The news that 00,000 American sol
diers have crossed the Pi-elllo ; tluit , if
necessary , the Ainorleiin Congress will
make il 100,000 or 200,000 men ; tluit , at
any cost , we will establish pence and
govern the islands , will do more to end
the war than the soldiers thoni'-olvos.
Hut the loporl tluiL weoen discuss
the withdrawal of a single soldier at
the present time and that we even debate -
bate the possibility of not administer
ing government tlironghout tlio niehi-
pclago ours'olves will be misundci stood
and misrepresented and will blow into
flnmo once more the ( lies our soldiers'
blood has almost quenched.
"TIIK iii.ooi ) op 01 u SOMMIIIIS. "
Mr. President , reluctantly and only
from a sense of duty am 1 forced to say
that American opposition to the war
has been the chief factor in prolonging
it , Had Aguinaldo not understood
that in America , even in the American
Congress , even here in the Senate , he
and hln cause were supported ; had he
not known that il was proclaimed on
the stump and in the press of a faction
In the United States that every shot
his misguided followers ( lied into the
breasts of American soldiers was like
the volleys fired by Washington's men
Rgninsi the soldiers of King ( leorge his
insurrection would have dissolved be
fore it entirely crystnllio/d.
The utterances of American oppon
ents of the war are read to the Ignorant
soldiers of Agiiinaldo and repeated in
exnggointod form among the common
people. Attempts have been made by
wretches claiming American citizenship -
ship to ship arms and ammunition
from Asiatic ports to the Filipinos , and
these acts of infamy were coupled by
the Malays with American assaults on
our Clovcrnment at home. The Filipinos -
nos do not understand free speech , and
therefore our tolerance of American
ftssaijlts on the American President
mid the American Government means
to them that our President is in the
minority or he would not permit what
appears to them such ticasonablo criti
cism. It is believed and stated in Luzon ,
Paney , and Cebu that the Filipinos have
only to light , harass , retieat , break np
into small parties , if necessary , as they
are doing now , but by any means hol'd
out until the next Presidential election ,
and onr forces will be withdrawn.
All this luib aided the enemy more
than climate , arms , and battle. Sena
tors , 1 have hcaid these reports my
self ; 1 have talked with the people ; I
have seen our mangled boys in the
hospital and field ; 1 have stood on the
firing line and beheld our dead soldiers ,
their faces turned to the pitiless south
ern sky , and in sorrow rather than
nngo I say to tho.se whose voices in
America have cheered these misguided
natives on to shoot our soldiers down ,
that the blood of those dead and
wounded boys of ours is on thtlr
hands , and the flood of all the years
can never wash that stain away. In
sorrow rather than augur I say . these
words , for 1 earnestly believe that our
biothers knew not what they did.
TIII : nui'iNos Aitr. CIIIII > HIN , UTTIII.Y
INOArAlil.K OK SKI.K-noVHHNMKNT.
Hut , Senators , it would be better to
abandon this combined garden and
Gibraltar of the Pacific , and count our
blood and treasure already spent a pro
fitable loss , than to apply any acade
mic nrrangcinent of self-government
to these fh'hyren. They are not capa
ble of seh-government. How could
they be ? They aie not of a self-gov
erning race , J""hoy are Orientals , Ma
lays , instructed by Spaniards in the
latter's worst estate.
They know nothing of practical gov
ernment except as they have witnessed
the weak , corrupt , cruel , and capri
cious rule of Spain. What magie will
anyone employ to dissolve in their
minds and characters those impressions
of governors and governed which three
centuries of misrule has created ?
What alchemy will change the oriental
rvality of their blood and set the self-
governing currents of the American
pouring through their Malay veins ?
How shall they , in the twinkling of an
eye , be exalted to the heights of self-
governing peoples which required a
thousand yeais for us to reach , Anglo-
Saxon though we aie ?
Let men beware how they employ
Mie term "self-government , " It is a
incrcd term , It is the watchword at
the door of the inner temple of liberty ,
for liberty does not always mean self-
government. Self-government is a me
thod of liberty the highest , simplest ,
best and it is acquired only after
centuries of study and strnggle'and ex
periment and instruction and all the
elements of the progress of man. Self-
government is no base and common
thing , to be bestowed on the merely
audacious. It is the degree which
ciowns the graduate of liberty , not
the name of liberty's infant class , who
have not yet mastered the alphabet of
freedom. Savage blood , oriental blood ,
Malay blood , Spnnish ovamplii are
these the elements of self-government ?
