Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The Omaha guide. (Omaha, Neb.) 1927-19?? | View Entire Issue (March 9, 1946)
3> The Omaha Guide + A WEEKLY NEWSPAPER + Published Every Saturday at 2)20 Grant Street OMAHA, NEBRASKA—PHONE HA. 0800 Entered as Second Class Matter March 15. 1927 at the Post Office at Omaha, Nebraska, under Act of Congress of Mareh 3, 1879. C- C‘ Gallon! ty,_ Publisher and Acting Editor All News Copy of Churches and all organiz ations must be in our office not later than 1:00 p. m. Monday for current issue. All Advertising Copy on Paid Articles, not later than Wednesday noon, preceeding date of issue, to insure public ation. SUBSCRIPTION RATE IN OMAHA M f ONE YEAR . $3.u' M SIX MONTHS .$1.75iA 1HREE MONTHS .$i.2sM SUBSCRIPTION RATE OUT OF TOWN B ONE YEAR . $3.50j§ j SIX MONTHS .$2.00« National Advertising Representatives— THk INTERSTATE UNITED NEWSPAPERS, InM ! 545 Fifth Avenue, New York <~itv, Phone:— W > MUrray Hill 2-5452, Rav P-ck, Manager 1§ Mental Rebuilding by RUTH TAYLOR The greatest task we have now that peace has come is not the destruction of what is had in the world, hut the in troduction of what is good, the constructive task of menal rebuilding. This is the most difficult of all tasks of re construction. Fields can be cleared of the rubble of war. On the bat tle grounds the grass will grow again. Cities can be re built, new buildings erected to take the place of storied landmarks. The material scars will be gradually erased or softened by the kind hand of time. But the greatest re construction work will have to be o nthe minds of men. first, help must be given to those who have suffered un der the hrutal hand of the tyrant. Their lives will have to be built up, their spirit raised, so that once more they can walk alone, free men in a fre wc.rld. This requires under standing, patience and sympathy—combined with an ability to inspire. We must make the once conquered realize that, while we are ready to help, we are not trying to sap their own couraeg and initiative hv charity, that we believe in their own ability to make a place for themselves. Second, and far more difficult, will be the reconstruction of the minds of those who serve and lived um:er »‘:e ban ner of the aggressor. We cannot say that we will have sympathy to give to those whose beliefs are diametrically opposed to our faith, who made a cult of cruelly and a fet ish ol' false superiority. W e cannot say that we can con done those who saved their own skins at the cost of their honor. We find it difficult to have patinece w-iii those whose only creed was that of might, and whose only faith was in brute force. In order to make the world a safe place aagln, we will have to begin at the beginning. W e have to teaeli moral ity, truth, kindliness, tolerance, respect for human life and reverence for the religious creeds of all. These are con cepts the enemies of our way of life have kept from the youth of their nation. These, we have to remember, have never been taught to their young. We have to teach them ami it will draw upon our faith and our intelligence to the utmost. It took centuries to evolve our standards of morality. W hat we have imperfectly learned slowly we know we have to teach rapidly—for the rebuilding of the international order will depend upon the acceptance of a common code of ethics, a free flow of truth to all the world and the re establishment of confidence in the efficacy of our beliefs in democracy—in the brotherhood of man under the Father hood of God. “GIVE TO A DESERVING C AUSE”— —GIVE TO THE RED CROSS MARCH APPEAL! Plain Talk... (BY DAN GARDNER) INTERGRATIONALISM VS. RACIAL NATIONALISM Integrationalism vs. racial nationalism has divided the Negro since slavery. The question of whether we attain our goal more quickly and satisfactorily by absorption in to the social, economic, political and religious life of Am erica, or by raising aloft the banner of racial identity and developing purely racial cultures and backgrounds, here or in some place that might be opened to such an experiment, has engulfed us wherever we are found. Other races are similarly divided and similarly confused. The Jews are split on the question of Zionism with an international homeland in Palestine, or integration. Hitler started a world war by appealing directly to the nationalistic in stincts of Germans, whether native or foreign-tmrn. The Irish are afflicted with a division on integrationalism. So are the Scotch, the Poles and other hyphenated groups com prising the palyglot mixture in the American melting pot. Seeks Legislation of Rights Integrationalism seeks to acquire its aims through the passage of laws ordering, commanding, and forcing the bad actors to drop their prejudices, hatreds and suspicions based on color, race and creed and to accept those they do not want as equals, whether in politics, business, general Your RED CROSS must carry on j 1946 FUND CAMPAIGN I _ i Editorial: “Rightfully Bowing Her Head in Shame!” < 'O society or religion. Nationalism, in our case, would either seek an ultimate homeland somewhere in Africa, or in failing, develop an intense pride of race among us here in the United States that would create hlack belts throughout the land in which Negro businesses, Negro churches, Negro institutions, Ne gro schools, Negro this and Negro that, would be a goal, the fountainhead of the idea that there is no inferiority in eolor, but equality, if not superiority. Pride of color, this school contends, and as was pointed out by Marcus Garvey and earlier prophets, is as important to the Negro in his development as pride of color is to the white man. To allow the propaganda to he spread that there is inferiority in being black or any of the various hues which identify us, is fatal to us as a racial unit. This school points out that intermarriage is as fatal to the long evity of the Negro as a racial stock in America, as well as in the world, as it is to the white manand would have us arm ourselves against it. i,oai of iniegranonaust mainly rouucai The Integrationalists want no