattei
become necessary , the republican party has
maintained and will maintain the policy ol
protection to American industry , while oui
opponents insist upon a revision , which prac
tically destroys that policy. The issue is thus
distinct , well .defined and unavoidable. The
pending election may determine the late of
protection tor a generation. The overthrow
of the policy means a large and permanent
icductlon in the wages ot the American la
borer , besides involving the loss of large
amounts of American capital invested in
manufacturing enterprises. The value of the
present revenue syistem to the people ot the
United States is not a matter of theory , and I
shall uubmit no argument to sustain it ; I only
invite attention to certain facts of ofiiclal
recora which teem to constitute a demonstra
tion.
In the census of 18T)0 an effort was made , for
the first time in our history , to obtain a valua
tion of all the property in the United States.
The attempt was in largo degree unsuccess
ful. Partly from lack of time , partly trom
prejudice among many who thought the in
quiriesfoiebhadowcd a new scheme ot taxa
tlon , the return were incomplete and unsatis
factory. Little more was done than to consolidate
solidato the local valuation uted in the state
lor purposes of assessment , and that , as every
one knows , differs widely from a complete ex
hibit of. all the property.
In the census of I860 , however , the work was
done with great thoroughness the'distinctioi
between "assessed" and "true" v.alue bein } ,
ewelully observed. The grand result was
that the "true value" of all the property ii
the states and territories ( excluding slaves
amounted to fourteen thousand millions ot
dollars ( $1,400,000,000. ) This aggregate wm the
net result of the labor and savings ot all the
people within the area of the United States
iroin the time the first British colonist landed
in 1607 down to the year 1860. It represents
the fruit ot the toil ot two hundred and flltj
j-ears.
After 1860 the business of the country was
encouraged and developed by a * protective
tariff. At the end of twenty years the total
property ot the United States , as returned bj
ihe census o 1880 , amoi.nted to the enormous
aggregate ot lorty-four thousand millions ot
dollars (544,000,000,000. ( ) This great result was
obtained , notwithbtanding the fucttnntcount-
less millions had in the interval been wasted
in the progress ot a bloody war. It thus ap
pears that while our population between 18W )
and 1880 increased -ixty per cent. , the aggre
gate piopertj-of the country increate < l two
hundred and fourteen per cent. showing a
vastly enhanced w ealth per capita among the
people. Thirty thousand millions of dollars
( § 30,000,000,000) ) had been added during these
twenty years to the permanent wealth ot the
nation. . ,
These results are regarded by the oldest na
tions of the orld as phenomenal. That our
country should surmount the peril and the
coat ot a gigantic war and for an entire pe
riod ot twenty years make an average gain to
its wealth of one hundred and twenty-five mil
lion dollars per month surpasses 'the experi
ence of all other nations aucient or modern.
Even the opponents of the present revenue
system do not pretend that in the whole his
tory of civilization any parallel can be louud
to the material progress of the United States
since the accession of the republican party to
power.
The period between JfcCO and to-day has not
been one of material prosperity only. At no
time in the history of the United States has
there been such progress in the moral and
philanthropic field. Keligious and charitable
institutions , schools , seminaries and colleges
have been founded and endowed far more
generously than at any previous time in our
history. Greater and more varied relief has
been extended to human suffering , and the
entire progress of the country in wealth has
been accompanied and dignified by a broaden
ing and elevation of our national character as
a people.
Our opponents find fault that our revenue
system produces a surplus. But they should
not forget that the law has given a specific
purpose to which all of the surplus is profita
bly and honorably applied the reduction of
the public debt and the consequent relief of
the burden and taxation. No dollar .has been
wasted , and the only extravagance with which
the party stands charged is the generous pen
sioning of soldiers , sailors and their families
an extravagance which embodies the highest
form of justice in the recognition and pay
ment of a sacred debt. AVlieii reduction of
taxation is to be made , the republican party
can be trusted to accomplish it in such form
as will most effectively aid the industries of
the nation.
nation.OUU FOREIGN COMMERCE.
A frequent accusation by our opponents is
that the foreign commerce of the country lias
steadily decayed under the influence of the
protective tariff. In this way they seek to ar
ray the importing interest against the repub
lican party. It is a common and yet radical
error to confound the commerce ot the coun
try with , its carrying trade an error often
committed innocently and sometimes design
edly but an error so gross that it does not
distinguish between the ship and the cargo.
Foreign commerce represents the exports and
imports of a country regardless of the nation
ality of the vessel that may carry the com
modities of exchange. Our carrying trade has
from obvious causes suffered many discour
agements since I860 , but our foreign com
merce has in tha same period steadily and
prodigiously increased increased indeed at a
rate and to an amount which absolutely
dwarfs all previous developments of our trace
beyond the tea. . From 1880 to the present time
the foreign commerce of the United States
( Divided with approximate equality between
exports and imports , ) reached the astounding
aggregate of twenty-four thousand millions
ot dollars (534,000,000,000. ) The balance in this
ast commerce inclined in our favor , but it
would have been much larger if our trade
with the countries of America , elsewhere re
ferred to , had been more wisely adjusted.
