The Omaha guide. (Omaha, Neb.) 1927-19??, September 29, 1945, Page 2, Image 2

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    Go To It!
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By Ruth Taylor
(by Ruth Taylor)
Peace is here at last—but if we expect peace to
solve our problems, we are in for a sad awakening.
The problems of peace are no less urgent than the
problems of war, and we will not have the high ten
sion of national necessity to weld us together.
There is no doubt that in the days ahead we will
be faced with critical situations. We will have to
reshape our lives, to readjust our plans, to develop,
in many cases, new work.
Now is the time to find out what we have learned.
Now is the time to capitalize upon our experiences
in the war years. In the cold light of peace, our
successes and our failures are made plain to us. If
in the past years we have done our job well, if we
have made our work an occasion for learning new
things and developing new skills, it will serve us in
good stead.
Sure, the immediate future undoubtedly will be
hard. But what we must do is to tackle our im
mediate problem with the same intelligence with
which we tackled our war job, to stand on our own
feet and to rely upon ourselves and our ability and
willingness to work hard at a constructive task.
Browning wrote:
The common problem, yours, mine, every
one’s, Is—not to fancy what were fair in
life. Provided it couid be—but finding
first. What may be, then find how to make
it fair. Up to our means.
We cannot spend our time wishing for things
that are not. But we can find out what we can do
best, what we can make of our lives, and then work
A Hurricane of Destruction Sweeping Across The Nation a as Tired
World is Waiting-W atching and Listening, America.
at it.
We must face the days ahead with courage, not
with repining. Is there one of us who is not grate
ful the war is over? Is there one who would not
have the struggle of peace-time living, with its
building for the future, rather than the quick money
and long hours of war-time work ?
Decide what you want out of life, decide what
you are best able to do. But remember that in
working for yourself, you have to consider your
part in the whole. No man can work for himself a
lone—and keep anything for himself. Shooting
stars always come down.
Peace is here—with its problems and its oppor
tunities. What we make of it is up to us and to us
alone. So lets go to it!
(Issued by Cross Country Reports)
New York, N. Y.—With the spectacular surren
der ceremonies on board the USS Missouri in Tokyo
Bay, and with President Truman’s proclamation of
V-J I)av, World War II came to its official end.
It was exactly six years after the German Army
had pured across the frontiers of Poland, more than
eight years after the “incident”’ at the Marco Polo
Bridge had inaugurated the Japanese attempt to
conquer China, and fourteen years since the Japan
ese seizure of Mancuria had sent the world spinn
ing toward the disaster of another major conflict.
Two days after the surrender ceremonies, Emper
or Hirohito opened the session of the Japanese
Diet. He appeared in person. He spoke of the
“cessation of hostilities”, but did not mention de
feat or surrender. A day later the Japanese Prem
ier addressed the Diet. He did not hesitate to refer
to the Japanese defeat. He analyzdd its causes at
some length. But he failed to indicate in any way
a recognition that Japan had committed a wrong in
starting the war, or even that it had acted unwisely.
The Japanese Government has now called an elec
tion in January. It acts in all respects as a con
tinuing sovereign government.
These conditions provide a strange contrast to
those prevailing in Germany, where no German
Government exists and no German sovereignty of
any sort is recognized.
Geenralissimo Chiang Kai-shek addressed an in
teresting Y-J Day message to the Chinese people.
In it he promised “to introduce democracy and con
stutionalism” and to “restore the power of govern
ment to the Chinese people.”
Unless these are empty words—and we have no
reason to suppose tha* 1nhiang’s promis
es foreshadow the end of personal dictatorship and i
one party (Kuomintang) rule.
Chiang also promised the “unification” of China
which means reaching a satisfactory understanding
with the Chinese Communists of Yenan. If the
Generalissimo proceeds promptly in the direction
of “democracy and constitutionalism”, there is a
good chance that he will be able to come to terms j
with Yenan. Hao-Tze-Tung, the Chinese Comm
unist leader, is now in Chungking conferring with
the Generalissimo.