We must act on the situation as it
exists , not as we would wish it. I
have talked with hundreds of these
people , getting their views as to the
piactical workings of self-government.
The great majority simply do not un
derstand any participation-in any gov
ernment whatever. The most enlight
ened among them declare that self-
government will succeed because the
employcis of labor will compel their em
ployees to vote as their employer wills
und that this will ensure intelligent
voting. I was assured that wo could
depend upon good men always being
in oflieo because the otlleials who con
stitute the government will nominate
their successors , choose the e among
the people who will do the voting , and
determine determine how and whore
elections will be held.
The most ardent advocate of fiolf-
povernment that 1 met was anxious
that I should know that such a govern
ment would be tranquil because , as he
Enid , is anyone criticised It the gov
ernment would ehoot the olVender. A
few of them have a sort of verbal un
derstanding of the democratic theory ,
but the above arc the examples of the
Ideas of the practical workings of self ,
government entertained by the aris
tocracy , the rich planters and traders ,
und heavy employers of labor , the men
who would run the government.
I'KOI'MJ I.NDOMINT MJ COMl'K'UriON
WITH ouu LA mm.
Example for decades will bo neces
sary to iiibtruct them in American ideas
nnd methods of administration. Example -
ample , example ; always example this
alone will teach them. As a race their
general ability is not excellent. Edu-
cutors , both men and women , to whom
I have talked in Cebn and Luzon , were
unanimous in the opinion that in all
solid and useful education they are , ay
a people , dull an < J stupid. In showy
things , like carving and painting or
embroidery or music , they have appar
ent aptitude , but oven this is super
ficial und never thorough. They have
facility of speech , too.
The three bist educators on the isl
and at different times made , to mo the
same comparison , that the common
people in their stupidity arc like their
caribou bulls. They ar.i not uvon good
agriculturists. Their waste of cane is
ino.\euwible. Their destruction of
hemp fiber is childish. They arc incura
bly indolent. They 'iave no contin
uity or thoroughness of industry. They
will quit work without notice and
amuse themselves until the money they
have earned is spent. They are like
children playing at men's work.
No one need fenr their competition
with our labor. No reward could be
guile , no force compel , these children
of indolence to leave their trifling
lives for the fierce and fervid Industry
of high-wrought America. The very
roveisc is the fact. One gient problem
is the necessary labor to develop these
islands to build the roads , open the
mines , clear the wilderness , drain the
swamps , diedge the harbors. The na
tives will not supply it. A lingering
picjud'co ' against the Chinese may pre
vent us fiom letting them supply It.
Ultimately , when the ical truth of the
climate and human conditions is
known , it is barely possible that our
labor will go there. Even now young
men will' the right moral liber and a
little capital can make fortunes there
as pi-iliters.
Hut the natives will not come here.
Let all men dismiss that fear. The
Dutch have Java , and HH population ,
under Holland's rule , has increased
from 2,000,000 to more than t0,000,000 !
people ; yet the .lava labor * r has never
compel d with the laborer of Holland.
And this is true of England and Germany -
many , of every colonizing , administer
ing power. The native has produced
luxuries for the laborer of the govern
ing country and afforded a market for
what the laborer of t-he governing
country , in turn , produced.
In Paluan the natives arc primitive.
In Suln and Mindanao the Mores arc
vigorous and warlike , but have not the
mostolemen' M-V. notions of civilization.
For example , they do not understand
the utility of roads. Nothing exists
but paths through the jungle. I have
ridden for hours in Suln over the most
primitive paths , barely discernable in
the rank grass. They have not grasped
the idea of private and permanent
property in land , and yet there is no
lovelier spot , no richer land , no better
military and naval base than the Si'lu
group. In Paluan , Suln , and Minda
nao the strictest military government
is necessary indefinitely. The inhabi
tants can never be made to work , can
never be civilized. Their destiny can
not be foretold. Hut whether they will
withstand civilization or disappear be
fore it , our duty is plain.
OUTUNi : OK TIIK 1'I.AN Of OOVIIH.NMIINT
Niimii : : : IN TIII : rmui-i'iNr.s : "aisii'i.i :
AND STIiONO. "
In all other islands onr government
must be simple and strong. It must
bo a uniform government. Different
forms for different islands will produce
perpetual disturbance , because the people
ple of each island would think that the
people of 'the other islands are more
favored than they. In Pan ay I heard
murmurings that we were giving Ne-
gros an American constitution. This
is a human quality , found even in
America , and wo must never forget
that in dealing with the Filipinos we
deal with children. And so our gov
ernment must bo simple and .strong.