It is difficult even to appreciate the magni
tude of our export trade since I860 , and we can
gain a correct conception of it only by com
parison with preceding results in the same
field. The total exports from the United
States from the Declaration of Independence
in ITTti down to the day of Lincoln's election
in 1860 , added to all that had previously heen
exported from the American colonies from
their original settlement , amounted to less
than nine millions of dollars ( § 9,000,000,000. )
On the other hand our exports trom 1860 to the
close of * the last fiscal year exceeded twelve
millions of dollars ( § 12,000,000,000) the whole
of it being the product of American labor.
'Evidently a protective tariff has not injured
our export trade , when , under its influence ,
we exported in twenty-four years forty per
cent , more than the total amount that had
been exported iu the entire previous history
of American commerce. All the details , when
analyzed , correspond with this gigantic re
sult. The commercial cities of the Union
never had such growth as they have enjoyed
6incelb60. Our chief emporium , the city of
New York , with its dependencies , has within
that period doubled her population and in
creased her wealth five fold. During the same
period the Imports and exports which have
entered and loft her harbor are more thai
double In bulk and value the whole amouni
imported and exported- her between tin
settlement of the first Imtch colony on tin
island of Manhattan and the outbreak of tin
civil war in 1800. .
AQUICCLTUI1E AND THE TAKIKF.
The agricultural interest * is byfar the larg
cat in the nation , and is entitled on every ad
J list men t of , revenue laws to the first consid
cratiou. Any polipy hostile to the fullest de
vclopincnt of agriculture ju the United State *
must bo abandoned. Iteullzlng this fact , the
opponents of the present system of revenue
have labored very earnestly to persuade the
farmcrswf the United States that they .art
robbed by a protective tariff , and the efiort it
thus mude'to consolidate-their vast influence
in favor of free trade. Hut happily the farm
era df America are intelligent , and cannot , bt
misled by tophlstry when conclusive facts art
before them. They tee plainly that during
the past twenty-four years wealth has noi
been acquired In one section or by one inter
est at the expense of another section or an
other Interest. They see that the agricultural
state's have made oven more rapid progress
than the manufacturing states.
The farmers bee that in 18W ) Massachusetts
and Illinois had about the same wealth be
tween eight and nine hundred million dollars
each and that in 1880 Jlossachusetss had ad
vanced to twenty-six hundred millions , while
Illinois had advanced to .thirty-two hundred
millions. They see that , .Nevy Jersey and Iowa
were just equal in population in IbtiO and that
in twenty years the wealth of New Jersey was
increased by the sura' of eight hundred and
fifty millions of dollars , while the wealth of
Iowa waa Increased Jiy the sum of fifteen hun
dred millions pf dollars. They see that the
nine leading agricultural states of the west
have grown so rapidly in prosperity that the
aggregate addition to their wealth since 1860
is almost as greatas tlie wealth of the entire
country in that year. They seethatthesouth ,
which Js almost exclusively agricultural , lias
bhared in the general prosperity , and that
having recovered from the loss and devasta
tion of war , has gained so rapidly that its to
tal wealth is at least the double of that which
it possessed in IbCO , exclusive of slaves.
In these extraordinary developments the
farmers see the helpful impulse of a homo
market , and they see that the financial and
revenue system , enacted since the republican
party came Into power , lias established and
constantly expanded the home market. They
BCO that even In the prices ot wheat , which is
our chiot cereal export , they have sold , In the
average of the years since the close of the
war , three bushels at home to one they have
sold abroad , and that in the case of corn , the
onlyceieal which wo export to any extent ,
one hundred bushels have been used at home
to three and a half bushels exported. In some
years the disparity has been so great that for
every peck of corn .exported one hundred
bushels have been consumed in the home
market. The farmers see that in the increas
ing competition from the grain fields of Rus
sia and trom the distant plains ot India , the
growth ot the homc'inarket becomes daily ol
greater concern to them- and that its impair
ment would depreciate 'the value of every
acre ot tillable land in the Union.
OUU INTERNAL , COMMERCE.
Such facts as these touching the growth and
consumption of cereals at home give us some
slight conception of the vastness of the inter
nal commerce ot the United States. They sug
gest also that , in addition to the advantages
which the American people enjoy from pro
tection against foreign competition , they en
joy the advantages ot absolute free-trade over
a larger area , and with a greater population
than any other nat-on. .The internal com
merce ot our thirty-eight'atates and nine ter
ritories is carried on witbout lof'or hindrance ,
without tax , detention or governmental in
terference of any .kind whatever. It spreads
freely over an area of three and a half million
square milesf almost equal in extent to the
whole continent of Europe. . Its profits are en
joyed to-day by fiftyix millions of American '
ircrmen , and trom this enjoyment no' monopoly
ely is created. According to Alexander Ham
ilton , when he discussed the same subject lin
1790 , "the internal competition which takes
place docs away with everything like monopoly
ely , and by degrees reduces the prices ot'arti-
cles'to Jhe minimum of a reasonable profit on
tlie capital "employed. " It is impossible to
point to a single monopoly in the United
States that has been created'or fostered by
the industrial system which is upheld by the
republican party.
"
Compared with our "foreign commerce these
domestic changes are inconcievably great in
amount , requiring merely as one instrument
ality as large a mileage of railway as exists
to-day in all the other nations of the world
combined. These internal exchanges are es
timated by the statistical bureau ot the treas
ury departnunt to ue annually twenty times
as great in amount as our foreign commerce.