The toughest obstacle confronting the two lead
ers is the question of what to do with the powerful
Chinese Communist Annies, which have for years
successfully defended large parts of China against
the Japanese invaders. Chiang insists that “priv
ate annies” cannot be toelrated in the new demo
cratic China. Mao will undoubtedly want to be as
sured that the new China will actually be democrat
Chairman George and the Senate Finance Com
mittee have completely rejected the Kilgore Bill,
with its provisions for paying up to twenty-five
ic and that the Chinese Communists will be treated
fairly, before he agrees to disarm and disband the
Eighth and New Fourth Route Armies.
Chiang’s treaty of alliance with Moscow gives
him the high trumps in these negotiations. If he
plays them wisely, Chinese unification may at last
become a reality.
Had President Roosevelt lived to proclaim the
victory for which he gave his life and toward which
he contributed so greatly, the world might have
been the richer for an inspirational message that
would rank forever alongside of the great words of
Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address —
“With malice toward none, with charity for all.
let us bind up the nation’s wounds.”
President Truman may lack great eloquence. He
does not lack courage or common sense.
In announcing that a large part of our Lend
Lease contributions to our Allies would have to be
written off as part of this nation’s share in the cost
of the war, the President bravely grasped a politic
al nettle. He was at once attacked1, not only by
Republican leaders, but by members of his own
party. He was accused of throwing away the bar
gaining position of the United States.
It may turn out, however, that President Tru
man's forthright facing of reality may give the
United States greater prestige and a better bargain
mg position than would a more technical insistence
upon legal rights. Actually, the Lend Lease Agree
inents with our Allies clearly state that they shall
repay only to the extent and only in such manner
as shall not “burden commerce between the two
countries" but shall ‘“promote mutually advantag
eous economic relations" and the “betterment of
world wide economic relations.”
The President is therefore not proposing to give
away any legal rights. He . is merely reminding
Congress of the meaning of its own action in carrv
ing out Roosevelt’s policy of “taking the dollar
sign out of our contribution to victory.” He is re
minding Cngress that much water has flown over
the dam since the days when an American Presi
dent expressed the sentiment of the times by say
ing: “They hired the money, didn’t they?”
A talented young relative of
mine is wearing a discharge but
ton now. and was grabbed up in
stantly by a frm of industrial de
signers. What’s he doing is work
ing out for manufacturers new and
improved designs' for about every
thing from fountain pens to air
He mentioned one household gad
-get in particular—I can’t say
what, for it’s a secret—that we all
own and have used for years. It’s
in for revolutionary improvement,
and when it’s announced we’ll 8ay,
‘‘That will make life e3sierj’’
As I look about my house, al
most everything I see seems su8
sceptible to improvement. But Ks
safe to say 8ome manufacturer has
taken a good look too, and is doing
something about it.
I feel mighty hopeful when I see
so many things to be improved on.
It means there’s a real job of
work to be done that will keep u8
all busy.
When everything’s perfect—well,
by that time we’ll have t fixed so
nobody has to work!
Business is lke a wheelbarrow—
if you don’t push it< it won’t go.
—Kreolite News.
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dollars per week to unemployed workers during
the reconversion period. George’s plan provides
for paying benefits to such workers up to twenty
six weeks, but at the prevailing state rates Hither
hail at the twenty-five dollar maximum. This
means in practice that southern workers will re
ceive much less than those in the North, and also
means that states with the largest Negro popula
tion will have the lowest guaranteed benefits.
Thus it will happen as it has already happened
with federal aid to education. Those who most
need it will have least chance of getting it. And
yet many southern politicians profess inability to
understand why Negroes and whites are still leav
ing the South in a steady stream.
Andy Jump fans are laughing this week over a
rery human occurrence, and one with which many
readers of these lines have been caught short. Andy,
in his customary generous manner, gives Min a
mink coat costing four thousand dollars, on which
he has made a down payment—of fifteen dollars.
Friend Andy smiles with the same childish optim
ism that marks people all over the country who
think they’ve bought something when they have
managed the first down payment. Pretty soon
oily-voiced salesmen of old cars and what-have-you
will be calling at your door, and if you don’t watch
out bills will mle up out of all proportion to your
ability to meet them. And then you’ll have exactly
what Min now fears most—balance due.