Simple and strongl The meaning of
those two words must be written in
every line of Philippine legislation ,
rcnliml in every act of Philippine ad
ministration. A Philippine oillco in
our Department of State ; an American
governor-general in Manila , with pow
er to meet daily emergencies ; possibly
an advisory couucil'with no power ex
cept that of discussing measures with
the governor-general , which council
would bo the germ for future legisla
tures , a school in practical government.
American lieutenant-governors in each
province , with a like council about
him ; if possible , an American resident
in each district and a like council
grouped about him ; frequent and un
announced visits of provincial govern
ors to the districts of their province ;
periodical , leports to the governor-
general ; nn American board of visita
tion to make semi-annual trips to the
archipelago without power of sugges
tion or interference to oflieials or people
ple , but only to report and recom
mend to the Philippine ofllco of our
State Department ; a Philippine civil
service , with promotion for eilleicney ;
the abolition of duties on exports from
the Philppine.s ; the establishment of
import duties on a revenue basis , with
such discrimination in favor of Ameri
can imports as will prevent the cheaper
goods of other nations from destroying
American trade ; a complete reform of
local taxation on a just and scientific
basis , beginning with a tax on land ac
cording to its assessed value ; the mint
ing of abundant money for Philpplno
and Oriental use ; the granting of
franchises and concessions upon the
the theory of developing the resources
of the archipelago , and theiefore not
by sale , but upon participation in ' 10
profits of the enterprise ; the formation
of a system of public schools every
where with compulsory attendance
rigidly enforced ; the establishment of
the English language throughout the
islands , touching it exclusively in the
schools and using it through interpre
ters , exclusively in the courts ; a simple
civil code and a still simpler criminal
code , nnd both common to all the isl
ands except Snlu , Mindanao , and Pa
luan ; American judges for all but
smallest olVonses ; gradual , slow , and
careful introduction of the host Filipinos
pines into the working machinery of
the government , no promise whatever
of the franchise until the pe'e ; have
been prepared for it ; all this hacked
by the necessary force to execute it ;
this outline of government the situa
tion demands as soon as tranqnilit.y is
established. I'ntll then inllita y gov
ernment is advisable.
KNOI.IS1I OK llt'lC'IIB BYS1KM lMI'0 8im.K
I'ltoi ixrioiiATi : mi-it UTII'.UII.I : .
Wo cannot adopt the Dutch method
in .lava , nor the English method in the
Malay states , because both of these
systems rests rest on and operate
through the existing governments of
hereditary princes , with Dutch or Eng
lish residents as advisors. Hut in the
Philippines there are no such heredi
tary rulers , no such established gov
ernments. There is no native ma
chinery of administration except that
of the villages. The people have been
deprived of the advantages o. heredit
ary native prinecs , and yet not in
structed in any form of regular , just ,
and orderly government.
Neither is a protectorate practicable.
If a protectorate leaves the natives to
their own methods more than would
our direct administration of their gov
ernment , it would permit the very
evils which It is our duty to prevent.
If , on the other hand , under a protec
torate , wo interfere to prevent those
evils , wo govern as much as if wo di
rectly administer the government , but
without system or constructive pur
pose. In either alternative we incur
all Clio responsibility of directly gov
erning thorn ourselves , without any of
t'he benefits to us , to them , or to the
mehi > pelage , which our direct adminis-
tuition of government throughout the
islands would secure.
KIND or AMI.UNN omciALs NICIS- : :
svnv.
Even the elemental plan I have out
lined will fail in the hands of any but
ideal administrators. Spain did not
utterly fail in devising many of her
plans wore excellent ; she failed in ad
ministering. Her oillelals as a class
were corrupt , indolent.cruel , immoral.
They were suleetcd to please a faction
In Spain , to plncnto members of the
Cortes , to bribe thoio whom the Gov
ernment feared. They were seldom
selected for their fitness. They were
the spawn of Government favor and
Government fear , and therefore of
Government iniquity.
The men we send to administer civ
ilized government in the Philippines
must be themselves the hghest exam
ples of onr civilization. I use the word
examples , for examples they must be
in that word's most absolute sense.
