THE HAND OF THE
A Crime Would be Committed Against the
M
GREENE
Tho Strugglo to Froo our Country from tho Dospotism of tho Speculating Shylocks is
a Hardor Task Than it is to Lick any Foreign Nation.
THESE WAR TIMES MAKE DESPOILERS AWFUL GREEDY.
The Great Financial Conspiracy Finds in the Representatives from
Nebraska Foemen Worthy of its Steel.
Omnha. May 23. Tho folly, tho crime, tlio jutrr.go, which the money power proposes to commit by saddling upon!
Mho loynl, patriotic American people, the awful gold bonded Indebtedness of FIVE HUNDRED MILLION DOLLARS
should nroiiso th-lndIgnntlon of every citizen. The people of Nebraska appreciate the splendid fight which Congress-
Tinon Stark, Green, Maxwell and Sutherland made in the lower house of congress against this monstrous outrage, and
the gigantic efforts of Senator Alien In the Bonate to frustrate the purposes of the despollers of our American homes
and small business affairs challenges tho respect, admiration and love of his countrymen everywhere.
Tho moral courage, tho fortitude, the real bravery that it takes to meet this organized band of pirates is none
thcloss than that Which Is necessary to face a more honorable nnd open enemy on tho field of battle.
T fPl.n rtnnMnlinx t "" rrn n-t C?ln.b n .1 " .... .. . 1 . 11 u .. .. I .. .. .1 ..t...... At.- - ... r t- 1 I T
. i ut' rjiuftuvn iu unhit.iniin-ii ouuiv
traitors In the camp as well as tho enemies on the battlefield.
4- - - - - - - - ' - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
JUDGE STARK'S SPEECH. '
Mr. Chairman, at the risk of being
"branded as unpatriotic," which, Judg.
ing from tho air of lofly scorn with
which It Is usually mentioned, must be
a very distressing operation for the
brnudec, I urn constrained by a sense
of duty ns a representative to leeotd
a protest ngalnst the bond provision
of the measure under discussion. It Is
n favorite method with the advocates
of a weak cause to endeavor to dis
credit npponontH whom they can not
answer; but a bumble member of the
party that has been called un aggre
gation of cranks, calamity howlers, an
archists, socialists, lunatics, etc., ad
nauseam, should not object to a con
tinuation of the tactics which have
proven Ineffectual to stop tho rapid
growth of reform sentiment or check
tho steady progroBB of our nation In
the direction of a more complete finan
cial and Industrial emancipation. It
Is a grave Indictment to charge a man
with being unpatriotic In a great na
tional crisis: but It has been noted in
human experience that the man who
most loudly vociferates "stop thief."
lias not nlways the high standard of
morals that ho would have the public
believe.
The United States Is at war with
Spain, and the record of Individuals
and parties will show which has con
ceded most of partisanship for the
achievement of patriotic ends. There
will also be a record In the future by
which every truly patriotic member
who desires the best Interests of his
country can ufford to bo Judged, no
matter what present clamor may b
raised against him.
A nation of more thnn 7 .300.000 peo
ple, producing about one-third of the
wealth of tho world, with an accumu
lated property of thirty-three years of
Industrious pence, nnd possessing, as
lias been stated by the gentleman from
Maine, "almost the highest credit of
any nation on the face of the earth,"
Is going forth to do battle with a na
tion or 17,000,000 people, who for many
centuries have been In stnto of almost
continuous Internal and external con
flict, and who are practically without
resources, capital, or credit. Spain has
not been able In thirteen years' war
fare to subdue a few thousand Cuban
Insurgents, though It has had the ad
vantage of grently superior numbers,
possession of all fortifications and mili
tary stores, and has spent In the effort
more borrowed money than the Cubans
ever possessed. In this unequal strug
gle the weaker power Is 3.000 miles
from Its base of supplies and coal has
been declared contraband of war.
