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The Omaha Guide
+ A WEEKLY NEWSPAPER +
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Mental Rebuilding
by RUTH TAYLOR
The greatest task we have now that peace has come is
not the destruction of what is had in the world, hut the in
troduction of what is good, the constructive task of menal
rebuilding. This is the most difficult of all tasks of re
construction.
Fields can be cleared of the rubble of war. On the bat
tle grounds the grass will grow again. Cities can be re
built, new buildings erected to take the place of storied
landmarks. The material scars will be gradually erased or
softened by the kind hand of time. But the greatest re
construction work will have to be o nthe minds of men.
first, help must be given to those who have suffered un
der the hrutal hand of the tyrant. Their lives will have to
be built up, their spirit raised, so that once more they can
walk alone, free men in a fre wc.rld. This requires under
standing, patience and sympathy—combined with an ability
to inspire. We must make the once conquered realize
that, while we are ready to help, we are not trying to sap
their own couraeg and initiative hv charity, that we believe
in their own ability to make a place for themselves.
Second, and far more difficult, will be the reconstruction
of the minds of those who serve and lived um:er »‘:e ban
ner of the aggressor. We cannot say that we will have
sympathy to give to those whose beliefs are diametrically
opposed to our faith, who made a cult of cruelly and a fet
ish ol' false superiority. W e cannot say that we can con
done those who saved their own skins at the cost of their
honor. We find it difficult to have patinece w-iii those
whose only creed was that of might, and whose only faith
was in brute force.
In order to make the world a safe place aagln, we will
have to begin at the beginning. W e have to teaeli moral
ity, truth, kindliness, tolerance, respect for human life and
reverence for the religious creeds of all. These are con
cepts the enemies of our way of life have kept from the
youth of their nation. These, we have to remember, have
never been taught to their young. We have to teach them
ami it will draw upon our faith and our intelligence to the
utmost.
It took centuries to evolve our standards of morality.
W hat we have imperfectly learned slowly we know we have
to teach rapidly—for the rebuilding of the international
order will depend upon the acceptance of a common code
of ethics, a free flow of truth to all the world and the re
establishment of confidence in the efficacy of our beliefs in
democracy—in the brotherhood of man under the Father
hood of God.
“GIVE TO A DESERVING C AUSE”—
—GIVE TO THE RED CROSS MARCH APPEAL!
Plain Talk...
(BY DAN GARDNER)
INTERGRATIONALISM VS. RACIAL NATIONALISM
Integrationalism vs. racial nationalism has divided the
Negro since slavery. The question of whether we attain
our goal more quickly and satisfactorily by absorption in
to the social, economic, political and religious life of Am
erica, or by raising aloft the banner of racial identity and
developing purely racial cultures and backgrounds, here or
in some place that might be opened to such an experiment,
has engulfed us wherever we are found. Other races are
similarly divided and similarly confused. The Jews are
split on the question of Zionism with an international
homeland in Palestine, or integration. Hitler started a
world war by appealing directly to the nationalistic in
stincts of Germans, whether native or foreign-tmrn. The
Irish are afflicted with a division on integrationalism. So
are the Scotch, the Poles and other hyphenated groups com
prising the palyglot mixture in the American melting pot.
Seeks Legislation of Rights
Integrationalism seeks to acquire its aims through the
passage of laws ordering, commanding, and forcing the bad
actors to drop their prejudices, hatreds and suspicions
based on color, race and creed and to accept those they do
not want as equals, whether in politics, business, general
Your RED CROSS
must carry on j
1946 FUND CAMPAIGN
I _ i
Editorial: “Rightfully Bowing Her Head in Shame!”
<
'O
society or religion.
Nationalism, in our case, would either seek an ultimate
homeland somewhere in Africa, or in failing, develop an
intense pride of race among us here in the United States
that would create hlack belts throughout the land in which
Negro businesses, Negro churches, Negro institutions, Ne
gro schools, Negro this and Negro that, would be a goal, the
fountainhead of the idea that there is no inferiority in
eolor, but equality, if not superiority.
Pride of color, this school contends, and as was pointed
out by Marcus Garvey and earlier prophets, is as important
to the Negro in his development as pride of color is to the
white man. To allow the propaganda to he spread that
there is inferiority in being black or any of the various
hues which identify us, is fatal to us as a racial unit. This
school points out that intermarriage is as fatal to the long
evity of the Negro as a racial stock in America, as well as in
the world, as it is to the white manand would have us arm
ourselves against it.
i,oai of iniegranonaust mainly rouucai
The Integrationalists want no racial identity. Their's is
a goal which is largely if not wholly, political. They want
to be identified as citizens. The color designation is to
them, a vulgar manifestation of a knowledge of our racial
history in slavery and to eliminate such a designation, they
advocate intermarriage, and social equality. Incessantly
they labor in the vineyard, busily hacking away at the trees
which block out the sky. In the South they chop the trees
of ballot denial because of color an din Texas and Georgia
have won important battles before the United States Su
preme Court which outlawed the Texas White Primary law
and forced Georgia into line in the admittance of Negroes
to the polling booths.