It is into this last field ot home trade at once
the creation and the heritage of the American
people that foreign nations are striving by
every device to enter. It is into this field that
the opponents ot our present revenue system
would freely admit the countries of Europe
countries into whose internal trade we could
not reciprocally enter countries to which we
should be surrendering every advantage of
trade ; tioui which we should be gaining noth
ing in return.
EFFECT UPON THE MECHANIC AND THE
LABORER.
A policy of this kindi would be disastrous to
the mechanics and workingmen ot the United
States. Wages are unjustly reduced when an
industrious man is not able by his earnings to
live in comfort , educate his children , and lay
by a sufficient amount for the necessities ot
age. The reduction of wages inevitably con
sequent upon throwing our .home market open
to the world , would deprive them of the pow-
sr to do this. It would prove a great calamity
to our country. It would produce a conflict
between the poor and the rich , and in tlfe sor-
rowtul degradation ot labor would plant the
seeds of public danger.
The republican party has steadily aimed to
maintain just relations between labor and
capital guai ding with care therightsof each.
A conflict-between the twOTias always led in
the past and will always lead in the tulure to
the injury of both. Labor is indispensable to
the creat on and profitable use of capital , and
capital increases the ernoiencyand value ot
labor. Whoever arrays the .one against the
other is an enemy 'of 'both ! That policy is
wisest and best which harmonizes the two on
the basis ot absolute justice. The republican
party has protected the free labor ot America
jo that its compensation is" larger than isre-
ilized in any other country. t it has guarded
jur people against the uniair competition of
contract labor.lrom China , and may'be called
upon to prohibit the'gro\yth of a similar evil
from Europe. It is obviously unfair to per
mit capitalists to make contracts lor cheap
abor in foreign countries to the hurt and dis
paragement ot the labor ot American citi-
ieiis. Such a policy , ( like that which would
.eave the time and other conditions of home
abor exclusively in the control of the em
ployer. ) is injurious to all parties not the
'east so to the unhappy persous who are made
he subjects of the contract. Thu institutions
) t the United States rest upon the intelligence
md virtue of all the people. Suffrage is made
iniversal as a just weapon ot self-protection
: o every citizen. It is iiotr the interest ot the
epublic that any economic system should be
idopted which involves the reduction of
yages to the hard standard prevailing else-
vhere. The republican party aims to elevate
md dignity labor not to degrade it.
As a substitute for the industrial system
vhich under republican administrations has
leveloped such extraordinary prosperitjvour
opponents otter a policy which is but a series
> t experiments upon our system of revenue
i policy whose end must be harm to our man-
ituctures and greater harm to our labor. Ex-
jeriinent in the industrial and financial sys-
; ein is the country's greatest dread , as stabili-
y is its greatest boon. Even the uncertainty
esulting from the recent tariff agitation in
Congress has hurtfully affected the business
> f the entire country. Who can measure the
mrm to our shops and our homes , to our
arms and our commerce , if the uncertainty
jf perpetual tariff agitation is to be inflicted
ipon the country ? We are in the midst of an
ibundant harvest ; we are on the eve of a re-
rival of general prosperity. Nothing stands
n our way but the dread of a change in the
ndustriul system which has wrought such
venders in the last twenty years and which ,
vith the power of increased capital , will work
itill greater marvels of prosperity in the
wenty years to come.
OUR FOREIGN POLICY.
Our foreign relations favor our domestic
levelopment. We arc at peace with the world
-at peace upon a sound basis , with no unset-
led questions of sufficient magnitude to em-
mrrass or distract us. Happily removed by
mr geographical position from participation
ir interest in those questions ot dynasty or
loundary which"so frequently disturb the
> cacc of Europe , we are left to cultivate
riendly relations with all , and are free from
lossible entanglements in the quarrels of any.
'he United States has no cause and no desiree
o engage in conflict with any power on earth ,
nd we may rest in assured confidence that
10 power desires to attack the United States.
With the nations of the western hemisphere
re should cultivate closer relations , and for
iur common prosperity "and advancement we
hbuld invite them all to jourwlth us in an
greement that , for the future , all interna-
ional troubles in North or South America
hall 'be adjusted by Impartial arbitration ,
nd not by arms. Tnis project was part of
he fixed policy of President Garfleld's admin-
jtration , and it should in my judgment be
renewed. Its accomplishment on ( his contl
ncnt would favorably affect the nation :
beyond'the * eaprnd ttmsipowerfully" eon
'
tribute at no distant day io'lho uuiversa
acceptance of the philanthropic and Christlai
principle of arbitration. The effect even o ;
suggesting'it tor theJSpanish American state :
has been most * happy and has increased the
confidence of those people in our tricndly dls
position. Jt fell to my lot as secretary ol
state , in June , 1881 , to quiet apprehension Ir
the republic of Mexico by giving the assur
ance lu an official disiJatch that "there Is nol
the , faintest desire in ibe United Status foi
territorial extension south"of the lUo Grande ,
The boundaries of the two republics have
bceri established in conformity \ \ ith the best
jurlsdlctional Interests of botti. Thii line of
demarkatioa is noLiucrcly 'conventional. It
la more * It it'paratos a Spanish-American
people from a Saxon-American people. It di
vides one great nlitldn trom another with dis
tinct and natural fii.ulity. "
' Wti seek theTconqnests of pehco. Wo desire
to extend our commerce , and.in an especial
degree with , our friends and neighbors on this
continent. Wo have not improved our rela
tions witlr Spanish-America us wibelvand as
persistently as wo might have done. For more
than a generation thcsymputhyof those coun
tries have been allowed to drift away from us.