Unless grossly mlsmannged such o
conflict can not be serious to our gov
ernment. A bill hns been Introduced
which provides for taxation nnd bonds
that will, together with cash now nvall
able, provide an Immediate war fund of
nearly $$00,000,000, and we are nsked
to adopt It In toto on the pleas of
"emergency legislation" nnd the "exi
gencies of war." In event we refuse to
comply, we nre charged with lack of
patriotism nnd "nn attempt to find nn
opening for demngogle experiments
through the necessities of our govern
ment." Now, what should a prudent and a
careful representative do under such
circumstances? I agree with the distin
guished chairman of the committee on
ways and means that It was the part
of wisdom for his committee to have
"recourse to the legislation of the per
iod of the civil war. when so large an
amount had to bo raised," and be guid
ed by the methods they found most ef
fective in the time of trial. Not only
should this be done In the matter of
taxation, but If .It be found necessary
to raise a larger amount thnn can be
produced by emergency taxation we
should ndopt the policy of our govern
ment In the days of Its greatest former
crisis, and prefer nn Issue of legal
tender money to placing an additional
bonded debt upon the nation.
The same high and correct motives
that Induced our committee on ways
nnd means to have recourse to the leg
islation of the civil war. the same faith
that they evince In the wisdom, pa
triotism and statesmanship of the foun
ders of the republican party, should
animate all who nre familiar with the
success of the means adopted for pro
viding adequate revenue during the
war of the rebellion. The same conser
vative Judgment that fears to make In
novations upon their plan of taxation
should guard us from the mistaken
policy, which was early abandoned by
the statesmen of that period, endeav
oring to conduct war upon borrowed
money.
Members of the minority nre threat
ned with execration if they Introduce
and attempt to forco the adoption of
such campaign measures ns the free
coinage of silver, the Income tax, nnd
the coinage of the seigniorage In time
at the nation's peril. Republicans are
Deserted by our Soldier Boys.
AND STARK'S SPEECHES.
iinii uituii uuiiiiitttv wiu cuiiHinrui'y uiiu
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - .
certainly culpnblo If they stnnd for a
bond Issue that, taken In connection
with the lato vote of tho house of rep
resentatives on tho Toller resolution,
means nothing less thnn an endeavor
to rivet tho gold standard upon the
United Stnles beyond hope of dellver
nnce. What more Infamous attempt to
place partisanship above patriotism
could bo Imagined? It Is true there hns
been nn effort to thinly disguise the
design and effect of the meusure, but
both are apparent to every reading,
thinking citizen.
J know not whether declarations that
lndlcnte Falstuflllan courage and Peck
snllllan purity will mislead tho voters
of the Enutern nnd Middle states, but
In tho Fourth district of Nebraska,
which In this emergency furnishes
about one-fourth of the quota of vol
unteers for the entire stntc, nnd which
will play Its full part In the grent
drama to be enacted, there Is too high
a standard of general Intelligence to be
easily swerved from their usual custom
of construing present utterances In tho
light or past records. If It Is wrong
for tho minority In time of public peril
to seek nn, ndvantnge for sliver or the
Income tax, It can not be right for the
majority to bold up before us the fenr
of national defeat nnd humiliation, nnd
by such means to curse our country
with n bond Issue for the renl purpose
of strengthening the cause of gold.
In tho name of common honesty, why
should the majority demand a stand
ard of pntrlotlsm to which they ennnot
measure up? Why would It not be
fair and right to postpone the settle
ment of past differences and conduct
this conteat to u successful conclusion
by tho Issue of treasury notes, against
which there Is no platform declaration
of any pnrty extant? The greatest
speakers and writers of the republican
party have defended such n course as a
war measure nnd questioned the patri
otism of all who opposed It. Though
the Republicans have been in power nt
various times since the civil war, $310.
000,000 of non-lnterest-benrlng currency
Issued during that period silll remains
In circulation as evidence thnt repub
licans hnve never abandoned tho green
back policy.
The kind of money that sustained
tho sires In fighting for freedom nnd
Union from 1S61 to 1S65 will be loynlly
accepted by their sons while maintain
ing the honor of our flag nnd nsslstlng
to secure liberty for Cubn. The whole
problem of providing adequate revenue
without bringing partisanship Into
question can be solved by striking from
the bill under consideration the sections
providing for an Issue of bonds nnd
certificates of Indebtedness nnd Insert
ing In place thereof the following,
which, though submitted by Richard
P. Illnnd. a democrat, re-enacts the war
policy of Abraham Lincoln, a republi
can, and would, In my Judgment, re
ceive the heart support of every popu
list and sliver republican in congress:
"Thnt the secretnry of the treasury
Is hereby authorized nnd directed to
cause to be engraved and printed
United States treasury notes to the
amount of $150,000,000. Said treasury
notes shall be a legal tender In the pay
ment of nil debts, public anil private,
and be Issued In like denominations as
now provided by law for United States
notes commonly called 'greenbacks.'