They are busy hammering away at the poll tax which bars
Negroes from voting in most of the southern states. They
have pressed for anti-lynching legislation, anti vilely, the
fight has been shifted to the enactment of a federal law out
lawing discrimination in employment because of race,
creed or color. The idea is to force those who bv inclin
ation or by training discriminate against Negroes to drop
these practices and to accept us as equals in Hie matter of
earning a livelihood upon penalty of fines or imprison
ment. The Senate filibuster which successfully killed the
FEPC is an instance of the state of mind that ex?s;s on the
matter of legislation for racial equality.
White Man Legislates Against Himself
The proponents of the theory of integration seem not to
have considered seriously that the white man is being asked
to pass laws to force himself from doing the things he
wants to do—the things he has trained himself to do to a
minority group. Where a few, as in the Senate, were will
ing to go along “on this thing” for various reasons, some
noble, some purely polittical, the Bilbo, Eastland, Connal
ly and Ellender crowd provided the extra weight :o control
the status (Juo—which they obligingly did, thus preventing
the unprecedented to come to pass.
Somewhere, a happy medium must be reached on the
question of Integrationalism vs Nationalism as the proper
manner to solve our dilemma. There must be merit in
each, because the majority of our school and college
trained persons are squarely in the integration camp, while
the great masses of us cling consciously or unconsciously
to nationalistic viewpoints. This is seen in the fact that
the greatest fear of an integrationalist is that some mounte
bank Negro, or for that matter, a sincere prophe: of the
people, will £et on a soap box and rally millions or neglect
ed, yes, scdpied “little Negroes'* into an overwhelming
movement as demonstrated by Garvey. Our approach
should be flexible enough to absorb a tremendous defeat
like that encountered in the FEPC fight and yet, tolerate
the normal, natural aspirations of a people committing the
common sin of not wanting to give up or lose tlieir racial
identity through absorption, assimilation, miscegnation or
any of the channels through which some of their leaders
would guide them.
Behind the Play
(by Don DeLeighbur)
1946 BANNER YEAR FOR NEGRO IN SPORTS
NEW ORK—The sports scene for 1946 looms as the
most momentous as regards the Negro since 1910 when we
first projected a world heavyweight champion on the hor
izon in the person of Jack Johnson. The eyes or the world
sports following or not, will be on the Negro tills spring
and summer mainly because Negro athletes will occupy the
spotlight.
Already the wheels have started turning to wheel the first
big Negro subject on the scene in the person ot Jackie Rob
inson and Long John Wright, who by the time you read
this, will be going through their first paces as fuii fledged
aspirants for places on minor league teams in organized
baseball down at Daytona Beach, Fla.
Then along^will come June with its heavyweight champ
ionship fight here in New York involving a world idol—Joe
Louis, and Billy Conn.
June 28 and 29 will focus the spotlight on San Antonio,
Texas, where for the first time in history, Negroes will be
given the permission to compete in a National AaTJ outdoor
track and field championship on a basis of equality in a
state in the Deepest part of the Deep South.
Yes, Negro Baseball Has Its Role
Meanwhile, Negro Baseball, which in spite of Itself, has
produced a Jackie Robinson and a John Wright, will be
launching another season in its series of seasons, and the
eyes o fthe baseball and other sports worlds wili lie on it
as never before to see if there are other Robinsons and
rights around who might be good candidates for minor
and major league berths.
Perhaps, I am unkind in saying that Negro Baseball has ;
produced Robinson and Wright in spite of itself and clar
ification is undoubtedly due on that point. What I am
pointing at is the inability of organized Negro baseball to
see the glorious possibilities it has in being the source of ‘
players who can he gven the chance to get into the big show
The bitter opposition over the years by some of the op
erators in Negro Baseball to the advancement of their play
ers from the strictly racial moulds in which they are horn,
has played not a small part in the failure of other major
league owners and officials to follow the example set by
Branch Rickey of the Dodgers in signing up Robinson and j
right. Negro Baseball must open its eyes and be re-1
sponsible for the transfer, sale or entry of future Negro I
players into the Big Leagues.
There is no doubt that Negro Baseball faces its most
prosperous year in 1946. A glance at what is going on a
niong the white major and minor league clubs wiil furnish
a clue as to what can be expected at the box office for Ne
gro baseball attractions. If the season’s prospects will
only stimulate Negro operators to take a different view of
the situatin and of their role in it, 1946 will be a milestone
year in the history of the Negro in professional sports.
Louis vs. Conn—Damn of Big Boys
Louis vs. Conn marks the return of the Big Boys to the
boxing scene. For the duration of the war, the sports
world has been awaiting this one fight. It is the ultimate
in ring entertainment and the character of Louis Is a par
ticular reason for pride on the part of the race with which
he is identified. ,
Predictions are already being made on every slue as to
the outcome. Fed doubt that Louis will deposit Conn in
the Land of Nod as he has done most of his other foemen,
especially in return encounters.
