Hemingford herald. (Hemingford, Box Butte County, Neb.) 1895-190?, May 27, 1898, Image 6
THE HAND OF THE A Crime Would be Committed Against the M GREENE Tho Strugglo to Froo our Country from tho Dospotism of tho Speculating Shylocks is a Hardor Task Than it is to Lick any Foreign Nation. THESE WAR TIMES MAKE DESPOILERS AWFUL GREEDY. The Great Financial Conspiracy Finds in the Representatives from Nebraska Foemen Worthy of its Steel. Omnha. May 23. Tho folly, tho crime, tlio jutrr.go, which the money power proposes to commit by saddling upon! Mho loynl, patriotic American people, the awful gold bonded Indebtedness of FIVE HUNDRED MILLION DOLLARS should nroiiso th-lndIgnntlon of every citizen. The people of Nebraska appreciate the splendid fight which Congress- Tinon Stark, Green, Maxwell and Sutherland made in the lower house of congress against this monstrous outrage, and the gigantic efforts of Senator Alien In the Bonate to frustrate the purposes of the despollers of our American homes and small business affairs challenges tho respect, admiration and love of his countrymen everywhere. Tho moral courage, tho fortitude, the real bravery that it takes to meet this organized band of pirates is none thcloss than that Which Is necessary to face a more honorable nnd open enemy on tho field of battle. T fPl.n rtnnMnlinx t "" rrn n-t C?ln.b n .1 " .... .. . 1 . 11 u .. .. I .. .. .1 ..t...... At.- - ... r t- 1 I T . i ut' rjiuftuvn iu unhit.iniin-ii ouuiv traitors In the camp as well as tho enemies on the battlefield. 4- - - - - - - - ' - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - JUDGE STARK'S SPEECH. ' Mr. Chairman, at the risk of being "branded as unpatriotic," which, Judg. ing from tho air of lofly scorn with which It Is usually mentioned, must be a very distressing operation for the brnudec, I urn constrained by a sense of duty ns a representative to leeotd a protest ngalnst the bond provision of the measure under discussion. It Is n favorite method with the advocates of a weak cause to endeavor to dis credit npponontH whom they can not answer; but a bumble member of the party that has been called un aggre gation of cranks, calamity howlers, an archists, socialists, lunatics, etc., ad nauseam, should not object to a con tinuation of the tactics which have proven Ineffectual to stop tho rapid growth of reform sentiment or check tho steady progroBB of our nation In the direction of a more complete finan cial and Industrial emancipation. It Is a grave Indictment to charge a man with being unpatriotic In a great na tional crisis: but It has been noted in human experience that the man who most loudly vociferates "stop thief." lias not nlways the high standard of morals that ho would have the public believe. The United States Is at war with Spain, and the record of Individuals and parties will show which has con ceded most of partisanship for the achievement of patriotic ends. There will also be a record In the future by which every truly patriotic member who desires the best Interests of his country can ufford to bo Judged, no matter what present clamor may b raised against him. A nation of more thnn 7 .300.000 peo ple, producing about one-third of the wealth of tho world, with an accumu lated property of thirty-three years of Industrious pence, nnd possessing, as lias been stated by the gentleman from Maine, "almost the highest credit of any nation on the face of the earth," Is going forth to do battle with a na tion or 17,000,000 people, who for many centuries have been In stnto of almost continuous Internal and external con flict, and who are practically without resources, capital, or credit. Spain has not been able In thirteen years' war fare to subdue a few thousand Cuban Insurgents, though It has had the ad vantage of grently superior numbers, possession of all fortifications and mili tary stores, and has spent In the effort more borrowed money than the Cubans ever possessed. In this unequal strug gle the weaker power Is 3.000 miles from Its base of supplies and coal has been declared contraband of war. Unless grossly mlsmannged such o conflict can not be serious to our gov ernment. A bill hns been Introduced which provides for taxation nnd bonds that will, together with cash now nvall able, provide an Immediate war fund of nearly $$00,000,000, and we are nsked to adopt It In toto on the pleas of "emergency legislation" nnd the "exi gencies of war." In event we refuse to comply, we nre charged with lack of patriotism nnd "nn attempt to find nn opening for demngogle experiments through the necessities of our govern