That the treasury notes heieln author
ized shall be covered Into the treasury
and paid out from tlmo to time In the
discharge of public expenditures as the
exigencies of the treasury may require.
That n sutllclent sum of money is here
by npproprlated, out of any money In
tho treasury not otherwise appropri
ated, to carry this section Into effect."
The nmount of the Issue ns above
provided is ample for present emer
gencies, and congress should remain In
session to nsslst the executive in every
way possible, and be ready to "vote all
necessary means to successfully prose
cute the war." Section 7 of the Con
stitution of the United States provides
that:
"All bills for raising revenue shnll
originate In the house of representa
tives, but the sonate may propose or
concur with amendments as on other
bills."
When the relative standing of the two
nations Is considered it will be seen
that It is unwise to Incur unwarranted
expenditures or make needless prep
aration for a struggle which may not
be greatly prolonged. It Is an evidence
of weakness, not strength, for us to ex
hibit undue haste or willingness to
mortgage our pntrlmony. What far
mer having nn Illness In his family
would consider It reasonable to create a
large Interest-bearing debt so long ns
physician, druggist, and merchant were
glnd to extend to him credit upon open
account? Would he not prefer to meet
liabilities as they came In, to rushing
headlong Into folly and ruin by mort
gaging his homestead for a far greater
sum than it was probable he would
need, trusting to circumstances to And
TYRANT.
Homes That are Left
hiiuw wie iit'cuHuy oi iigiiiinK mo.
4
- -- ---
-
use for the residue, in order to make
a display of his finances.
To vote this enormous sum of money,
nnd place It In the hands of the ex
ecutive, and go home to fix political
fences, would seem a very desirable
course to somo members who discourse
very loudly of patriotism Just now, but
to me It does not seem n brave or man
ly thing to do. I can not see that we
are Justified in voting a certain sum of
money nnd going home If our services
nre needed here. I nm satisfied that
tho people of the district which 1 have
the honor to represent can make choice
of a icpresentntlve In congress without
any suggestions or Influence from the
man upon whom they have bestowed
present honor.
No member should desire re-election
If his labors have not been Flsfnc
tory to his constituents; and if they
nre pleased with tho record, ho has
nothing to fenr. If, by remaining In
session, congress can avoid a $000,000,000
bond Issue, I, for one, would gladly stay
at my post, Intrusting my personal in
terests to the people I nm trying to
serve. We are charged by the consti
tution with the especial duty of guard-'
ing the expenditures of the country,
and we will be held to no light account,
ability if we provide a lump sum large,
ly In excess of necessities and shift out
responsibility to other shoulders by go.
Ing home and suylng to the executive.
"Use ns much of this as may be neces
sary." If the people desire that monarchical
powers be given to the president of the
United States, they will take proper
steps to confer them upon him. It Is
no dlsicpect to the supreme court to
lesent nn encroachment by that bud
upon tho domain of the national leg
islature. It Is no disrespect to the chief
executive for us to live our own lives,
do our own duty, and refuse to delegnte
any of the powers conferred upon us by
the constitution. As 1 view It, we are
no more Justified In the course proposed
than the cashier of a bank In time of
panic would be warranted In taking a
vacation, borrowing and turning over
to the president of the institution
enough resources to conduct operations
during his absence, but lenvlng him to
fill both positions during the emer
gency. It may be that some citizens of the
United States who nre nnd have been In
the receipt of fixed salaries, do not renl
Ize the full meaning of an issue of $600,
000,000 In bonds and certificates of In
debtedness, but the furm owners, home
owners, nnd wage earners of this coun
try know what debt and Interest menu
They know how the currency would be
contracted nnd business affairs limited
by the operation of a popular loan, nnd.
despite the fnct that n portion of the
appropriations Is paid to soldiers, they
realize that these payments will be
mndo In such small amounts ns to be
Ineffectual to prevent the congestion of
currency Incident to the Intge military
expenditures of war.