They must be men of the world and of
affairs , students of their fellow-men ,
not theoristsnor dreamers. They must
bo bravo men , physically as well as
morally. They must bo as incorruptible
as honor , as stainless as purity , men
whom no force can frighten , no influ
ence coerce , no money buy. Such men
come high , even here in America. Hut
they must be had. Hotter pure mili
tary occupation for years than govern
ment by any other quality of adminis
tration. Hotter abandon this priceless
possession , admit ourselves incompe
tent to do our part in the world-
redeeming work of our imperial race ;
better'now haul dowi. the flag of ar
duous deeds for eivili/.ation and run np
the flag of reaction and decay than to
apply academic notions of self-govern
ment to these children or attempt
their government by any but the most
perfect administrators onr country
can produce. I assert that such ad
ministrators can be found.
There is one in Cuba now who , with
the words "Money is not everything , "
refused SWO.OOO a year as president of a
corporation that he might contine
Hie work of onr race in the
icgencration of Santiago , and thus an
nounced and typified the new ideal of
the Republicwhich pessimists declared
had become sordid and base. And
among onr HO,000,000 we have thous
ands like him. Necessity will produce
them ,
ouu An.Mi.visru nous MUST HI : r.XA\ii'iis. :
1 repeat that our Government and
onr administrators must be examples.
You cannot tench the Kilipi no by pre
cept. An object lesson is the only les
son he comprehends. lie has no con
ception of pure , orderly , equal , impar
tial government , under equal laws
justly administered , bceaiu-e he has
never seen such a government. Ho
must be shown the simplest results of
good government by actual example in
order that he may begin to understand
its most elementary principles.
Such a government will have its ef
fect upon us here in America , too.
Model administration there will be an
example cheated by c/irs'clvcs for model
administration here ; and our "own ex
ample is the only one Americans ever
heed. It is not true that charity be
gins at home. Selflslincss begins there ;
but charity begins a/rond ] and ends in
Us lull glory in the homo. It is not
true that perfect government must be
achieved at home before administering
it abroad ; its exercise abroad is a sug
gestion , an example , and a stimulus
for the best government at home. It
is as if wo projected ourselves upon a
living screen and beheld ourselves at
work. England to-day is the home of
ideal municipal governments. Well ,
England's administration of Hombay
did not divert attention from Glasgow ,
and Glasgow is to-day is the model for
all students of municipal problems.
England's s-mitnry regeneration of
filthy Calcutta made it clearer that
Hirmingham must be regenerated , too ,
and to-day Hirmingham is the munici
pal admiration of all instructed men.
England's miracle is Egypt , surpassing
the ancient one of turning rods into
serpents because the modern miracle
turns serpents into men , deserts into
gardens , famine into plenty England's
work in the land of the sphinx has
solved its profound riddle , exaultcd
not England only , but all the world ,
by its noble example , and thrilled to
the very soul every citizen of Great Hrit-
ain with civic pride in the achievements
of the greatest eivili/.ing empire of the
world. "Cast thy bread upon the
waters and after many days it shall re
turn unto you. " "With what measure
yo mete , it shall bo meted to yon
again. "
DOMINANT NOTK9 OK OIW TIHST AND
SKCONI ) CT.NTUIttKS.
Mr. President , self-government and
intermit development have been
the dominant notes of our first century ;
administration and the development of
other lands will be the dominant notes
of our second century. And adminis
tration is as high and holy a function
as self-government , just as the cans of
a trust estate is as sacred an obligation
as the management of our own con
cerns. Cain was the llrst to violate the
divine law of human society which
makes of us our brother's keeper. And
administration of good government is
the Hist lesson in pelf-government ,
that exalted estate toward which all
civilization tends.
Administration of good government
is not denial of liberty. For whnt is
liberty ? It is not savagery. It is not
the exercise of individual will. It is
not dictatorship. It Involves govern
ment , but not necessarily self-govern
ment. It means law. First of nil , it
is a common rule of action , applying
equally to all within its limits. 'Lib
erty moans protection to property and
life without price , free speech without
intimidation , justice without purchase
or delay , government without favor or
favorites. What will bestgivo all this to
the people of the Philippines Ameri
can administration , developing them
gradually toward self-government , or
self-governwent by a people before they
know what self-government means ?
THUI : iNiiiti'nii'ATtoN : OK DKCI.AKATION
OK INIHIMNI : > INCI : : .
The Declaration of Independence
docs not forbid us to do our part in the
regeneration of the world. If it did ,
the Declaration would bo wrong , just
as the Articles of Confederation ,
drafted by the very same men who
signed the Declaration , was found to
bo wrong. The Declaration has no ap
plication to the pietent situation. It
was written by holf-governing men for
self-governing nun ,
It was written by men who , for a
century and a half , had been experi
menting in self ; TII\ eminent on this
contltunt , and whos > mice ors for
hundreds of years before had been
gradually developing toward that high
and holy estate. The Declaration ap
plies only to people capable of self-
government. How dare any man
prostitute this expression of the very
elect of self-governing people to a race
of Malay children of barbarism ,
schooled in Spanish methods and ideas ?