Wo should now mane every effort to gain
their friendship. Our trade with'themislargo
already. During the last year our exchanges
in the Western hemisphere amounted to three
hundred and tttty millions of dollars nearly
one-tourth of our entire foreign commerce.
To thost. who may be disposed to underrate
the value of our trade with the countries of
North and Soutli America , it may be well testate
state that their population is nearly or quite
fitly millions and that , in proportion to ag
gregate numbers we import nearly double as
much from them as we do from Europe. But
the result of the whole American trade is in a
high degree unsatisfactory. The imports dur
ing the past year exceeded two hundred and
twenty-five millions , while the exports were
less than one hundred and twenty-five mil
lions allowing a balance against us of more
than one hundred millions of dollars. But the
money does not go to Spanish-America. We
send large sums to Europe in coin or its equiv
alent to pay European manuiacturers for the
goods which they send to Spanish-America.
We are but paymasters for this enormous
amount to European factor an amount which
Is a serious draft , in every financial depres
sion , upon our resources of specie.
Cannot this condition of trade in great part
be changed ? Cannot the market for our pro
ducts bo greatly enlarged ? We have made a
beginning in our ettort'to improve our trade
relations with Mexico , and we should not be
content until similar and mutually advan
tageous arrangements have been successively
made with every nation of North and Soutii
America. While the great powers of Europe
are steadily enlarging their colonial domina
tion in Asia and Africa , it is the especial prov
ince of this country to improve and expand its
trade with the nations of America. No field
promises so much. No field has been cultiva
ted so little. Our foreign policy should be an
American policy in its broadest and most com
prehensive sense a policy of peace , of friend-
bhip , of commercial enlargement.
The name of American , which belongs to
us in our national capacity , must always exalt
the just pride of patriotism. Citizenship of
Hie republic must be tlie panoply and safe
guard of him who wears it. The American
citizen , rich or poor , native or naturalized ,
white or colored , must everywhere walk se
cure in his personal and civil rights. The re
public should never accept , a lesser duty , it
can never assume a nobler one , than the pro
tection of the humblest man who owes a loy
alty protection at home , and protection
which shall follow him abroad , into whatever
land he may go upon'alawf ul errand.
' THE SOUTHERN STATES.
I recognize , not without regret , the neces
sity tor speaking of two sections of our com
mon country. But the regret diminishes when
I perceive that the elements which separated
them are fast disappearing. Prejudices have
vielded and aie yielding , while a growing cor-
iliality warms the southern and northern
lieart alike. Can any one doubt that between
the sections confidence and esteem are to-day
more marked than at any period in the sixty
years preceding the election of President
Lincoln ? This is the result in part of time and
iiijpartof republican principles applied under
the favorable conditions of uniformity , It
ivould be a great calamity to change these in
fluences under which southern common-
ivealths are learning- vindicate civil rights ,
mil adapting themselves to the conditions ot
political tranquility and industrial progress.
If there be occasional and violent outbreaks
nthe south against this peaceful progress ,
: he public opinion of the country regards
: hein as exceptional and hopefully , trusts that
? ach will prove the last.
The south needs capital and occupationnot
jontroversy. As much as any part-of the
lorth , the south needs the full protection of
: he revenue laws which the republican party ,
> ffers. Some of the southern states have al-
eady entered upon a career ot industrial de-
relopment and prosperity. These , at least ,
hould not lend their electoral votes to de-
ilroy their own future.
Any effort to unite the southern states upon
ssues that grow out of the memories of the
varill summon the northern states to com
mie in the assertion of that nationality which
\os their inspiration in the civil struggle.
\.nd thus great energies which should be
initcd in a common industrial development
ull be wasted in hurtful striieThedcmo -
: ratic party shows it&elt a toe to southern
> rosperity by always invoking and urging
southern political consolidation. Such a pol-
cy quenches tlie rising instinct of patriotism
n the heart of the southern youth ; it revives
ind stimulates prejudice ; it substitutes the
pirit of barbaric vengeance for the love of
> eace , progress and harmony.
THE CIVIL SERVICE.
The general character ot the civil service of
he United States under nil administrations
ins been honorable. In the one supreme test
-the collection and disbursement ot revenue
-the record of fidelity has never been sur-
lassed in any nation. With the almost fabulous
urns that were received and paid during the
lar , scrupulous integrity w as the prevailing
ule. Indeed , throughout that trying period ,
t can be said to the honor of the American
iame that unfaithfulness and dishonesty
.mong civil officers w as as rare as misconduct
> r cowardice on the field ot battle.