As a result of bitter experience, they
fear currency contraction, concentra
tion of wealth, nnd the cumulative pow
er of Interest. They are convinced that
the struggle necessary to free our coun
try from the bonded debt proposed will
bo far more arduous than any contest
with Spanish soldiery. They have an
object lesson In the $3IC.OOO,000 of legal
tender money that has for thirty years
rendered a service equal to yes, even
superior to gold, as there has been no
attrition. The people of this country
hnve the Intelligence to see their rights
nnd will have the courage to maintain
them.
There Is a belief that there may be
a sinister motive In the proposition to
Issue so large an amount of Interest
bearing obligations at this time; that
when negotiated the war may suddenly
be brought to a close and the remainder
of the bond Isfue utilized to retire tho
present legal tender notes, substituting
interest-bearing obligations for the non
interest bearing currency now In clrcu
latlon.No party can be properly charged
with such a scheme, but the emissaries
of Shylock can always be depended
upon to do his will. If this be true, we
are beset by traitors within ns well ns
foes without. It Is not putting the case
too strongly to say that in this event
we will have to fight Spaniards In front
nnd goldltes In the rear, and that the
latter will prove the more artful and
dangerous from being nominally with
us in the struggle.
In the language of a recent editorial
utterance of the New York Commercial,
"It would be one of the most atrociously
unpatriotic and distinctively harmful
actions that has yet been seen In an
American congress" to make class cap
Ital of the patriotic desire to protect the
nation.
I mnlntaln that the remedy suggested
by Mr. Bland, with a continuous ses
sion of congress, is equal to any emer
gency, and so believing I will cast my
vote against any and every effort for
the present Increase in our bonded debt
no matter what epithets are showerod
upon me. Labor, which in the ultlmnt
pays all Interest, has rights which
should bo protected, and 1 must vote
In accordance with my convictions.
Fully recognizing the responsibility
which is upon each and every one of
us, nnd desiring to mensure up to the
highest patriotism, I affirm that the
course or action which 1 have suggest
ed Is to my mind nnd conscience entire
ly practical, for the best interests of out
people and for our flag.
"No tyrant hath claimed that flag for
his own;
Its bright folds were never unfurle.
To flatter or shelter the glare of a
throne;
That bnnner was born for the world.'
I hold with Commodore Decatur: "Our
country. In her Intercourse with for
elgn nations mny she always be In the
right; but our country, right or wrong."
Thank Ood, In this contest she Is
right, eternally right.
Mil. GREENE'S ADDRESS.
Mr. Chairman, 1 do not Intend nt this
time to enter Into nn elaborate discus
sion of the bill before the house. There
Is no gentleman upon this floor In pro
portion to his nblllty to be patriotic
that I will admit Is more sanguine In
his desires for tho successful prosecu
tion of the war with Spain thnn I urn.
I nm not only for wnr nt this time,
but I have been for war ever since the
Spaniards blow up our ship In the har
bor of Havana. I nm in fnvor of do
ing unythlng and nil things that are
essential to a successful prosecution of
the trouble now on. I realize tho fact
that we must have money with which
to carry on tho war. We must hnve
the money to that It can be used when
the occasion requires It.
I would not by any word, if I could,
or by my vote, lay one obstacle In tho
pathway of tho government In reaching
out In whatever direction the emer
gency requires to gVasp nil the sinews
of war. So tho position 1 take with re
gard to the pending bill Is only n differ
ence between gentlemen on that side of
the chamber und myself touching the
methods to be employed In raising rev
enue with which to fight our battles.
1 am opposed to tho Issuo of bonds,
opposed to them becnuse I do not be
lieve It necessary to Issuo bonds in or
der to fight the war In which we are
now engnged. I say to gentlemen upon
this floor If I did so believe, If you can
convince me that It Is necessary to
Issue five hundred millions of bonds, or
a billion of bonds, In order that our
armies may be victorious over the ar
mies of Spain, I would vote for a billion
if bonds. But I repeat that I do not
believe such a step Is necessary at this
time.