And yon , who say the Declaration ap
plies to all men , how dare you deny its
application to the American Indian ?
And if you deny ) t to the Indian at
home , how dare you grant It to the
Malay abroad ?
I'liitAsi : "CONHKNT or 'iin : ooviit.Mi > "
MlSPNIilSlOOII.
The declaration does not contem
plate that all government must have
the consent of the governed. It an
nounces that man's "inalienable rights
are life , liberty , and the pursuit of
happiness ; that to secure these rights
governments are established among
men deiivlng their just powers from
the consent of the governed ; that when
any form of government becomes de
structive of those rights , it is the right
of the people to alter or abolish it. "
"Life , liberty , and the pursuit of hap
piness" are the important tilings ;
"consent of the governed'1 is one of the
means to thoue ends.
If "any form of government becomes
destructive of those ends , it is the
right of the people to niter or abolish
it " the Declaration. " "
, says "Any forms"
includes all forms. Thus the 'Declara
tion itself rccogni/es other forms of
government than those resting on the
consent of the governed. The word "con
sent" itself iccognizes other forms.for
"consent" means the understanding of
the thing to which the "consent" is
given ; and there are people in the
world who do not understand any
form of government. And the sense
in which "consent * ' is used in the
Declaration is broader than mere un
derstanding ; for "consent" in the
Declaration means participation in the
government "consented" to. And yet
these people who are not capable of
"consenting" to any foun of govern
ment must be governed.
And so the Declaration contemplates
all forms of government which secure
the fundamental rights of life , liberty ,
and the pursuit of happiness. Self-
government , when that will best se
cure these ends , as inthc case of people
capable of self-government ; other ap
propriate forms when people are
not capable of self-government. And
so the authors of the Declaration
themselves governed the Indian with
out his consent ; the inhabitants of
Louisiana without their consent ; and
ever since the sons of the makers of
the Declaration have been governing
not by theory , but by practice , after
the fashion of our governing race , now
by one form , now by another , but al
ways for the purpose of securing the
great eternal ends of life , liberty , and
the pursuit of happiness , not in the
savage , but in the civilized meaning of
those terms life according to orderly
methods of civilized society ; liberty
regulated by law ; pursuit of happiness
limited by the pursuit of happiness
by every other man.
coNsuruTioNAr , rowint TO OOVNHN AS
WK I'l.lUHi : .
Senators in opposition are estopped
from denying our constitutional power
to govern the Philippines as circum
stances may demand , for such power is
admitted in the ease of Florida , Louis
iana , Alaska. How , then , is it denied
in the Philippines ? Is there a geographical
graphical interpretation to the Con
stitution ? Do degrees of longitude fix
constitutional limitations ? Does a
thousand miles of ocean diminish con
stitutional power more than a thousand
miles of land ?
The ocean docs not separate us from
our Held of duty and endavor it joins
us , an established highway needing no
repair , and landing us at any point de
sired. The seas do not separate the
Philippine Islands from us or from
each other. The'seas are highways
through the archlp lago , which would
cost hundreds of millions of dollarto
construct if they were land instead of
water. Land may separate men from
their desire , the ocean never. Russia
has been centuries in crossing Siberian
wastes ; the Puritans crossed the At
lantic in brief and Hying weeks.
If the Uoers must have traveled by
land , they would never have reached
the Transvaal ; but they sailed on liber
ty's ocean ; they walked on civilizations
nntaxed highway , the welcoming sea.
Our ships habitually sailed round the
cape and anchored in California's har
bors before a single trail had lined the
desert with the whitening bones of
those who' made it. No ! No ! The
ocean unites us ; steam unites us ; elec
tricity unites us ; all the elements of
nature unite us to the region where
duty and interest call us. There is in
the ocean no constitutional argument
against the march of the flag , for the
oceans , too. are ours. With more ex
tended coast lines than any nation of
history ; with a commerce vaster than
any other people ever dreamed of , and
that commerce as yet only in its be
ginnings ; with naval traditions equal
ing those of England or of Greece- , and
the work of onr Navy only just begun ;
with the air of the ocean in our nos'trils
and the blood of a sailor ancestry in
onr veins ; with the shores of all the
continents calling us. the great I'epub-
lic before I die will be the acknowl
edged lord of the world's high seas.