ment." Now, what should a prudent and a careful representative do under such circumstances? I agree with the distin guished chairman of the committee on ways and means that It was the part of wisdom for his committee to have "recourse to the legislation of the per iod of the civil war. when so large an amount had to bo raised," and be guid ed by the methods they found most ef fective in the time of trial. Not only should this be done In the matter of taxation, but If .It be found necessary to raise a larger amount thnn can be produced by emergency taxation we should ndopt the policy of our govern ment In the days of Its greatest former crisis, and prefer nn Issue of legal tender money to placing an additional bonded debt upon the nation. The same high and correct motives that Induced our committee on ways nnd means to have recourse to the leg islation of the civil war. the same faith that they evince In the wisdom, pa triotism and statesmanship of the foun ders of the republican party, should animate all who nre familiar with the success of the means adopted for pro viding adequate revenue during the war of the rebellion. The same conser vative Judgment that fears to make In novations upon their plan of taxation should guard us from the mistaken policy, which was early abandoned by the statesmen of that period, endeav oring to conduct war upon borrowed money. Members of the minority nre threat ned with execration if they Introduce and attempt to forco the adoption of such campaign measures ns the free coinage of silver, the Income tax, nnd the coinage of the seigniorage In time at the nation's peril. Republicans are Deserted by our Soldier Boys. AND STARK'S SPEECHES. iinii uituii uuiiiiitttv wiu cuiiHinrui'y uiiu - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - . certainly culpnblo If they stnnd for a bond Issue that, taken In connection with the lato vote of tho house of rep resentatives on tho Toller resolution, means nothing less thnn an endeavor to rivet tho gold standard upon the United Stnles beyond hope of dellver nnce. What more Infamous attempt to place partisanship above patriotism could bo Imagined? It Is true there hns been nn effort to thinly disguise the design and effect of the meusure, but both are apparent to every reading, thinking citizen. J know not whether declarations that lndlcnte Falstuflllan courage and Peck snllllan purity will mislead tho voters of the Enutern nnd Middle states, but In tho Fourth district of Nebraska, which In this emergency furnishes about one-fourth of the quota of vol unteers for the entire stntc, nnd which will play Its full part In the grent drama to be enacted, there Is too high a standard of general Intelligence to be easily swerved from their usual custom of construing present utterances In tho light or past records. If It Is wrong for tho minority In time of public peril to seek nn, ndvantnge for sliver or the Income tax, It can not be right for the majority to bold up before us the fenr of national defeat nnd humiliation, nnd by such means to curse our country with n bond Issue for the renl purpose of strengthening the cause of gold. In tho name of common honesty, why should the majority demand a stand ard of pntrlotlsm to which they ennnot measure up? Why would It not be fair and right to postpone the settle ment of past differences and conduct this conteat to u successful conclusion by tho Issue of treasury notes, against which there Is no platform declaration of any pnrty extant? The greatest speakers and writers of the republican party have defended such n course as a war measure nnd questioned the patri otism of all who opposed It. Though the Republicans have been in power nt various times since the civil war, $310. 000,000 of non-lnterest-benrlng currency Issued during that period silll remains In circulation as evidence thnt repub licans hnve never abandoned tho green back policy. The kind of money that sustained tho sires In fighting for freedom nnd Union from 1S61 to 1S65 will be loynlly accepted by their sons while maintain ing the honor of our flag nnd nsslstlng to secure liberty for Cubn. The whole problem of providing adequate revenue without bringing partisanship Into question can be solved by striking from the bill under consideration the sections providing for an Issue of bonds nnd certificates of Indebtedness nnd Insert ing In place thereof the following, which, though submitted by Richard P. Illnnd. a democrat, re-enacts the war policy of Abraham Lincoln, a republi can, and would, In my Judgment, re ceive the heart support of every popu list and sliver