Wo have In the treasury, ns stated
by the chairman of the ways and means
committee, as I remember his statement
now, nvnllable something like $60,000,000
Why not. Instead of Issuing n half
million of bonds nt this time, Issuo $150.
000,000 of trensury notes supplementing
the $00,000,000 in the treasury, which
would make $210,000,000.
Under the bill which the ways nnd
means committee has Introduced before
tho house, aside from the bond propo
sition, tho chairman, Mr. Dlngley, in
forms us the bill will. In its Internal
features, produce from $90,000,000 to
$100,000,000 annually. This would glvt
us a sum equal to $300000,000 for one
year over and above the present reve
nues of the government available to
carry on the war.
Added to this Is the silver seigniorage
lying Idle In the trensury. nmountlng to
about $42,000,000, making a total of $340,
000.000, a much larger sum than the
chairman of the ways and means com
mittee estimates will be needed to carry
on the wnr for one year. This large
sum of money, no one doubts, will fully
equip our nrmy, amply feed and clothe
them, and pay them for their services
We have already appropriated $30,000,
000 to equip our navy and strengthen
our coast defenses, and hnve as a result
a nnvy greatly superior to the enemy
At this time no one Informed ques
tions our ability to termlnnte the war In
fium six to twelve months; nnd. If we
van. why should we pile up a debt of
six hundred millions In bonds on the
already burdened shoulders of our peo
ple, when we can carry on the fight
when we can carry on the fight for
twelve months without selling a single
bond? Sir, our people nre patriotic
they are willing to provide every dollai
nnd every man necessary to vindicate
the glory of our flag and the honor of
tho American name; but they will not
hold us guiltless If In the name of pa
triotism we take advantnge of their de
votion to country to lay the foundutlon
to plunder them In the future.
I say this lntge sum of money Is not
ne?ded, and 1 have grave lears there Is
another ibject In view than tho prose
cution of the war with Spain. Lately
we have heard a great deal said about
retiring the greenbacks, nnd the great
obstacle In the way of It has been a
lack of money in the treasury to do It.
Can it be possible that the promoters
of that scheme have taken advantage
of the present crisis to Issue the bonds
they adre not Issue in time of peace to
create a 'arpe surplus In he trtasury
with whl"h, when the war is over, to
retire the greenbacks?
I woul 1 not Intimate that the ways
and means ct mmlttee has ary such ob
Ject. but past experience Is pregnant
with the truth that men outside of con
gress have taken advantage of condi
tions of wnr to secure legislation In
their IntTists nnd against the Interests
of the whole people. This was notably
so when we Issued the greenback cur
tency In 1SG2, nnd crippled It at the
suggestion of money lenders, and there
by enabled them to coin millions out of
the distresses of the civil war.
These experiences cause me to pause
and carefully scan the ground over
which we are nsked to walk. Why ask
so large a sum when It Is admitted we
can not expend It in one year In any
possible legitimate way? Do you say
the war may last longer than one year?
If so, I answer: Congre&s will be in ses
slon from the first of next December
until the 4th of March, 1S99. Provide
the money as I have Indicated, which
Is ample until that time, and then If
the war Is not over we will be swift to
provide ways and means to carry It on.
You will still be here with your present
majority.
Do you doubt your own ability to
meet the situation when It shall arise?
Why, then, this mad haste to sell this
vast sum of bonds at this time? Is It a
fear that before congress meets In De.
cember the war will be over and the
opportunity to sell bonds will have
passed away? Put, gentlemen have said
to mo they feared we could not float
$150,000,000 of greenbacks; that they
would go below par.
If we can float six hundred millions
in bonds nt par, why is It we can not
float one hundred and fifty millions of
currency? To ask the question Is to
answer It. We can. But I have been
cited to the fact that the paper money
we Issued In the civil war did go down
to 50 cents, as compared with gold, and
have been told the same would occur
again If we resort to an Issue of paper
money. In nnswer to that I would say
that the first paper money we Issued
In the civil war did not go below par
with gold. I refer to the old demand
notes.
These notes remained at par with
trold as Ionic a dollar was in circu
lation. Why? Iterance they were le
vnl tender for nil debts, public and pri
vate Do you spy they remained at
par becnuee they drew Interest? If so.