And over them the Republic will hold
dominion , by virtue of the strength
God has given it , for the peace of the
world and the betterment of man.
WOIU13 OP l.MI'lltK i\l'UKSS.Y IN CONSl'I
Ti-rioN.
No ; the oceans are not limitations of
the power which the Constitution ex
pressly gives Congress to govern all
territory the nation may acquire. The
Constitution declares that "Congress
shall have power to dispose of and
make all needful rules and regulations
respecting the territory belonging to
the United States. " Not the North
west Territory only ; not Louisiana or
Florida only ; not territory on this con
tinent only , but any territory an vwhore
belonging to the nation. The found
ers of the nation wore not provincial.
Theirs was the geography of the world.
'
They were soldieis as we'll as landsmen ,
and they knew that where our ships
should go our flag might follow. They
had the logie of progress , and they
know that the Republic they were
planting must , in obedience to the laws
of onr expanding race , necessarily de
velop Into the greater Republic which
the world beholds to-day , and into the
still mightier Republic which the world
will finally acknowledge as the arbiter ,
under God , of thedestiniesof mankind.
And so our fathers wrote into the Con
stitution these words of growth , of ex
pansion , of ompho , if you will , unlim
ited by geography or climate or by
anything but the vitality and possibill-
ties of the American people ; "Congress
shall have pocr to d' ' pose of and
make all needful rulci ami regulations
respecting the territory belonging tc
the I'liited States.1'
I'owut iMi'iiii : ) loooyr.HNAs WK PI.IIASI
Tim power to govern all territory tin
nrlion may acquire would have been in
Congiess if the language atllrming that
power had not been written in the Con
stitution. For not all powers of thr
National Government nro expressed.
Its principal powers are implied. The
written Constitution is but the indc.x
of the living Constitution. Had this
not been true , the Constitution would
have failed. For the people in any
event would have developed and prog-
lessed And if the Constitution had
not had the capacity for gtowth corresponding
spending with the growth of the na
tion , the Constitution would and should
have been abandoned as the Articles of
Confederation were abandoned For
the Constitution is not immortal in it
self , is not useful even in itself The
Constitution is immortal and even
useful only as it serves the orderly de
velopment of the nation. The nation
alone is immortal. The nation alone
is sacred. The Army is its servant
The Navy is its servant. The Presi
dent is its servant. This Senate is its
servant. Our laws are its methods
Our Constitution is its instrument
This is the golden rule of constitu
tional interpretation : The Constitu
tion was made for the people , not the
people for the Constitution.
Hamilton recognized this golden
rule when ho formulated the doctrine
of implied powers. Marshall rccogni/ed
it when he applied that doctrine to
constitutional interpretation in Me-
Cullough vs. Maryland. Congress rec
ognized it when it provided for inter
nal improvements. The Supreme
Court of the Republic recognized it
when it-confirmed the act of Congress
in making the promissory note of the
Itepnblio'legal tender for debts. Wash
ington recognized it when he sent the
nation's soldier- suppress local riot
in 1704 ; and Lincoln , the sonl and sym
bol of the common people , rctiogn'izod
the doctrine of implied powers in ev
ery eil'ort he made to save the nation.
There is no power expressed in the
Constitution to charter a bank ; and al
though the subject was familiar to the
framers of the Constition , who still re
mained silent on it , Marshall said that
this power was Implied. There is no
power expressed in the Constitution to
make internal improvements ; and al
though it was a subject painfully be
fore the framers of the Constitution ,
who yet remained silent upon it , Con
gress said it is implied.
There is no power expressed in the
Constitution , but almost the reverse ,
to make anything but gold and silver
legal tender for payment of debts ; the
Supreme Court declared it is implied.
There is no power expressed in the
Constitution to maintain order in a
State with the nation's soldiers unless
the State first calls for aid ; Washing
ton , Lincoln , and Cleveland said it is
implied. The legislative , the execu
tive , and the judicial departments of
our Government have recogni/ed and
confirmed the doctrine of implied pow
ers , by which alone the Constitution
lives , the p'-oplo make progress , and
the HepubLo marches forward to its
imperial destiny. "The letter killoth ;
but the spirit giveth life. " ,
Hy the same reasoning that IFKail-
tonMarshallWashington , and Lincoln
employed wo could infer our power to
do the work of administering govern
ment in the Philippines as the situation
may demand , even if that power
had not been aflirmed in express
words. We could infer it from the
of the Constitution to- "
purpose to"pro -
vide for the common defense and pro
mote the general welfare" of the na
tion and the power given Congress to
make laws to secure these en'is.