The growth of the country has continually
nd necessarily enlarged the civil service , un-
il now it includes a vastv body ot officers ,
tules and methods of appointment which pre-
ailed when the number was smaller have
icen found insufficient and impracticable , and
arnest efforts have been made to separate
he great mass -of ministerial officers from
iartisan influence and personal control. Im-
'artiality ' iu the mode of appointment to be
ased on qualification , and security of tenure
o be based on faithful discharge of duty , are
lie two ends to be accomplished. The public
usiness will be aided by separating the legis-
ilive branch of the government from all con-
rol of appointments and the executive de-
artment will be relieved by subjecting ap-
ointments to fixed rules and thus removing
liem from the caprice of favoritism. But
liere should be rigid observance of the law
rhich gives iu all cases of equal competency
lie preference to the soldiers who risked their
A'es in defense of the Union.
I entered Congress in 1863 , and in a some-
, -hat prolonged service I neverionnd it expe-
ient to request or recommend the removal
f a civil officer except in four instances , and
lien for non-political reasons which were in-
tantly conclusive with the appointing power ,
'he officers in the district , appointed by Mr.
lincoln in 1861 Upon the recommendation of
ly predecessor , served , as a rule , until death
r resignation. I adopted at the beginning of
ly service the test ot competitive exauuna-
ion for appointments at West Point , and
laintained it so long as I had a right by law
j nominate a cadet. In the case of many of-
cers I found that the present law which ar-
itrarily limits the term of the commission
ffered a constant temptation to changes for
icre political reasons. I have publicly ex-
ressed the belief that the essential modiflca-
ion of that law would be in many respects
dvantageous.
My observation in the department of state
onflrmed the conclusions of my legislative
xperience , and impressed mo with the con-
iction that the rule of impartial appointment
light with advantage be carried beyond any
xisting provision of the civil service law. It
iiould be applied to appointments in the con-
iilar servioe. Consuls should be commercial
2ntinels encircling the globe with watchful-
ess for their country's interests- Their in-
jlligence and competency become , therefore ,
tatters of great public concern. No man
loukl be appointed to an American consulate
ho is not w ell instruclcd in the history and
jsources of his own country , and in the re-
uircments and language of commerce in the
juntry to which he is sent. The same rule
lould be applied even more rigidly to secre-
iries of legations in our diplomatic service ,
lie people have the right to the most efficient
? ents in the discharge of public business and
le appointing power should regard this ns
10 prior and ulterior consideration.
THE MORMON QUESTION.
Religious liberty is the right of every citi-
jn of the republic. Congress is forbidden by
10 constitution to make any law "respecting
ic establishment of religion , or prohibiting
ic free exercise thereof. " For a century , un-
er this guarantee , Protestant and Catholic ,
uw and gentile , have worshiped God accord-
ig to the dictates of conscience. Butreligi-
us liberty must not be perverted to the Justi-
cationof offences against the law. Areligi-
ous sect , strongly intrenched in one of th
territories ot the Union , and spreading rapid !
into four tTtlieY territories , claims the right t
destroy the great safeguard and monument o
social order , and to practice as a rollgiou
privilege that wliich'Is a'tTlmo'punishod wltl
severe ponaltx In. every state o the IJnJor ,
Tlie sacredness and unity of the family mus
preserved jia thejoundation of nil clvi
government , ns the source , of orderly admin
istrntlon , as the surest , guarantee of moru
purity , ' - ' . i
The claim-of the Mormons that they ur
divinely authorized to .practice .polyinmi ;
should no inoro bo admitted thantho claim o
certalabeathen tribes-if they should comi
amongais , to , continue.the ritoof.hutnanfiuc
rlflco. The law does not interfere with whati
man believes ; 3l"takesc6 rnizanco6nlyof wha
he does.As citizeiw. the Mormons arc entJ
tied to the same civil rights as. others , and ti
these they must be confined. Polygamy cm
never.recelve n dtionul sanction or tolcratloi
by admitting- the community that upholds' !
as n state in the. Union. Like others , tin
Mormons must learn that , the liberty of-tlu
individual ceases where the rights'fo' soclcti
begin.
f OUR qUHRBNCV.
Thq people of the .United States , thougl
oftcn'urged'and tempted , have never serious
ly contemplated the recognition of any othei
money than gold and silver and currency di
rcctly convertible Jnto , thoin. They have nol
done so , they will not do BO , under any ncces
slty less pressing than that of .desperate war
The one special requisite for the completion ol
imr monetary system is * the fixing ot the rela
tive values of silver and gold. The largo use
of silver as the money of account amen
Asiatic nations , taken in connection with the
increasing commerce of , the world , gives the
weightiest reasons for an international agree
nient In the premises. Our government
should notecase to. urge this measure until i
common standard of value bhall bo rcacheii
and established a standard that shall enable
the United States' to use the silver from its
mines us an auxiliary to gold in settling the
balances of commercial exchange.
THE PUHLIC L VNDS.
The strength of the republic Is Increased bj
the multiplication of land owners. Our lam
bhould look to the judicious encouragement
of actual bottlers on the public domain , whlcli
should hencoiorth be held as a sacred trust
for the benefit of those seeking homes. The
tendenci to consolidate large tracts of land ii :
the ownership of individuals or > rporatlont
should , with proper regard to vested rights , be
discouraged. One hundred thousand acres ol
land in the hands ol one man is lar less profit
able to the nation in every way than when Its
ownership is divided among one thousand
men. The evils of permitting large tracts ol
the public domain to bo consolidated and con
trolled by the few against the many is en
hanced when the persons controlling it arc
aliens. It is but tair that the public land
should be disposed of only to actual settlers
and to those who arc citi/ens of the republic ,
or willing to become so.