I nnswer that If that was all, then
they should have fallen as low as the
greenbacks plus the Interest on the de
mand notes. As they did not, then
there was some other reason why thry
remained at par, and that reason was
they were not dishonored by the gov
eminent, but were n full legnl tender.
The greenback was n crippled cur
rency, made so at the Instance of the
men who hnd cornered tho gold to cre
ate a demand for gold. If you hud left
out of the act of February 25. 18G2, the
words "except duties on Imports nnd
the Interest on the public debt." und
kept It off the greenback dollar, It, like
the demand note, would have remalnei
at par with gold, as we would not have
hnd ns many millionaires as we have
und not half ns many poor, nnd our nu
tlonal debt would today be paid.
Tho paper currency I propose that we
Issue now Is not like the greenback. Let
us Issue, say, $150,000,000 of paper cur
rency, nnd make It n legal tender for nil
debts, both public and prlvute. How
would you get such money below par?
Who would give a premium for a gold
dollar, when ho has a paper dollar that
will pay any nnd every debt tho gold
dollnr Will pay? No one. Such money
never did and never will go below par
with gold while the world stands and
the government which Issued It lives.
You sny thnt sounds like "llntlsm?"
Well, I have not time nor disposition to
enter into n discussion of that question
here; but let mo say. In pnsslng, there
Is not now, never wns, und never will
be nny other kind of money among civ
ilized men but "flat" money, money
made by decree of law.
Hut, leaving that thought for the
prayerful consideration of my friends,
let me nsk you, why not use the means
which I have indicated, at least until
congress meets In December? Con
fessedly they are ample. And, ns I
have said. If then the war Is not over
and wo find It absolutely necessary to
lay this load upon the weary backs of
our people, they will bear It, and bear It
cheerfully, but why lay this heavy bur
den upon them now? Are our people to
be scourged for their devotion to their
country?
Shnll we, because their great hearts
are throbbing with n love of country
and ling, take advnntage of It to forge
new chains for their limbs? Shall wo
take advantnge of these conditions to
write new mortgages upon the toll and
sweat of their children? In God's
nnme, let us not do It.
Sir, ns I have said, I hope I love
my country ns dearly ns any gentle
man upon this floor. I am willing to
do all things needful to protect Its
honor and defend Its rights, but I re
nember the burdened people In their
humble homes I see In the far west
(he men to whom I owe nil I am In
-heir humble homes tonight.
I enn almost bear tho words of patrl
itlc devotion as they read nnd discuss
the outcome of the present wnr; many
if them huve or will bid their boys
good-bye; some wives will soon say
?ood-byo to the young husbands about
to march to their country's call.
They sent me here to look after their
interests as best 1 could. They expect
ne to do all that Is necessary to aid
n the successful prosecution of the
war, but they do not expect me to be
-arrled off my feet to lay unnecessary
burdens upon them and their children.
Sir, seeing, therefore, this bond ques
tion as I do, I can not as an honest man
give It my support.
What 1 do I do from n conviction of
right, and for my act I am willing to
answer to my constituents nnd my God.
C can ot see my way clear to support
this measure now, nnd until I am con
vinced It Is right, I will never give my
vote for its passage.
Income Tax.
Bavaria imposes an Income tax of
1 per cent, nnd collected, in 1S92, there
from 2,110.000 marks.
IJaden has an Income tax of 2 per
cent.
Austria hns a graduated Income tax
ranging from S1- to 20 per cent, nnd
collects a large part of her taxes from
this source.
Italy Imposes an Income tax from 13
to 20 per cent, nnd collects therefrom
$43,000,000.
In all the countries Imposing an In
come tax, so tin as I know, permanent
resident foreigners have to pay the
tax; and it Is said that in England
not even permanent residence of citi
zens of other countries Is required to
lay the foundation for the tax, but
sojourners, nfter a certain stay, are
assessed on their Incomes.
