The Omaha guide. (Omaha, Neb.) 1927-19??, October 13, 1945, Page 2, Image 2

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    Free Speech
By Ruth Taylor
Free speech is the life blood' of the Republic of
the United States. From the Bill of Rights to the
Four Freedoms, it has been a symbol of democracy,
so completely accepted as a right, that we have
come to take it for granted. Without free speech
no man knows the ambitions or ideals motivating
his neighbor. The abolition of free speech precedes
by only a moment the enslavement of man.
But how may we preserve free speech?
If free speech is to be desired enough to fight for
it and if its loss is one of the greatest a nation can
suffer, we must cherish it and use it wisely—for
free speech is a responsibility as well as a right.
Free speech must be true speech. Free speech
must be rail- speech.
Free speech means the right to disagree and to
state the reason for dissent, without recourse to
slanderous abuse.
While we fight to protect freedom of speech, we
should not employ that freedom to destroy unity or
to snip at one another. No one group, whether it
be f class, employment, race, national origin or reli
gion, should carry free speech to extremes.
If one side abuses the right df free speech, the
other side is not justified in following suit.
Liberty must never degenerate into license; free
dom of assembly must never end in mob rule; and
free speech must never lower itself to vituperative
slander of those with whom we are not in accord or
against any group of our population.
Free speech can only be exercised by a free ]1eo
ple—free to study the facts, to weigh th source and
to state its own position clearly and calmly. Free
men must be ready to listen as well as to speak, and
to be tolerant of every argument, every point of
view—except the argument and point of view of in
tolerance.
Editorial: “Which - - Will It Be?”
I fife --
VICTORY FOND AND COMMUNITY CM BIT
I QUOTES I
OF THE WEEK
“His mouth does not always
carry out the functions of his
brain.” — Gen. Eisenhower’s
Chief of Staff, re. Gen. Geo. Pat
ton.
“The Japanese people will nat
urally get used to the way of
democracy.” — Prince Taka
matsu, Hirohito’s brother, to
U. S. press.
“It is doubtful if any foresee
able degree of mass production
could absorb a 30% increase in
wages.” — Mark Sullivan, col
umnist.
* ________
“There isn’t enough to talk
about on the air.” — Raymond
Moley, quitting as radio com
mentator.
“Government, industry and la
bor must pull together if the un
employment period is to be short
ened to an irreducible minimum.”
—The American Machinist.
| _
“Apparently fleas, like birds,
smell their food before they eat.”
— Dr. H. L. Eder, Santa Bar
bara, Califs after experimenting.
"" i ■ ^
OVERTONES
_(BY AL HENINGBURG)_
THE D. A. R. AGAIN:
You might have thought that the unfavorable
publicity given to the Daughters of the American
Revolution when they refused to permit Marian
Anderson to sing in Constitution Hall in Washing
ton would have changed the good ladies' minds, or
that the war would have brought a new outlook.
But that isn’t the case at all, as witness the fact
that the same issue is raised about Hazel Scott;
well-known pianist. You remember that Marian
Anderson sang to a record-breaking crowd at the
foot of the Lincoln Monument, and that Mrs.
Roosevelt resigned from the DAR in protest against
their reactionary attitude. Hazel Scott is by no
means the great artist that Marian Anderson is, but
she doesn’t deserve the raw deal the Daughters in
sist on cooking-up. e
FIGHT ON USES:
On of the big gains made during the War was to
establish a United States Employment Service, thus,
ending the spotty, jim-crow direction of employ
ment b}' the several states. In the face of a con
certed drive to re-establish state direction, Senators
Wagner and Murray are introducing a bill to make
permanent the federal service instituted during the
War. The new bill stinulates that there is to be
“no discrimination.” If you have any worthwhile
contacts in Washington, now is the time to work on
them, for a return to state control of this important
service will mean that millions of Negroes will again
be by-passed on the job question, and won’t even
have a chance at referral in the better-paying jobs.
THE STRIKE PICTURE:
You don’t need to spend two hours on a bus crawl
mg up Fifth Avenue in New York City to realize
that strikes are increasing daily, and that many
more are on the way. As this is written, 61,000
striking longshoremen have tied up practically ev
ery ship in New York Harbor. A good guess is
that Mr. Truman will soon ask for an all-round in
crease of ten to fifteen percent in wages, and then
put it up to workers to stay on the job until recon
version is at least w.ell under way!