What is outstanding about this fight, however, is the
spectacle of a 31 year old Louis engaging in what may be
the swan song of his spectacular career. There are some
who think that Louis may get enough money ou: of this
fight, plus huge sums frol investment programs and other
deals being cooked up by Mike Jacobs to be in a position to
quit the ring for good with the title or make a defense of
his crown but once a year until he is ready to renounce it.
Whatever turns out, the fact remains, however, that Louis
and Conn, a Negro and a white fighter, will make history in
■ 1940.
Background of the AAV Controversy
The AAU Championships in Texas are involved in a na
tionwide controversy oper whether Negroes of northern
cities should go South to compete in face of the record of
segregation and discrimination Down There to which their
people have been subjected ever since the Union was form
ed.
Those who favor participation point out tha: to close a
door newly opened without entering it is bad politics and
that to run away from a battle is cowardice.
Those for a boycott of the meet advance the excuse that
it has already been proven that Negroes can run and jump
and that no purpose will be served by our top runners and
jumpers going South to show their talents to watte south
i erners who have never seen Negro stars compete against
DO’S AMD DOMTS;
'I
Business before pleasure. Remember, have tuai
romancing ’til after office hours.
r==- lt==~-it=~ .. 11=.■ 11 —.. '.ir=—
whites.
By June, the matter will he settled one way or sfie other.
Meanwhile, the controversy which is paper words, is a
healthy indication that what we all want is on l!ie way and
will get here sooner than many expect.
Released by Calvins >ewi Service
✓
Sixtv-three years ago March 14, when the news of Karl
Marx's death went over the telegraph wires, ruling class
statesmen in Europe and America breathed a sigh of re
lief. Death, they thought, would accomplish what deport
ation, abuse and slander had failed to do—silence the great
est and most potent voice the oppressed and exploited
masses ever had.
Subsequent history proves the statesmen to have been a
trifle previous in their rejoicing.. Marx died, but the
principles that tok his name lived and gathered strength
as history confirmed their scientific merit. Today, more
tha never before toilers throughout the world turn to them
for guidance. Marxism has indisputably become the most
dynamic and powerful political force of the twentieth cen
tury.
Surely a philosophy as puissant as Marxism has proved
itself to be, is deserving of the special attention of Negroes
—of that body of our citizens which has the least to lose
and the most to gain from social changes that destroy eco
nomic despotism. I can think of at least five urgent rea
sons why Negroes, ami Negro wage workers particularly,
should study Marxism. Here they are:
1. It is said that we are iieaded for a “boom”. My
own view, is, that for the workers, this “boom will turn
out a “bust.” Be that as it may, once pentup demand "for
goods is satisfied and capitalist production is again geared
to current income, the twin specters of mass unemploy
ment and oevrproduction are certain to reappear. Marx
ism, hv showing what wages and profits are am! where
they come from, how commodities exchange for one anoth
er, etc., lays bare the cause o feconomic crisis. It proves
beyond peradventure that crises are inherent in the wages
system—the system in which the workers receive only a
fraction of the wealth they create, and under which im
proved technology only speeds the disemployment of men
and the accumulation of unsold surpluses.
2. Whatever betides, Negro workers are certain to suf
fer disproportionately as unemployment rises. Anti-dis
crimination laws may tend t olevel off the suffering be
tween Negro and white workers in some degree. But not
even Mr. A. Philip Randolph, than whom FEPC. has no
more ardent supporter, would contend that they strike at
the root of the unemployment problem. Marxism demon
strates that the “industrial reserve army” of unemployed
workers is created by capitalism, and that to strike effect
ively at the root of the problem requires that the capital
wage labor relaionship be done away with.
3. Marxism has the same direct and destructive effect
on race prejudice that DDT. has on nocious insects. Weth
er a worker’s skin is white, yellow, brown or blacl^once he
has acquired the class consciousness that Marxism teaches
he has freed himself from the most degrading bondage of
all, the enslavement of the human mind. Marxists are not
only among the most militant foes of race prejudice. They
are also the only ones who stubbornly and aggressively fo
cus attention on its basic cause.
■*. in such tumultuous penous m nistory as mat winch
lies ahead cynicism will vie with despair to claim the impov
erished masses. A knowledge of Marxism is protection a
gainst both, and a protection also against the blandish
ments of political adventurers and others who seek to ex
ploit the tragedies of oppressed classes and groups.
5. There are a lot of phony movements that call them
selves “Marxists” and “Socialist.” There is only one way
to detect these phonies. That is by subjecting each of
them to the test: Does its program square with the princ
iples enuciated by Marx? If it does not, no matter how
loudly the groupj shouts its claim, it is a phony flying un
der false coolrs. Obviously, to exercise independent judg
ment and apply this test, one must study Marxism.
Nearly every Negro who has informed himself on the
struggle against chattel slavery knows something of the
part Marx played in enlisting the support of European, and
partioularly of British, workers. But too few grasp the
role of Marxism in the struggle this generation Is waging to
bring to birth a decent world.
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