OUR SHIPPING INTERESTS.
Among our national Interests one languish
es the foreign carrying trade. It was very
seriously crippled in our civil war , and anoth
er blow was given to it in tlie general substi
tution of steam for sail in ocean traffic. With
a frontage on the two great oceans , with a
freightage larger than that of any other na
tion , we nave every inducement to restore our
navigation. Yet the government'has hitherto
retused its help. A small share ot the en
couragement given by tlie government to rail
ways and to manufactures , and a small share
of the capital and the zeal given by our citi
zens to. those enterprises would have carried
our ships to every sen and to every port. A
law just enacted removes some of the burdens
upon our navigation and inspires hope that
this great interest may at last receive its due
share of attention. All efforts in this direc
tion should receive encouragement.
SACREDNESS OF THE 15ALLOT.
This survey of our condition as a nation re
minds us that material prosperity is but a
mockery if it does not tend to preserve the
liberty of the people..A free ballot is the
safeguard of republican institutions , without
which no national-welfare is assured. A pop
ular election honestly conducted embodies the
very majesty of true government. Ten mil
lions of voters desire to take part in the pend
ing contest. The safety of the republic rests
upon the integrity of the ballot , upon the se
curity of suffrage to the citizen. To
deposit a fraudulent vote is no worse a crime
against constitutional liberty than to obstruct
the deposit of an honest vote. He who cor
rupts suffrage strikes at the very root of free
lovernment. He is the arch enemy of the re
public. He forgets that iu trampling upon
the rights of others he fatally imperils his
own rights. "It is n good land which the Lord
our God doth give us , " but we can maintain
our heritage only by guarding.with vigilance
the source of popular power. I am , with great
regpect , your obedient servant ,
JASIES G. BLAINE.
TWO ROMANCES OF BANDI1TI.
A. Robbt-r Whose Daughter "Was at School
in Europe A Dashing Amazon.
Mexico Letter in the San Francisco Chronicle.
Mexican brigands are waking up to
Lhe fact that their occupation is gone.
Rapid travel lays bare lives and meth-
ads that distance and inaccessibility
ttave hitherto enveloped in a veil of ro
mance. Yet the old atmosphere still
lingers protectingly about a lew , which
iccounts for the fact that Churcho el
Pete , the notorious bandit , "who was
captured at Queretaro the other day ,
ivas made prisoner , while the less fa
mous ruffians were all shot. He has as
many friends in Mexico as the James
DOVS had in Missouri , and has escaped
; he clutches of the law aud baffled pur-
mit again and again , until he won the
iame of "The Mysterious Man ; " has
jeen imprisoned in the past and made
laring escapes , as he will probably do
n' the future. One of the secrets of his
> opularity is that his code of honor al-
ows no Mexican to suffer at his hands ;
virile he has robbed fortunes from un-
brtunate travelers , he has always
spared his own countrymen , and has es-
) ecially delighted in preying upon Span-
ards. His methods have often been
> rigmal and fearless , yet he has also
) layed the common role of garroterand
mrglar. The one tender pulsation in
; he black heart of this ruthless robber
) eats in unwavering faithfulness and
dolatrous love for his daughter , a beau-
iful girl eighteen years ot age , whom
te is educating in Brussels , who isigno-
ant of the true character of her bandit
ather , and upon whom he lavishes aj-
nest all the money that comes into his
lands by his system of "forced loans. "
More romantic than Churcho el Pete
s the little I can gather about a gang
if wreckers who were pursued and shot
ess than a month ago in the state of
) urango. The leader of the band was
veil known to the Mexican public by
ight and through a record of daring
Leeds and bloody crimes. Young and
loyish in appearance ; handsome , dash-
ng and so brave and beloved by the
mtire clan of eighteen brigands that
he identity of this chief was never be-
rayed nor suspected. The other day
he rurales tracked them down , sent
ight bullets through the captain's hearc
.nd destroyed the whole band , not leav-
ng one to tell the story , which all will
eng to hear , as I did when I learned
hat the handsome bandic boy was only
, bit of successful masquerading , for
rhen the riddled sombrero was rc-
aoved and the bullet-burnt blanket
urown aside a shapely form was re-
ealed , and the astonished soldiers
sarneclthat the lender of their foe had
een a woman.
The prince of Wales is said to be'
jsing nearly all his hair. This makes
irn both an heir apparent and a hair-
3ss parent. [ Philadelphia Chronicle.
"English cheese and lettuce must be
aten together. " This is particularly
ough on the lettuce , which is not a
ery bad sort of a vegetable in its way.
N. Y. Graphic.
THE DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATES.
Biographical Sketches of Stephen Orovor
Cleveland and Thomas A. Hondrlcka.
SKETCH OF MR. CLEVELAND'S CAREER.
Mr. Cleveland was born in the town
of Essex , state of New. Jersey , on the
18fch day of March , 1837. He is a de
scendant of a New England family ,
which has been in this country two
hundred years. The family is noted
for its policy and leligioua zeal , having
had for many generations distinguished
representatives in the clerical profes
sion. Mr. Cleveland's great-grand
father , Aaron Cleveland , was a con
gressional minister of Norwich , Conn.