THE WORLD ABROAD
NEW YORK, N. Y.—A behind-the-scenes strug
gle over United States policy with regard to Japan
is beginning to come out into the open. The Japan
ese Premiere, Prince Higashi-Kuni, drew a sharp
retort from Acting Secretary of State Aclieson,
when he asked the people of the United States “to
forget Pearl Harbor and bury hate.” Aclieson said
that this request showed how little the Japanese
people as yet understood “the nature of their own
conduct or the mind of the American people.” He
pointed out that Pearl Harbor was “not a symbol
of American hatred for Japan, but a symbol of Jap
anese perfidy.” The Japanese Government, he
said, “will be judged by its deeds, not its words.”
Simultaneously, General Mac Arthur, stung by
criticism of alleged “soft treatment” of the Japan
ese, began to crack down on war criminals, clapped
censorship on the Japanese press and radio, and ex
plained that the terms of the Potsdam ultimatum
were far from “soft” and would be earned out to
the letter.
As against these developments on the “tough”
side, various American officers commented favor
ably upon the cooperative spirit shown by the Jap
anese. General Eichelberger, Commander' of the
Eighth U. S. Army, went so far as to say that if
things went on as smoothly as they are now going,
“we ought to have this thing cleaned up in a year.”
And General Mac Arthur himself made the startling
statement that not over 200,000 troops would be
needed for the occupation of Japan.
It became clear that some of our high-ranking
military men hold the view that the occupation of
Japan can and should be terminated in a very short
time. The reason given is that an island nation,
having lost its sea and air power, its merchant ship
ping and its overseas empire, cannot again become a
menace to the peace.
In Germany the plans apparently call for a long
occupation and a long period of probation during
which there will be no German Government or rec
ognition of German sovereignty.
In Japan, on the other hand, the Allies are appar
ently not only willing but anxious to preserve a
continuity of Japanese soverigntv, provided the
surrender terms are carried out. Quite possibly
the occupation will be shorter than that of Germany
While it is too soon to reach any conclusions, it is
not too soon to become aware of certain dangers.
One such danger is that we may repeat in Japan
some of the fatal mistakes we made in Germany 25
years ago, even though we appear to be avoiding a
repetition of those mistakes in Germany itself.
In Germany today the whole Junker class is being
uprooted by land reform, the General Staff is des
troyed, and the industrial barons have been shorn
of much of their power by the partial dismember
ment and de-industrialization of Germany. The
soil and climate have been changed. There* is at
least a chance for an eventual domeocratic Ger
many.
There is a very real danger that our present j
course in Japan may lead to the continuation of the
feudal oligarchy of Emperor, nobility and industr
ial monopolists. A particular military clique may
perhaps be destroyed but the soil and climate in
which it grew and flourished may remain unchang
ed. That is what happened in Germanv after
World War I.
That the recently reorganized State Department
is not unaware of danger was made clear by Mr.
Acheson’s comment upon General Mac Arthur’s
statement. Mr. Acheson said:
“I have no comments to make on the military as
pects of what General MasArthur stated ... I think
I can say that I am surprised that anybody can fore
tell at this time the number of forces which will be
necessary in Japan.
‘‘The occupation forces are the instruments of
policy and not the determinants of policy, and the
policy is and has been that the surrender of Japan
will be carried out, that Japan will be put in a posi
tion where it cannot renew aggressive warfare, and
that the present economice social system of Japan,
which makes for a will to war, will be changed, so
that will to war will not continue.
---—
GROWING THUNDER CLOUDS:
It’s a very long way from here to Java or to Indo
China, and you can bet we’re not getting nearly all
the news, but what we do get shows clearly that the
thunderclouds are growing darker by the day. The
French, too weak for the moment to re-establish
their stranglehold on Indo-China, have persuaded
the British to hold things together for them. It
now looks as if the Japanese have been asked by
the British to help keep the “natives” in line. And
it must be a strange sight to see Indians, officered
by white men, shooting down Annamites who want
to be free.
Censorship is tighter than ever in India, and now
it is almost impossible to get any straight news. It
seems clear though that the British plan to continue
the old game of imperialism, while they tiy to per
suade the world to believe that Hindu-Moslem dif
ferences make it almost imperative that the English
stay on for another hundred years or so.