republican in congress: "Thnt the secretnry of the treasury Is hereby authorized nnd directed to cause to be engraved and printed United States treasury notes to the amount of $150,000,000. Said treasury notes shall be a legal tender In the pay ment of nil debts, public anil private, and be Issued In like denominations as now provided by law for United States notes commonly called 'greenbacks.' That the treasury notes heieln author ized shall be covered Into the treasury and paid out from tlmo to time In the discharge of public expenditures as the exigencies of the treasury may require. That n sutllclent sum of money is here by npproprlated, out of any money In tho treasury not otherwise appropri ated, to carry this section Into effect." The nmount of the Issue ns above provided is ample for present emer gencies, and congress should remain In session to nsslst the executive in every way possible, and be ready to "vote all necessary means to successfully prose cute the war." Section 7 of the Con stitution of the United States provides that: "All bills for raising revenue shnll originate In the house of representa tives, but the sonate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills." When the relative standing of the two nations Is considered it will be seen that It is unwise to Incur unwarranted expenditures or make needless prep aration for a struggle which may not be greatly prolonged. It Is an evidence of weakness, not strength, for us to ex hibit undue haste or willingness to mortgage our pntrlmony. What far mer having nn Illness In his family would consider It reasonable to create a large Interest-bearing debt so long ns physician, druggist, and merchant were glnd to extend to him credit upon open account? Would he not prefer to meet liabilities as they came In, to rushing headlong Into folly and ruin by mort gaging his homestead for a far greater sum than it was probable he would need, trusting to circumstances to And TYRANT. Homes That are Left hiiuw wie iit'cuHuy oi iigiiiinK mo. 4 - -- --- - use for the residue, in order to make a display of his finances. To vote this enormous sum of money, nnd place It In the hands of the ex ecutive, and go home to fix political fences, would seem a very desirable course to somo members who discourse very loudly of patriotism Just now, but to me It does not seem n brave or man ly thing to do. I can not see that we are Justified in voting a certain sum of money nnd going home If our services nre needed here. I nm satisfied that tho people of the district which 1 have the honor to represent can make choice of a icpresentntlve In congress without any suggestions or Influence from the man upon whom they have bestowed present honor. No member should desire re-election If his labors have not been Flsfnc tory to his constituents; and if they nre pleased with tho record, ho has nothing to fenr. If, by remaining In session, congress can avoid a $000,000,000 bond Issue, I, for one, would gladly stay at my post, Intrusting my personal in terests to the people I nm trying to serve. We are charged by the consti tution with the especial duty of guard-' ing the expenditures of the country, and we will be held to no light account, ability if we provide a lump sum large, ly In excess of necessities and shift out responsibility to other shoulders by go. Ing home and suylng to the executive. "Use ns much of this as may be neces sary." If the people desire that monarchical powers be given to the president of the United States, they will take proper steps to confer them upon him. It Is no dlsicpect to the supreme court to lesent nn encroachment by that bud upon tho domain of the national leg islature. It Is no disrespect to the chief executive for us to live our own lives, do our own duty, and refuse to delegnte any of the powers conferred upon us by the constitution. As 1 view It, we are no more Justified In the course proposed than the cashier of a bank In time of panic would be warranted In taking a vacation, borrowing and turning over to the president of the institution enough resources to conduct operations during his absence, but lenvlng him to fill both positions during the emer gency. It may be that some citizens of the United States who nre nnd have been In the receipt of fixed salaries, do not renl Ize the full meaning of an issue of $600, 000,000 In bonds and certificates of In debtedness, but the furm owners, home owners, nnd wage earners of this coun try know what debt and Interest menu They know how the currency would be contracted nnd business affairs limited by the operation of