racial identity. Their's is a goal which is largely if not wholly, political. They want to be identified as citizens. The color designation is to them, a vulgar manifestation of a knowledge of our racial history in slavery and to eliminate such a designation, they advocate intermarriage, and social equality. Incessantly they labor in the vineyard, busily hacking away at the trees which block out the sky. In the South they chop the trees of ballot denial because of color an din Texas and Georgia have won important battles before the United States Su preme Court which outlawed the Texas White Primary law and forced Georgia into line in the admittance of Negroes to the polling booths. They are busy hammering away at the poll tax which bars Negroes from voting in most of the southern states. They have pressed for anti-lynching legislation, anti vilely, the fight has been shifted to the enactment of a federal law out lawing discrimination in employment because of race, creed or color. The idea is to force those who bv inclin ation or by training discriminate against Negroes to drop these practices and to accept us as equals in Hie matter of earning a livelihood upon penalty of fines or imprison ment. The Senate filibuster which successfully killed the FEPC is an instance of the state of mind that ex?s;s on the matter of legislation for racial equality. White Man Legislates Against Himself The proponents of the theory of integration seem not to have considered seriously that the white man is being asked to pass laws to force himself from doing the things he wants to do—the things he has trained himself to do to a minority group. Where a few, as in the Senate, were will ing to go along “on this thing” for various reasons, some noble, some purely polittical, the Bilbo, Eastland, Connal ly and Ellender crowd provided the extra weight :o control the status (Juo—which they obligingly did, thus preventing the unprecedented to come to pass. Somewhere, a happy medium must be reached on the question of Integrationalism vs Nationalism as the proper manner to solve our dilemma. There must be merit in each, because the majority of our school and college trained persons are squarely in the integration camp, while the great masses of us cling consciously or unconsciously to nationalistic viewpoints. This is seen in the fact that the greatest fear of an integrationalist is that some mounte bank Negro, or for that matter, a sincere prophe: of the people, will £et on a soap box and rally millions or neglect ed, yes, scdpied “little Negroes'* into an overwhelming movement as demonstrated by Garvey. Our approach should be flexible enough to absorb a tremendous defeat like that encountered in the FEPC fight and yet, tolerate the normal, natural aspirations of a people committing the common sin of not wanting to give up or lose tlieir racial identity through absorption, assimilation, miscegnation or any of the channels through which some of their leaders would guide them. Behind the Play (by Don DeLeighbur) 1946 BANNER YEAR FOR NEGRO IN SPORTS NEW ORK—The sports scene for 1946 looms as the most momentous as regards the Negro since 1910 when we first projected a world heavyweight champion on the hor izon in the person of Jack Johnson. The eyes or the world sports following or not, will be on the Negro tills spring and summer mainly because Negro athletes will occupy the spotlight. Already the wheels have started turning to wheel the first big Negro subject on the scene in the person ot Jackie Rob inson and Long John Wright, who by the time you read this, will be going through their first paces as fuii fledged aspirants for places on minor league teams in organized baseball down at Daytona Beach, Fla. Then along^will come June with its heavyweight champ ionship fight here in New York involving a world idol—Joe Louis, and Billy Conn. June 28 and 29 will focus the spotlight on San Antonio, Texas, where for the first time in history, Negroes will be given the permission to compete in a National AaTJ outdoor track and field championship on a basis of equality in a state in the Deepest part of the Deep South. Yes, Negro Baseball Has Its Role Meanwhile, Negro Baseball, which in spite of Itself, has produced a Jackie Robinson and a John Wright, will be launching another season in its series of seasons, and the eyes o fthe baseball and other sports worlds wili lie on it as never before to see if there are other Robinsons and rights around who might be good candidates for minor and major league berths. Perhaps, I am unkind in saying that Negro Baseball has ; produced Robinson and Wright in spite of itself and clar ification is undoubtedly due on that point. What I am pointing at is the inability of organized Negro baseball to see the glorious possibilities it has in being the source of ‘ players who can he gven the chance to get into the big show The bitter opposition over the years by some of the op erators in Negro Baseball to the advancement of their play ers from the strictly racial moulds in which they are horn, has played not a small part in the failure of other major league owners and officials to follow the example set by Branch Rickey of the Dodgers in signing up Robinson and j right. Negro Baseball must open its eyes and be re-1 sponsible for the transfer, sale or entry of future Negro I players into the Big Leagues. There is no doubt that Negro Baseball faces its most prosperous year in 1946. A glance at what is going on a niong the white major and minor league clubs wiil furnish a clue as to what can be expected at the box office for Ne gro baseball attractions. If the season’s prospects will only stimulate Negro operators to take a different view of the situatin and of their role in it, 1946 will be a milestone year in the history of the Negro in professional sports. Louis vs. Conn—Damn of Big Boys Louis vs. Conn marks the return of the Big Boys to the boxing scene. For the duration of the war, the sports world has been awaiting this one fight. It is the ultimate in ring entertainment and the character of Louis Is a par