It Is sometimes urged that k will not
be wise to Impose an income tax, be--ause
some American citizens would
leave their country and settle nbroad
to escape It, carrying their wealth with
them and we would thereby KTse. This
Is not probable, because they would
most likely subject themselves to simi
lar or heavier Impositions in the coun
try of their ndoption. But even if they
did, those citizens who would give up
the free Institutions of their own coun
try und deliberately become the sub
pects of monarchy rather than contrlb.
ute their fair share to support the gov
ernment whose freedom nnd fertility
have enabled them to accumulate their
fortunes would not be nn Irreparable
loss to any country.
Her Intended.
A lady of Washington, D. C, tells the
following story ns one of the Incidents
attending housekeeping In thnt city:
Eliza was her servant's name, and her
skin was of that ebon hue so dear to ah
old-tlnvo southern people. She had been
long In the family service as mainstay
of kitchen, laundry and chamber. One
Sunday afternoon she approached her
mistress, looking shamefaced, and talk
ing In thnt tittering way in which only
southern darkles can, she said:
"Miss M'rlar, kin I speak with you a
mlnnlt?"
"Certainly, what Is It, Eliza?"
"Miss M'rlar, I'se sorry, but you'll
have to git another gal to do your work.
I'se gwlne to leave you!"
"Why, Eliza!" the mistress said, as
tonished, as well as dismayed at the
prospect of losing so vnluable a ser
vant, "what Is the matter? Are you not
happy with me? Is your work too
hard, and do you want help? If so, 1
will get a girl to help you."
"Lawd no, Miss M'rlar tee-hee, tee
hee; dat ain't what's the marter, Indeed
and double deed, dat ain't It. but de
trouble Is, Miss M'rlar, I'se gwlne to
git mayld."
"Eliza, you nstonlsh me! Who are
you going to marry? I have seen no
men visiting you lately."
"Miss M'rlar, does you dlsremember
dat pink silk dress you gin me last win
tali, and which I woah to dat funerll
las' Sunday was a week ago; and Miss
M'rlar, I Jeft tell you I wuz do belle
ob dat funerll. Miss M'rlar tee-hee. te.
hee yer ain't seed no man around yere
lately, has yer, but teehee-, tee-hee
Miss M'rlar, de man I'se gwlne to mayy
Is de husband of de copse."
"Did Bluffer go to the front?"
"No; but he wore the American flag
till the last gun was fired."
STRATEGY AND TACTICS.
Though they differ widely, strategy is
often confounded with tactics, for It
must be kept In mind that, broadly
generalized, strategy Is a science and
tactics Is an art, with the Inherent dls
Unctions which exist elsewhere In these
definitions. As a science strategy has
many fixed rules, nnd Is concerned not
with the lighting of a battle, but with
the conduct of a campaign. While it
has little to do with the actual evolu
tions employed In fighting, It pre
scribes the locnllty In which the fleets
will cruise, it determines tho blockades
of certain ports or coasts or tho rais
ing of such blockades; It seeks at times
to lure the enemy to a distance, so as
to prevent the safe passage or the es
cape of store ships, colliers, transports
or other auxiliaries, and it endenvors
to control nil the favorable conditions
under which Its own force may engage
and dofent tho enemy. Tactics, on tho
other hand, Is concerned with the spe
cific and detnWed plans for the execu
tion of the objects prescribed by strat
egy. It Is the right arm exercising tho
brain thought; It Is primarily and solely
the function of the fleet commnnder,
who should be leftuntrammeled by nil
save a general accordance with the
primal scheme, In order to wed the per
formance to the precept. Somo of tho
most famous strategists were landsmen
Ignorant of the sea, but every great tac
tician has been, first of all, a seaman
skilled In the knowledge and practice
o fhls calling, a sailor Inured to the
dangers and chances ot the ocean nnd
an Intelligent student, highly special
ized and developed In the direction of
his environment.
Many of the rules of tactics are de
pendent upon weapons nnd motive pow
er, and necessarily vary somewhat, if
not to tho degree claimed, with tho
changes In each.
"Throughout tactical history," again
declares Captain Taylor, "we see oft
repeated this effort to neutralize long
discipline and training by some new
device. A century before Encnomus
the enemies of the Athenlnns, hopeless
of emulating their skill In handling
fleets, determined to build the strongest
possible prows, beaks and catheads on
their galleys, and then steer to meet
the opposing ships prow to prow and
crush them by greater weight. This
was the tactical answer of the strong,
brave nnd untrained to the thorough
drill and study of their opponents. The
corvus was the reply of Roman valor
to Carthagenlan skill in naval tactics.