a popular loan, nnd. despite the fnct that n portion of the appropriations Is paid to soldiers, they realize that these payments will be mndo In such small amounts ns to be Ineffectual to prevent the congestion of currency Incident to the Intge military expenditures of war. As a result of bitter experience, they fear currency contraction, concentra tion of wealth, nnd the cumulative pow er of Interest. They are convinced that the struggle necessary to free our coun try from the bonded debt proposed will bo far more arduous than any contest with Spanish soldiery. They have an object lesson In the $3IC.OOO,000 of legal tender money that has for thirty years rendered a service equal to yes, even superior to gold, as there has been no attrition. The people of this country hnve the Intelligence to see their rights nnd will have the courage to maintain them. There Is a belief that there may be a sinister motive In the proposition to Issue so large an amount of Interest bearing obligations at this time; that when negotiated the war may suddenly be brought to a close and the remainder of the bond Isfue utilized to retire tho present legal tender notes, substituting interest-bearing obligations for the non interest bearing currency now In clrcu latlon.No party can be properly charged with such a scheme, but the emissaries of Shylock can always be depended upon to do his will. If this be true, we are beset by traitors within ns well ns foes without. It Is not putting the case too strongly to say that in this event we will have to fight Spaniards In front nnd goldltes In the rear, and that the latter will prove the more artful and dangerous from being nominally with us in the struggle. In the language of a recent editorial utterance of the New York Commercial, "It would be one of the most atrociously unpatriotic and distinctively harmful actions that has yet been seen In an American congress" to make class cap Ital of the patriotic desire to protect the nation. I mnlntaln that the remedy suggested by Mr. Bland, with a continuous ses sion of congress, is equal to any emer gency, and so believing I will cast my vote against any and every effort for the present Increase in our bonded debt no matter what epithets are showerod upon me. Labor, which in the ultlmnt pays all Interest, has rights which should bo protected, and 1 must vote In accordance with my convictions. Fully recognizing the responsibility which is upon each and every one of us, nnd desiring to mensure up to the highest patriotism, I affirm that the course or action which 1 have suggest ed Is to my mind nnd conscience entire ly practical, for the best interests of out people and for our flag. "No tyrant hath claimed that flag for his own; Its bright folds were never unfurle. To flatter or shelter the glare of a throne; That bnnner was born for the world.' I hold with Commodore Decatur: "Our country. In her Intercourse with for elgn nations mny she always be In the right; but our country, right or wrong." Thank Ood, In this contest she Is right, eternally right. Mil. GREENE'S ADDRESS. Mr. Chairman, 1 do not Intend nt this time to enter Into nn elaborate discus sion of the bill before the house. There Is no gentleman upon this floor In pro portion to his nblllty to be patriotic that I will admit Is more sanguine In his desires for tho successful prosecu tion of the war with Spain thnn I urn. I nm not only for wnr nt this time, but I have been for war ever since the Spaniards blow up our ship In the har bor of Havana. I nm in fnvor of do ing unythlng and nil things that are essential to a successful prosecution of the trouble now on. I realize tho fact that we must have money with which to carry on tho war. We must hnve the money to that It can be used when the occasion requires It. I would not by any word, if I could, or by my vote, lay one obstacle In tho pathway of tho government In reaching out In whatever direction the emer gency requires to gVasp nil the sinews of war. So tho position 1 take with re gard to the pending bill Is only n differ ence between gentlemen on that side of the chamber und myself touching the methods to be employed In raising rev enue with which to fight our battles. 1 am opposed to tho Issuo of bonds, opposed to them becnuse I do not be lieve It necessary to Issuo bonds in or der to fight the war In which we are now engnged. I say to gentlemen upon this floor If I did so believe, If you can convince me that It Is necessary to Issue five hundred millions of bonds, or a billion of bonds, In order that our armies may be victorious over the ar mies of Spain, I would vote for a billion if bonds. But I repeat that I do not believe such a step Is necessary at this time. Wo have In the treasury, ns stated by the chairman of the ways and means committee, as I remember his statement now, nvnllable something like $60,000,000 Why not. Instead of Issuing n half million of bonds nt this time, Issuo $150. 