ticular reason for pride on the part of the race with which he is identified. , Predictions are already being made on every slue as to the outcome. Fed doubt that Louis will deposit Conn in the Land of Nod as he has done most of his other foemen, especially in return encounters. What is outstanding about this fight, however, is the spectacle of a 31 year old Louis engaging in what may be the swan song of his spectacular career. There are some who think that Louis may get enough money ou: of this fight, plus huge sums frol investment programs and other deals being cooked up by Mike Jacobs to be in a position to quit the ring for good with the title or make a defense of his crown but once a year until he is ready to renounce it. Whatever turns out, the fact remains, however, that Louis and Conn, a Negro and a white fighter, will make history in ■ 1940. Background of the AAV Controversy The AAU Championships in Texas are involved in a na tionwide controversy oper whether Negroes of northern cities should go South to compete in face of the record of segregation and discrimination Down There to which their people have been subjected ever since the Union was form ed. Those who favor participation point out tha: to close a door newly opened without entering it is bad politics and that to run away from a battle is cowardice. Those for a boycott of the meet advance the excuse that it has already been proven that Negroes can run and jump and that no purpose will be served by our top runners and jumpers going South to show their talents to watte south i erners who have never seen Negro stars compete against DO’S AMD DOMTS; 'I Business before pleasure. Remember, have tuai romancing ’til after office hours. r==- lt==~-it=~ .. 11=.■ 11 —.. '.ir=— whites. By June, the matter will he settled one way or sfie other. Meanwhile, the controversy which is paper words, is a healthy indication that what we all want is on l!ie way and will get here sooner than many expect. Released by Calvins >ewi Service ✓ Sixtv-three years ago March 14, when the news of Karl Marx's death went over the telegraph wires, ruling class statesmen in Europe and America breathed a sigh of re lief. Death, they thought, would accomplish what deport ation, abuse and slander had failed to do—silence the great est and most potent voice the oppressed and exploited masses ever had. Subsequent history proves the statesmen to have been a trifle previous in their rejoicing.. Marx died, but the principles that tok his name lived and gathered strength as history confirmed their scientific merit. Today, more tha never before toilers throughout the world turn to them for guidance. Marxism has indisputably become the most dynamic and powerful political force of the twentieth cen tury. Surely a philosophy as puissant as Marxism has proved itself to be, is deserving of the special attention of Negroes —of that body of our citizens which has the least to lose and the most to gain from social changes that destroy eco nomic despotism. I can think of at least five urgent rea sons why Negroes, ami Negro wage workers particularly, should study Marxism. Here they are: 1. It is said that we are iieaded for a “boom”. My own view, is, that for the workers, this “boom will turn out a “bust.” Be that as it may, once pentup demand "for goods is satisfied and capitalist production is again geared to current income, the twin specters of mass unemploy ment and oevrproduction are certain to reappear. Marx ism, hv showing what wages and profits are am! where they come from, how commodities exchange for one anoth er, etc., lays bare the cause o feconomic crisis. It proves beyond peradventure that crises are inherent in the wages system—the system in which the workers receive only a fraction of the wealth they create, and under which im proved technology only speeds the disemployment of men and the accumulation of unsold surpluses. 2. Whatever betides, Negro workers are certain to suf fer disproportionately as unemployment rises. Anti-dis crimination laws may tend t olevel off the suffering be tween Negro and white workers in some degree. But not even Mr. A. Philip Randolph, than whom FEPC. has no more ardent supporter, would contend that they strike at the root of the unemployment problem. Marxism demon strates that the “industrial reserve army” of unemployed workers is created by capitalism, and that to strike effect ively at the root of the problem requires that the capital wage labor relaionship be done away with. 3. Marxism has the same direct and destructive effect on race prejudice that DDT. has on nocious insects. Weth er a worker’s skin is white, yellow, brown or blacl^once he has acquired the class consciousness that Marxism teaches he has freed himself from the most degrading bondage of all, the enslavement of the human mind. Marxists are not only among the most militant foes of race prejudice. They are also the only ones who stubbornly and aggressively fo cus attention on its basic cause. ■*. in such tumultuous penous m nistory as mat winch lies ahead cynicism will vie with despair to claim the impov erished masses. A knowledge of Marxism is protection a gainst both, and a protection also against the blandish ments of political adventurers and others who seek to ex ploit the tragedies of oppressed classes and groups. 5. There are a lot of phony movements that call them selves “Marxists” and “Socialist.” There is only one way to detect these phonies. That is by subjecting each of them to the test: Does its program square with the princ iples enuciated by Marx? If it does not, no matter how loudly the groupj shouts its claim, it is a phony flying un der false coolrs. Obviously, to exercise independent judg ment and apply this test, one must study Marxism. Nearly every Negro who has informed himself on the struggle against chattel slavery knows something of the part Marx played in enlisting the support of European, and partioularly of British, workers. But too few grasp the role of Marxism in the struggle this generation Is waging to bring to birth a decent world. - /