For the archipelago is i base for I he
commerce of the East. It is a base for
military and naval operations against
the onlv powers with whom conflict is
possible ; a fortress thrown up in the
Pacific , defending our western eoast ,
commanding the waters of the Orient ,
and giving us a point from which we
can instantly strike and sci/.o the pj *
session of any possible foe.
MAY OO\'IIN : UNOI.I : ANY roiiM wi :
iM.UAsi : .
The nation's power to make rules
and regulations for the government of
its possessions is not confined to any
given set of rules or regulations. It i's
not confineg to any particular forma'n
of laws or kind of government or typo
of administration. Where do Senators
find constitutional warrant for any spe
cial kind of government in "territory
belonging to the 1'nitcd States , " The
language atlirming onr power to gov
ern such territory is as broad as the
requirements of all possible situations.
And there is nothing in the Constitu
tion to limit that comprehensive lan
guage. The very reverse is true. For
power to administer government any
where and in any manner the situation
demands would have- been in Congress
if the Constitution had been silent ; not
merely because it is a power not re
served to the States or people ; not
merely because it is a power inherent
in and an attribute of nationality : not
oven because it might be infcricd from
other specific piovisions of the Consti
tution ; but because it is the power
most necessary for the ruling tendency
of our race the tendency to explore ,
expand , and grow , to sail now sens ami
seek new lands , subdue the wilderness ,
revitali/e decaying peoples , and plant
civlli/ed and civilizing governments
over all the globe.
For the makers of the Constitution
wore of the race that piodueed Haw
kins , and Drake , and Raleigh , and
Smith , and Winthrop , and Penn.
The weie of the great exploring ,
pioneering , colonizing , and governing
race who went forth with trade or
gain or religious liberty as the imme
diate occasion for their voyages , but
really because they could not help it ;
because the blood within them com-
rounded them ; because their racial ten
dency is as resistless as the currents
of the sea or the proee.ss of the suns or
any other elemental movement of na
ture , of which that racial tendency its-
self is the most majestic. And when
they wrote the Constitution they did
not mean to negative the most ele
mental characteristic of their nice , of
which their own presence in America
was tin expression and an example.
Yon cannot interpret a constitution
without understanding the race- that
wrote it. And if onr fathers had in
tended a reversal of the very nature
and being of their race , they would
have so declared in the most emphatic
words our language holds. Hut they
did not. and in the absence of such
words the power would remain which
is essential to the strongest tendency
of our practical race , to govern whore-
ever wo are , and to govern by the me
thods best adapted to the situation.
Hut our fathers were not content with
sihnce , and they wrote in the Con-ti-
tut ion the words whih attinn this Cj-
suitinl and Imperial power.
TIII : WHOM : QUKSitoN IUMINTAT : : < ,
Mr. President , this question is deep
er than aiiy question of party polities !
deeper than any question of the Isolat
ed policy of our country even ; oiiepei
even than any question of constitution.
al power. It is elemental. It is racial.
God has not been preparing the Eng
lish-speaking and Teutonic peoples for
a thousand years for nothing but vain
and idle self-contemplation and self-
admiration. No ! He lias made us the
master organizers of the world to
establish system where chaos reigns.
He has given us the spirit of progress
to overwhelm the forces of reaction
throughout the earth He has made
us adepts in government that we may
administer governments among sav
age and senile peoples \Veie it not
for such a force as this the world would
relapse into barbarism and night. And
of all our race He has marked the
American people ar Ills chosen nation
to finally lead in the regeneration of
the world This is the div'ne mission
of America , and it holds fr > i us all the
profit , all the glory , all the happiness
possible to man We are trustees of
the world's progress , guardians of its
righteous peace The judgment of the
Master is upon us. ' Yo have been
faithful over a few things ; I will inuku
you ruler over many things "
What shall history say of us ? Shall
it say that wo renounced that holy
trust , left the savage to his base con
dition , the wilderness to the reign of
waste , deserted duty , abandoned
glory , forget our sordid profit oven , be
cause we feared our strength and read
the charter of onr powers with the
doubter's eye and the quibbler's mind ?
Shall it say that , called by events to
captain and command the pioudest ,
ablest , purest race of history in IHS-
t ry's noblest work , we declined that
great commission ? Onr fathers would
not have had it so. No ! They found
ed no paralytic government , incapable
of the simplest acts of administration.
They planted no sluggaid people , pass
ive while the world's work calls them.