000,000 of trensury notes supplementing the $00,000,000 in the treasury, which would make $210,000,000. Under the bill which the ways nnd means committee has Introduced before tho house, aside from the bond propo sition, tho chairman, Mr. Dlngley, in forms us the bill will. In its Internal features, produce from $90,000,000 to $100,000,000 annually. This would glvt us a sum equal to $300000,000 for one year over and above the present reve nues of the government available to carry on the war. Added to this Is the silver seigniorage lying Idle In the trensury. nmountlng to about $42,000,000, making a total of $340, 000.000, a much larger sum than the chairman of the ways and means com mittee estimates will be needed to carry on the wnr for one year. This large sum of money, no one doubts, will fully equip our nrmy, amply feed and clothe them, and pay them for their services We have already appropriated $30,000, 000 to equip our navy and strengthen our coast defenses, and hnve as a result a nnvy greatly superior to the enemy At this time no one Informed ques tions our ability to termlnnte the war In fium six to twelve months; nnd. If we van. why should we pile up a debt of six hundred millions In bonds on the already burdened shoulders of our peo ple, when we can carry on the fight when we can carry on the fight for twelve months without selling a single bond? Sir, our people nre patriotic they are willing to provide every dollai nnd every man necessary to vindicate the glory of our flag and the honor of tho American name; but they will not hold us guiltless If In the name of pa triotism we take advantnge of their de votion to country to lay the foundutlon to plunder them In the future. I say this lntge sum of money Is not ne?ded, and 1 have grave lears there Is another ibject In view than tho prose cution of the war with Spain. Lately we have heard a great deal said about retiring the greenbacks, nnd the great obstacle In the way of It has been a lack of money in the treasury to do It. Can it be possible that the promoters of that scheme have taken advantage of the present crisis to Issue the bonds they adre not Issue in time of peace to create a 'arpe surplus In he trtasury with whl"h, when the war is over, to retire the greenbacks? I woul 1 not Intimate that the ways and means ct mmlttee has ary such ob Ject. but past experience Is pregnant with the truth that men outside of con gress have taken advantage of condi tions of wnr to secure legislation In their IntTists nnd against the Interests of the whole people. This was notably so when we Issued the greenback cur tency In 1SG2, nnd crippled It at the suggestion of money lenders, and there by enabled them to coin millions out of the distresses of the civil war. These experiences cause me to pause and carefully scan the ground over which we are nsked to walk. Why ask so large a sum when It Is admitted we can not expend It in one year In any possible legitimate way? Do you say the war may last longer than one year? If so, I answer: Congre&s will be in ses slon from the first of next December until the 4th of March, 1S99. Provide the money as I have Indicated, which Is ample until that time, and then If the war Is not over we will be swift to provide ways and means to carry It on. You will still be here with your present majority. Do you doubt your own ability to meet the situation when It shall arise? Why, then, this mad haste to sell this vast sum of bonds at this time? Is It a fear that before congress meets In De. cember the war will be over and the opportunity to sell bonds will have passed away? Put, gentlemen have said to mo they feared we could not float $150,000,000 of greenbacks; that they would go below par. If we can float six hundred millions in bonds nt par, why is It we can not float one hundred and fifty millions of currency? To ask the question Is to answer It. We can. But I have been cited to the fact that the paper money we Issued In the civil war did go down to 50 cents, as compared with gold, and have been told the same would occur again If we resort to an Issue of paper money. In nnswer to that I would say that the first paper money we Issued In the civil war did not go below par with gold. I refer to the old demand