Sooner or later, and the advent of the atomic
bomb helps to hasten the day, subjugated and ex
ploited peoples all over the earth will provoke such
a blood-letting as cannot now be imaigned. It’s
hard to imagine how western nations can be stupid
enough to go on trying to take everything away
from the “natives”, giving nothing in return, and
expect the exploited races to go on liking it.
There is by far too much fascism in this country,
but you’ve got to admit that America is the only
major power to voluntarily give up a colonial pos
WASHINGTON R. F. D.
I
ASHING TON, D. C.—President Truman is
faced with his first critical test of domestic leader
ship by the labor unrest in the industrial Middle
west.
This has been expected. Labor and management
pulled their punches during the war. Both have
accepted postwar industrial strife as inevitable.
Now they are getting ready to slug it out.
The apparent concession of automobile worker
unions to settle for less than a 30 percent increase j
in payrolls is only temporary. Labor has been!
building its case for higher payrolls for months. It
has accepted as fact that management would be out
to break the unions, as after World War I.
Labor feels that now’s the time for a showdown
on the issue of wage scales. Its strategy is to meet1
management head on while the unions have funds.
Here are the high points of labor’s casee:
(1) Wage rates increased 32.4 percent during
the war; cost of living, 45 percent. Cutting work
ers’ pay envelopes, through elimination of over
time pay and other wartime extras, will so^ drastic
ally curtail labor income that markets can’t possibly
be found to support a full production-full employ
ment program.
(2) Without overtime wage rates must be in
creased 25 percent or more to keep the economy
rolling at full speed. Unions are asking for the
same pay for a 40-hour week as they got in wartime
for a 48-hour week.
(3) )Corporations have the money to boost wages
out of profits without increasing prices. CIO pla**
A re You Keeping Up with theTimes?
Read the Greater Omaha Guide!
session, and help the people concerned to establish
their independence. That happened in the Phillip
ines, and that one fact alone shows that the great
majority of Americans actually believe in the dem
ocratic process. Our big job is to try to increase
tnat number, and at the same time out-plan and out
fight the native fascists.
SKULLDUGGERY AT WORK:
The fashion in which adults in Chicago, Gary and
New York have egged on conflict between white
and Negro students in these three cities shows that
the hatemongers of America will hesitate at noth
ing. It is almost unbelievable that men and women
in a free country would strike thus ajf; the schools,
the very center of reparation, but that is exactly
what is now happening.
DO’S AND DON’TS:
Do tach him to be tidy in his youth and he will be
come an asset to the race and the community as
an adult.
^-ir=z.=: i. itz ii ... =11- ===n^_:^_^-——
es corporate profits before taxes in 1944 at $25,000
000,000.
CIO argues that to carry them through reconver
sion, corporations have: War savings equal to one
year of average prewar profits; a government “in
surance fund” to draw on in event of low earnings
—or losses equal to eight years of average prewar
profits.
If the average wage earner had proportionate
funds to draw on, CIO argues, he would have a tot
al backlog of $10,000. Actually he has little or no
backlog.
While unions advance the case of corporate prof
its as an argument for high wage scales, economists
here say the basic justification for higher wages is
found in technological advancement.
Bureau of Labor Statistics data show that the
index of factory payrolls was about the same in
1940 as in 1920, while the labor cost of nrodtie/r.g
a unit of goods was cut in half. Output per mail
hour of work is on the increase. By 1950, BLS es
timate it r ill be up by one-third over the pre*.1 t.
In otter words, higher-wages do not necessirlv
call for ar increase in prices.
Management argues:
(1) )That meeting labor’s demands will delay re
conversion.
(2) That raising wages means raising prices.
(3) That labor threatens any chance to achieve
full employment.
(4) )That now is an unfair time to negotiate wage
scales because the industry doesn’t know what new
car ceilings will be. or whether they will be ration
ed.
Secretary of Labor Schwellenbaeh, just armed
with new powers in the hurried Presidential reor
ganization of labor agencies, is on a hot spot since
settlement of wage disputes is now in his hands.
President Truman’s promise of a more liberal
pollicy on shipping feed to Europe, even though it
may mean continued ration controls, is due in part
to terrific pressure put on the Administration bv
women’s and civic groups.
After an exhaustive study, the National Plann
ing Association concludes that war veterans are
getting nowhere in acquiring wanted farms—and
won t until more adequate credit facilities are pro
vided. The Association recommends putting rural*
credit for vets in the hands of Farm Security Ad
ministration.