He was a strong man , mentally and
physically , and a hundred years ago was
the author pf many radical anti-slavery
papers. Richard Cleveland , father of
the subject of this sketch , was educated
for the ministry , and was pf the Pres
byterian faith. He married a Miss
Neal , of Baltimore , soon after settling
as pastor of a church in New Jersey ,
where Grover was born.
Governor Cleveland's educational
facilities and opportunities were rather
limited r coasting of a chance to at
tend the common schools and an acad
emy at Clincon , Oneida county , N. Y. ,
for a brief period. After leaving the
academy he became a clerk for a year
at one of the eleemosynary institutions
of New York City ; then he returned
home , and in May , 1855 , with a com
panion , started for Cleveland , O. Mr.
Cleveland says he was attracted to that
city because it had his name. On his
way there he stopped at Buffalo , to
visit an uncle , Mr. Lewis F. Allen , who
used his best endeavors to dissuade his
nephew from going farther. To make
his arguments and entreaties effectual ,
he offered Grover a clerkship , which
the young man accepted. Having de
termined upon the law as a profession ,
it was not long before lie made arrange
ments to become a law student in the
office of Rogers , Bowen & Rogers. In
1859 he was admitted to the bar , pass
ing most creditably a rigid examina
tion. He continued with his preceptors
.four years , which gave him really eight
years of thorough study and legal exper
ience. He was then appointed assistant
district assistant for the county of Erie
by C. C. Torrance , which position he
filled for a period'of three years. In
1865 he was nominated by the demo
cratic county convention for district at
torney , to succeed Mr. Torrance , but
was defeated by Hon. Lyinan K. Bass.
Mr. Cleveland formed a law copart
nership with the late I. V. Vanderpool ,
January 1 , 1866 , which was continued
until 1869. He then became a member
of the firm of Laning , Cleveland &
Folsom. In November , 1870 , Mr. Cleve
land was chosen sheriff of Erie county ,
and at the close of that service became
a member of the law firm of Bass ,
Cleveland & Bissell. This was the
strongest and brainiest law firm in
Western New York , and at once com
manded a very lucrative practice. In
188 L Mr. Cleveland was choseo mayor
of Buffalo , but before the expiration of
his term was elected governor of the
Empire state. Mr. Cleveland is one of
a family of nine children four sons and
five daughters. His widowed mother
died at Holland Patent , New York , in
the summer of 1882. All the children ,
except two sons burned at sea , are liv
ing.
SKETCH OF MR. HEKDRICKS.
Thomas Andrews Hendricks , the
democratic candidate for vice-president ,
was born in Muskingum county , Ohio ,
on September 7 , 1819. Th3 boyhood
and youth of the embryo statesman
were spent in hard study , and he grad
uated at Hanover College , Indiana , in
1841. He at once engaged in the prac
tice of law , and took active interest in
the politics of his adopted state. Be
fore attaining the age of thirty years
he had served in both houses of the
legislature , and in 1851 was elected a
member of congress , serving a subse
quent term and declining a re-nomina
tion. He was appointed a lnd com
missioner by President Pierce in 1855 ,
serving in that capacity until 1859.
when he was made the democratic nom
inee for governor of Indiana. In the
election which followed he was defeat
ed. When the democrats secured a
majority of the state legislature in 1863
Mr. Hendricks was chosen United
States senator , serving in that
capacity until 1869. He then en
gaged in the practice of
nis profession until 1873 , when he was
elected governor of the state. In 1876 ,
before the expiration of his guberna
torial term , he was a leading candidate
before the St. Louis convention for the
democratic presidential nomination ,
and when Mr. Tilden secured this nom
ination Mr.9endricks JNS& , ne $ day
nominated for the vice presidency by
all the vote * in the convention 788 , to
8 blank. The canvass arid election of
1876 , and the exciting pplifcical events
which followed , are matters of recent
history. He belongs to a family which
traces its descent to the Huguenots on
the father's aide. His mother was of
Scotch origin , a native of Chambers-
burg , Pa. , and a member of a family
that belonged to the Scotch Covenan
ter school. His grandfather was a >
member of the Pennsylvania legislature
during the administration ol George
Washington , his-father's home-was the
resort of politicians , and an uncle was
one of the secretaries of the Indiana
constitutional convention whicn met in
1816 , also democratic governor of the
state in 1819 , and two terms elected
United States senator.
Mr. Hendricks is stoutly built ,
smoothly shaven and florid of face ,
with strong features and piercing eyes.
Personally he is probably the most pop
ular public man in his own'state of Indi
ana of all the statesmen that common
wealth has produced.
THE GREELY SURVIVORS.