notes. These notes remained at par with trold as Ionic a dollar was in circu lation. Why? Iterance they were le vnl tender for nil debts, public and pri vate Do you spy they remained at par becnuee they drew Interest? If so. I nnswer that If that was all, then they should have fallen as low as the greenbacks plus the Interest on the de mand notes. As they did not, then there was some other reason why thry remained at par, and that reason was they were not dishonored by the gov eminent, but were n full legnl tender. The greenback was n crippled cur rency, made so at the Instance of the men who hnd cornered tho gold to cre ate a demand for gold. If you hud left out of the act of February 25. 18G2, the words "except duties on Imports nnd the Interest on the public debt." und kept It off the greenback dollar, It, like the demand note, would have remalnei at par with gold, as we would not have hnd ns many millionaires as we have und not half ns many poor, nnd our nu tlonal debt would today be paid. Tho paper currency I propose that we Issue now Is not like the greenback. Let us Issue, say, $150,000,000 of paper cur rency, nnd make It n legal tender for nil debts, both public and prlvute. How would you get such money below par? Who would give a premium for a gold dollar, when ho has a paper dollar that will pay any nnd every debt tho gold dollnr Will pay? No one. Such money never did and never will go below par with gold while the world stands and the government which Issued It lives. You sny thnt sounds like "llntlsm?" Well, I have not time nor disposition to enter into n discussion of that question here; but let mo say. In pnsslng, there Is not now, never wns, und never will be nny other kind of money among civ ilized men but "flat" money, money made by decree of law. Hut, leaving that thought for the prayerful consideration of my friends, let me nsk you, why not use the means which I have indicated, at least until congress meets In December? Con fessedly they are ample. And, ns I have said. If then the war Is not over and wo find It absolutely necessary to lay this load upon the weary backs of our people, they will bear It, and bear It cheerfully, but why lay this heavy bur den upon them now? Are our people to be scourged for their devotion to their country? Shnll we, because their great hearts are throbbing with n love of country and ling, take advnntage of It to forge new chains for their limbs? Shall wo take advantnge of these conditions to write new mortgages upon the toll and sweat of their children? In God's nnme, let us not do It. Sir, ns I have said, I hope I love my country ns dearly ns any gentle man upon this floor. I am willing to do all things needful to protect Its honor and defend Its rights, but I re nember the burdened people In their humble homes I see In the far west (he men to whom I owe nil I am In -heir humble homes tonight. I enn almost bear tho words of patrl itlc devotion as they read nnd discuss the outcome of the present wnr; many if them huve or will bid their boys good-bye; some wives will soon say ?ood-byo to the young husbands about to march to their country's call. They sent me here to look after their interests as best 1 could. They expect ne to do all that Is necessary to aid n the successful prosecution of the war, but they do not expect me to be -arrled off my feet to lay unnecessary burdens upon them and their children. Sir, seeing, therefore, this bond ques tion as I do, I can not as an honest man give It my support. What 1 do I do from n conviction of right, and for my act I am willing to answer to my constituents nnd my God. C can ot see my way clear to support this measure now, nnd until I am con vinced It Is right, I will never give my vote for its passage. Income Tax. Bavaria imposes an Income tax of 1 per cent, nnd collected, in 1S92, there from 2,110.000 marks. IJaden has an Income tax of 2 per cent. Austria hns a graduated Income tax ranging from S1- to 20 per cent, nnd collects a large part of her taxes from this source. Italy Imposes an Income tax from 13 to 20 per cent, nnd collects therefrom $43,000,000. In all the countries Imposing an In come tax, so tin as I know, permanent resident foreigners have to pay the tax; and it Is said that in England not even permanent residence of citi zens of other countries Is required to lay the foundation for the tax, but sojourners, nfter a certain stay, are assessed on their Incomes. It Is sometimes urged that k will not be wise to Impose an income tax, be--ause some American citizens would leave their country and settle nbroad to escape It, carrying