They established no reactionary na
tion. They unfurled no retreating
flag.
OOP'S II VNI ) IN ALL.
That flag has never paused in its on
ward march. Who < lare.s halt it now
now , when history's .nrgest events are
carrying it forward ; now , when we are
at last one people , strong enough for
any task , great enough for any glory
destiny can bestow ? How comes it
that our first century closes v/ith the
process of consolidating the American
people into a unit just accomplished ,
and quick upon the stroke of that
great hour presses upon us our world
opportunity , world duty , and world
glory , which none but a people welded
into an indivisible nation can achieve
or perform ?
Ulind indeed is he who sees not the
hand of God in events so vast , so har
monious , so benign. Keactionary in
deed is tl.e mind that preccives not
that this vital people is the strongest
of the saving forces of the world ; that
our place , therefore , is at the head of
the constructing and redeeming na
tions of the earth ; and that to stand
aside while events march on is a sur
render of our interests , a betrayal of
pur duty as blind as it is base. Craven
indeed is the heart that fears to per
form a work so golden and so noble ;
that dares not win a glory so im
mortal. /
Do you tell me that it will cost na *
money ? When did Americans ever
measure duty by financial standards ?
Do you tell meof the ticmendous toil
required to overcome the vast diffi
culties of onr task ? What mighty
work for the world , for humanity , eveii
for ourselves , has ever been done with
ease ? Even our bread miM we cut by.
the .siveat of our faces. AVhy are wo
charged with power si eh as no people'
ever knew , if we are not to use it in a
work such as no people ever wrought ?
Who will dispute the divine inoanin < ref
of the fable of the talent- , ?
Do you remind iue of the precious'
bloo.l that must be she-i , the lives that
must bo given , the broken hearts of
loved ones for their slain ? And this
indeed is a heavier price than all com
bined. A-nd yet as a , nation every his
toric duty wo have done , every achieve
ment wo have accomplished , 'has been
by the tn-rifice of our noblest sons.
Every holy memory that glorifies thu
flag is of tho'-e heroes who have died
that it son war 1 m-irch might not be
stayed. It Is the nations dearest lives
yielded for the Hag that' makes it dear
to us ; it is the nation's most precious
blood poured out for it that makes it
precious to us. That flag is woven of
hoi-ohm and grief , of the bravery of
men and women's tears , of righteous
ness and battle , of sacrifice and
anguish , of triumph and of glory , 'it
is these which make our flag a' holy
thing. Who would tear from that
sacred banner the glorious leijonds of
a single battle where it has waved on
land or sea ? What son of a soldier of
the flag whoso father fell beneath it
nn any field would surrender that
pi end record for the heraldry of a ,
king ? In the cause of civilization , in
I he service of the Republic unywheio
an earth , Americans consider wounds
the noblest decorations man can win
nnd count thd giving of their lives a
Iflad and precious duty.
Pray God that spirit never fails.
Pray God the time may never eomu
when Mammon and the love of easu
shall so deba.se our blood that we will
fear to shed it for the Hag and its im
perial destiny. Pray God the time may
never come when American heroism is
but a legend like the story of the Cid ,
American laith in our mission ami our
might a dream dissolved , and the -lury
: > f our mighty race departed.
And that time will never come. Wo
kvill renew our youth at the fountain
; > f new and glorious deeds. We- will
sxalt our reverence for the flag by
arrying it to a noble future as wel'l
_ is by remembering its ineffable past
Its immortality will not pass , because
jverywhere and always wo will ac-
Icnowledge nnd discharge the solemn
responsibilities our sacred ling , in its
ileepest meaning , put upon us. And
> o Senators , with reverent hearts ,
iv hero dwells the fear of God , the
iMneriean people move forward to the
"tnrc of their hope and the doing of
IllS *
Mr. President and Senators , adopt
the icsolntion offered , that peace may
Illicitly come and that we may bei'in
inr saving , regenerating , and uplift-
'V ' 'Vn' A < 1 l't It. ami this blood-
died will
ccnso when these deluded
. h dren of our Islands learn that this
s the final word of the representa-
, l\esof the American people in Con-
jrewj assembled. Reject it. and the
ivorld , history , and the \merlcan peo-
[ ilo w 111 know where to forever fix the
iwful responsibility for the i-onse-
luonees that will Miivly full iw such
inilnro to ! o our m inlfest dut > , . How
lore wo < o' iy w h , n our uKliers' blood
is ilowing ? \pphiu I , e n tne galkrics. ]