Additional Particulars in Regard to Their
Sergeant Long , of the Greely party ,
who was the first to respond to the welcome
tone of the steam whistle , says he and Ser
geant Brainard wore the first to hear the
sound and they helped each other to crawl
*
out of the tent. When Long got clear of * "
the entanglement of the tent , which had
been swept to the ground , he rose to his feet ,
with great difficulty , and succeded in clam
bering up to a rock that gave the most ex
tensive view in the neighborhood. Bialn-
ard went back to the tent , but Long re
mained , looking out searchingly in every
direction for some strange object. At .
length he saw the unwonted sight of a large
black object about a mile distant , which at
first looked like a rock , but he knew there
was no rock in that line. Suddenly
the 'approaching steam launch changed
its course and Long recognized the
approach of the rescuers. He came
down from the rock and went towards
the camp , raising : the flag-pole and flag ,
which had been mown down during the
gale , and held it for ten minutes , until his-
strength gave out , and it was blown once
more to the ground. He then advanced in
the direction of the little steamer , and in a
few minutes the warm band of Captain Ash
had grasped his in greeting. Morris Con
nell , who is still excessively weak , stated in
an interview that for some days after his
rescue he had no recollection of anything-
that transpired. He did not hear the awak
ening scream of the whistle. When his-
comrades shook him up from his'prostrate
position in the camp and told him of the
succor at hand , he wildly exclaimed : "For
God's sake let me die In peace. " A teaspoonful -
spoonful of brandy applied to his lips-
called back the fleeting life spark , for
Connell could not have survived more than
a few hours. He was by far the weakest
of the seven survivors and the strongest
must have succumbed within forty-eight
hours. The story told by Connell
from his recollection of their starving
ex erience is simply heartrenderine ; how
they burned the hair off their sealskin boots-
and coats , cut them into strips , boiled them
into a stew , and ate voraciously of them till
their stomachs rebelled and nausea and
weakness ensued. In some casea nature
gave no call for twelve , fifteen , and even
eighteen days , and then bloody hemorrhage
and consequent weakness ensued , pros-
trayag the victim for several days. The
difficulty in keeping heat in the body wag-
very great. The rule of the came , was to
permit no one to sleep longer than two ,
hours. He was awakened roughly and
called upon to shake himself , beat his hands-
and pound his feet and restore circulation. *
This was found absolutely necessary to prevent
vent- torpor and possible death , the
usual accompaniments of intense cold.
Commander Schley has received instructions - \
tions from the secretary of the !
navy to remain at St. Johns until 'i '
there are twelve iron caskets con- it- '
structed to receive the bodies of the de- il.
ceased explorers. The survivors are all
doing well , but are still weak and suffering
from nervous prostration. Lieutenant
Greely has improved from 120 pounds
weight on the 22d of June to 1G9 pounds to
day. Sergeant Brainard and the others are
pulling up proportionately. The weather
here is delightful and all that could be de
sired for the sufferers , the mercury rang
ing between 65 and 75. Great sympathy is /
evinced for the survivors and the dead , and '
every token of respect is manifested for I
hem. The "Thetis" and "Bear , " as J
they ride quietly at anchor in the harbor of {
St. Johns , wear a sombre and mournful appearance -
pearance with the flag of the United States '
it half-mast. The United Stateswarship '
"Alert" arrived at 1 o'clock p. m. Her
letention was caused by a fog and search <
tor the other ships of tlie squadron. AH on ,
tx > ard are -well. Sergeant Julius R. Fred-
jrick relates mournfully the tragic story of
the sad death of Georjre Riee ,
: he artist of the expedition , on
A.pril Oth. Eice and Frederick vol- '
jnteered to leave camp to proceed a dis- I
ance of twenty-five miles to secure some )
ne'at that was cached near Cape Isabella. | '
They had a sled , rifle , hatchet and provis-
ons for five days. They traveled three days , ' * . i
> ut failed to find the cache. On. the way
oward Camp Eice became weak and finally
jave up. He was attacked by bloody fhis :
hat gradually wore him down. He suc-
iumbed and was interred in an ice grave by
iid coidpanion. Frederick camped out that
light under the fragment of a boat and the
lext day revisited his companion to pay the
ast tribute to his remains. Frederick re-
ained sufficient strength to drag back the
led with the hatchet , rifle and cooking "
itensils to camp , where he encountered '
nore woe in the lorm of the death of Lieu-
enant Lockwood and another of the party.
The cached meat that Fredrick and Eice
vere in search of was brought by them
.pril 6th from Cape Isabella , and abandoned-i
he next day in order to idrag Ellison , one
if the party , who had been frozen , into
amp. Eice was the life of the Greely L '
> arty , being full of hope , buovancy and <
nergy , and his death was a terrible blow to *
hem. He died in a brave struggle to pro-
eng their existence. if' '
A bicyclist has made the journey
rom Land's End to John O'Groat's ,
30 miles , in fifteen minutes less than
even days. The machine used was of
, class hitherto noted rather for safety
ban speed , the large wheel being lower
ban usual and receiving power from a
tinged lever instead of through a direct
rank action. .
It was a Boston lobster which aston-
shed New York fish dealers , after all.
? he creature was two feet long ; had a
ail spread out like a full grown fan
.nd a claw measuring seven inches
.cross , and from tip to tip the claws
oeasure forty-two inches.
The Albany Times would crush
Ileveland by telling how he went into
iie Adirondacks last year , had scouts
osted for ten miles
around to drum np
eer for him , and then , when the deer
jisurely stalked past him , found that
is gun was not loaded.
"Yes , " said the broken down mer-
bant , "I think I have been too fond of
rink , but I can't say that I'm pleased
ith this last beverage Sheriff's aie.1
-Cincinnati Saturday Night.