their wealth with them and we would thereby KTse. This Is not probable, because they would most likely subject themselves to simi lar or heavier Impositions in the coun try of their ndoption. But even if they did, those citizens who would give up the free Institutions of their own coun try und deliberately become the sub pects of monarchy rather than contrlb. ute their fair share to support the gov ernment whose freedom nnd fertility have enabled them to accumulate their fortunes would not be nn Irreparable loss to any country. Her Intended. A lady of Washington, D. C, tells the following story ns one of the Incidents attending housekeeping In thnt city: Eliza was her servant's name, and her skin was of that ebon hue so dear to ah old-tlnvo southern people. She had been long In the family service as mainstay of kitchen, laundry and chamber. One Sunday afternoon she approached her mistress, looking shamefaced, and talk ing In thnt tittering way in which only southern darkles can, she said: "Miss M'rlar, kin I speak with you a mlnnlt?" "Certainly, what Is It, Eliza?" "Miss M'rlar, I'se sorry, but you'll have to git another gal to do your work. I'se gwlne to leave you!" "Why, Eliza!" the mistress said, as tonished, as well as dismayed at the prospect of losing so vnluable a ser vant, "what Is the matter? Are you not happy with me? Is your work too hard, and do you want help? If so, 1 will get a girl to help you." "Lawd no, Miss M'rlar tee-hee, tee hee; dat ain't what's the marter, Indeed and double deed, dat ain't It. but de trouble Is, Miss M'rlar, I'se gwlne to git mayld." "Eliza, you nstonlsh me! Who are you going to marry? I have seen no men visiting you lately." "Miss M'rlar, does you dlsremember dat pink silk dress you gin me last win tali, and which I woah to dat funerll las' Sunday was a week ago; and Miss M'rlar, I Jeft tell you I wuz do belle ob dat funerll. Miss M'rlar tee-hee. te. hee yer ain't seed no man around yere lately, has yer, but teehee-, tee-hee Miss M'rlar, de man I'se gwlne to mayy Is de husband of de copse." "Did Bluffer go to the front?" "No; but he wore the American flag till the last gun was fired." STRATEGY AND TACTICS. Though they differ widely, strategy is often confounded with tactics, for It must be kept In mind that, broadly generalized, strategy Is a science and tactics Is an art, with the Inherent dls Unctions which exist elsewhere In these definitions. As a science strategy has many fixed rules, nnd Is concerned not with the lighting of a battle, but with the conduct of a campaign. While it has little to do with the actual evolu tions employed In fighting, It pre scribes the locnllty In which the fleets will cruise, it determines tho blockades of certain ports or coasts or tho rais ing of such blockades; It seeks at times to lure the enemy to a distance, so as to prevent the safe passage or the es cape of store ships, colliers, transports or other auxiliaries, and it endenvors to control nil the favorable conditions under which Its own force may engage and dofent tho enemy. Tactics, on tho other hand, Is concerned with the spe cific and detnWed plans for the execu tion of the objects prescribed by strat egy. It Is the right arm exercising tho brain thought; It Is primarily and solely the function of the fleet commnnder, who should be leftuntrammeled by nil save a general accordance with the primal scheme, In order to wed the per formance to the precept. Somo of tho most famous strategists were landsmen Ignorant of the sea, but every great tac tician has been, first of all, a seaman skilled In the knowledge and practice o fhls calling, a sailor Inured to the dangers and chances ot the ocean nnd an Intelligent student, highly special ized and developed In the direction of his environment. Many of the rules of tactics are de pendent upon weapons nnd motive pow er, and necessarily vary somewhat, if not to tho degree claimed, with tho changes In each. "Throughout tactical history," again declares Captain Taylor, "we see oft repeated this effort to neutralize long discipline and training by some new device. A century before Encnomus the enemies of the Athenlnns, hopeless of emulating their skill In handling fleets, determined to build the strongest possible prows, beaks and catheads on their galleys, and then steer to meet the opposing ships prow to prow and crush them by greater weight. This was the tactical answer of the strong, brave nnd untrained to the thorough drill and study of their opponents. The corvus was the reply of Roman valor to Carthagenlan skill in naval tactics. Fire ships had