Fire ships had their place In their day
and nt present the torpedo may be
called the tactical reply of weak na
vies to the overwhelming numbers of
Impregnable Ironclads that the great
powers can put afloat.
"These mechanical devices with which
to counterbalance nnd overthrow care
ful training and study have always
been popular. They- fascinate the Im
agination by suggesting n short cut to
success without all the labor of drill
and preparation. It Is pleasantcr to
many people to believe that the needle
gun won the Konlggratz campaign than
that It was the long nnd laborious
training of the Prussians, nnd the nee
dle gun was but secondary and auxili
ary to their complete preparation and
knowledge of the business of war. We
often hear thnt this or that Invention
a torpedo, or a submarine boat, or a
balloon has revolutionized naval war
fare, and sometimes even officers ,of
experience are touched with the craze;
but naval warfare goes on very much
as usual. Bravery, discipline- nnd tnc
tlcal training, the study of war upon
these has thf fate of nations nlways
depended, and upon them will It always
depend."
Strategy first of all entails a general
examination of the theater of wnr, and
the strategic values of the different lo
calities Included within its limits.
Among the literary aids at once brought
down to date are the war charts, for
in them and the nccompanying plans
are condensed a multitude of details,
each Important In the tactical defence
of the various positions. They are the
fruits of thorough examinations of the
different localities, whether bases or
points to be defended or attacked. They
take the places of numerous orders
nnd Instructions nnd nre equully valu
able to the strategy board and to the
commanders In chief busy with the
tactical disposition of their fleets. For
whatever mny be the latters' plan. It
is probable that most of the detnlli
.shown .upon the war charts will apply
to the situation.
"We have teen the enormous value of
scouting within the past fortnight, In
the absence of any accurate Informa
tion relating to the squadron of ar
mored cruisers and torpedo destroyers
which, on their departure from the de
"erde Islands, shaped a westerly course
and then disappeared. These, of
course, had to be reckoned with, for
though they did no tangible barm In
their presumed transit, yet they filled
so perfectly the role of a "fleet In be
ing" that we were forced to weaken
our blockade of the Cuban coast and
dispatch our heaviest available ships
to meet thnm. It may be well, as the
phrase is In doubt and may be In com
mon use. to define a "fleet In being,"
and, ns most accurate, the definition of
Commander Walnwrlght will be taken.
"A 'fleet In being' means," he declares,
"a fleet relatively Inferior to the enemy,
which Is neither cowed, crushed nor
effectually masked nnd Is still able to
observe and threaten Interference with
an enemy's plans of territorial attack,
coast blockade or other extended op
erations." This seems to fit nicely tho
work of our will o' the wisp adver
saries. When the general plans of the cam
paign have been selected and communi
cated to the various commanders In
chief, the ererglzlng cf the Ideas and
tho success of the Intentions should bo
left to them. Here, then. Is where the
tactical dispositions are determined. As
emphasized before, tactics Is distinc
tively the method of attack or defense,
and the direction In the presence or
in the Immediate neighborhood of the
enemy of evolutions upon which such
attack or defense depends, It does not
mean the mere performance of evolu
tions, and herein tho capacity and geni
us of the commander In chief will be
shown. Where the fleets are equal In
force, the best maneuvered and most
skillfully handled will surely conquer,
und where the Inferiority Is marked su
perior tactical acquirements may more
than establish an equality.
A well known bishop was making his
annual round among the Sunday
schools of his diocese, examining the
children and encouraging them.
One Sunday, after having spoken on
the lesson, whose subject was "Jacob's
Dream." he said, "Now is there any
question you would like to nsk me?"
For a moment there was silence, then
a small girl on n front bench, spoke
forth in a timid voice, "Please, my
lord. If the angels had wings, why
would they need a ladder?"
This question was so unexpected that
the poor bishop did not know what to
reply, and was racking his brains for
nn answer, when the eager voice of a
former's little daughter, cried out
"Please, my lord, I know."
"Why was it, my dear?" asked the re
lieved bishop,
"Because they were moulting."
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