their place In their day and nt present the torpedo may be called the tactical reply of weak na vies to the overwhelming numbers of Impregnable Ironclads that the great powers can put afloat. "These mechanical devices with which to counterbalance nnd overthrow care ful training and study have always been popular. They- fascinate the Im agination by suggesting n short cut to success without all the labor of drill and preparation. It Is pleasantcr to many people to believe that the needle gun won the Konlggratz campaign than that It was the long nnd laborious training of the Prussians, nnd the nee dle gun was but secondary and auxili ary to their complete preparation and knowledge of the business of war. We often hear thnt this or that Invention a torpedo, or a submarine boat, or a balloon has revolutionized naval war fare, and sometimes even officers ,of experience are touched with the craze; but naval warfare goes on very much as usual. Bravery, discipline- nnd tnc tlcal training, the study of war upon these has thf fate of nations nlways depended, and upon them will It always depend." Strategy first of all entails a general examination of the theater of wnr, and the strategic values of the different lo calities Included within its limits. Among the literary aids at once brought down to date are the war charts, for in them and the nccompanying plans are condensed a multitude of details, each Important In the tactical defence of the various positions. They are the fruits of thorough examinations of the different localities, whether bases or points to be defended or attacked. They take the places of numerous orders nnd Instructions nnd nre equully valu able to the strategy board and to the commanders In chief busy with the tactical disposition of their fleets. For whatever mny be the latters' plan. It is probable that most of the detnlli .shown .upon the war charts will apply to the situation. "We have teen the enormous value of scouting within the past fortnight, In the absence of any accurate Informa tion relating to the squadron of ar mored cruisers and torpedo destroyers which, on their departure from the de "erde Islands, shaped a westerly course and then disappeared. These, of course, had to be reckoned with, for though they did no tangible barm In their presumed transit, yet they filled so perfectly the role of a "fleet In be ing" that we were forced to weaken our blockade of the Cuban coast and dispatch our heaviest available ships to meet thnm. It may be well, as the phrase is In doubt and may be In com mon use. to define a "fleet In being," and, ns most accurate, the definition of Commander Walnwrlght will be taken. "A 'fleet In being' means," he declares, "a fleet relatively Inferior to the enemy, which Is neither cowed, crushed nor effectually masked nnd Is still able to observe and threaten Interference with an enemy's plans of territorial attack, coast blockade or other extended op erations." This seems to fit nicely tho work of our will o' the wisp adver saries. When the general plans of the cam paign have been selected and communi cated to the various commanders In chief, the ererglzlng cf the Ideas and tho success of the Intentions should bo left to them. Here, then. Is where the tactical dispositions are determined. As emphasized before, tactics Is distinc tively the method of attack or defense, and the direction In the presence or in the Immediate neighborhood of the enemy of evolutions upon which such attack or defense depends, It does not mean the mere performance of evolu tions, and herein tho capacity and geni us of the commander In chief will be shown. Where the fleets are equal In force, the best maneuvered and most skillfully handled will surely conquer, und where the Inferiority Is marked su perior tactical acquirements may more than establish an equality. A well known bishop was making his annual round among the Sunday schools of his diocese, examining the children and encouraging them. One Sunday, after having spoken on the lesson, whose subject was "Jacob's Dream." he said, "Now is there any question you would like to nsk me?" For a moment there was silence, then a small girl on n front bench, spoke forth in a timid voice, "Please, my lord. If the angels had wings, why would they need a ladder?" This question was so unexpected that the poor bishop did not know what to reply, and was racking his brains for nn answer, when the eager voice of a former's little daughter, cried out "Please, my lord, I know." "Why was it, my dear?" asked the re lieved bishop, "Because they were moulting." X 1 y r r- - - '