When you read about Tokyo Rose, born and edu
cated in America, who stoops to the low level of
playing traitor to her country; or when you read a
bout any other known, traitors, you alwaysy notice
that they happen NOT to be Negroes. These trait
ors just happen to belong to that race which up to
date has had everything its own way in these Unit
edi States.
George Meany, AFL delegate to the British
Trade Union Congress, probably had the shock of
his life the other night when Englishmen resented
his attack on the CIO and the Russian trade move
ment. A good guess is that Meany was talking on
his own rather than from a prepared manuscript,
for it is hardly conceivable that the AFL Council
would permit him to put his foot in his mouth in
that fashion. Whether George Meany knows it or
not CIO, has been the msot liberalizing influence in
the ntire labor movement in this country. And
Englishmen labor leaders don’t need any American
to come over to tell them what is going on in Rus
sia. Meany was hitting below the belt, and1 the
boos and cat-calls uj: ^iis audience must have made
him feel very mean indeed.
Not nearly enough Negro veterans are taking ad
vantage of the education benefits available to them.
Perhaps they don’t understand this business any
too well, or perhaps they want to rest up a bit be
fore tackling the serious business of returning to
school. There are probably a number of good rea
sons, but just the same there is danger in waiting
too long. Most of the men will never again get a §
chance like this, and everyone who is interested in
the welfare of the men should be quick to see this
and point it out to those concerned.
I had looked long and hungrily at several choice
cuts of meat as the butcher skillfully prepared
them for sale, but no soap—there was absolutely
nothing to be bought without points. And a wom
an of another race, whom I had never seen before
and never expect to see again said: “Well here are
some red points. Maybe they’ll help you out.”
There’ll be no more shillings and pence in Eng
land if a plan now being discussed/ materializes, for
a move is on foot to use metric standards in all
measurements. If England soon makes the change
we shall shortly see an end of feet and inches in this
WASHINGTON, DC.—Heal significance of the j
full employment bill now before Congress lies in its
recognition that full employment is a public res
ponsibiity and that a procedure for assuming it has
been written down.
Full employment, until recently, has been an un
written article of faith subscribed by progressives.
The Wagner-Murray-Patman bill makes a written
creed of this faith. It erects a frame work program
corresponding to a church where the faithful may
repair—if they wish—to translate the creed into
good1 works.
The bill does not abolish unemployment any
more than the church abolishes sin. It represents
another forward step in building a more prosper
ous society, in that it gives an opportunity to do
something more than just talk about he evils of un
Ilf the bill passes—and this is generally conced
ed—every legislative program of every branch of
the government will be tested in advance for its
bearing on full employment. It will represent a
notable change in official outlook, for full employ
ment will be a criterion for.every major official act.
The unemployment compensation bill by Senator
Kilgore (D. W. Va.,) is having heavy going and its
passage is in doubt. This is the case advanced a
gainst it:
(1) The matter should be left to the states. k
(2) It would tend to raise wage standards. Said
Rep. Knutson (R. Minn.): “If we pay a man $25 a
week for not working, how much do we pay him to
work?.It is a rash assumption that people want
to work.”
(3) “It puts a premium on loafing”. .Rep.
Dougliton, (D. X. C.)
The case for the bill is stated by Reconversion i
Director John Snyder: i
(1) The return to peace is part and parcel of I
the war. The human as well as the material costs
of transition are costs of war.
(2) Those who stuck oyallv to their war jobs
until the defeat of Japan will be hardest hit by un
(3) The country as a whole has a stake in ade
quate unemployment benefits. Prosperity de
mands maintenance of purchasing: power.
(4) )The government has provided reconversion
aid to business (tax refunds, loans, removal of con
trols^ to fanners (two year postwar farm price I
supports); to veterans (GI Bill of Rights). Whir
workers have no protection.
(5) State unemployment compensation is too
varied and too often inadequate to cover the recon
version period to be satisfactoiy.
Senator Barkley, majority leader in the Senate,
put it another way: “We passed a Reconversion
Act last year providing financial assistance to
owners of corporations and no state came in here
and claimed it was their job. The states didn’t
object to federal crop insurance or highway aid
from the federal government, or offer to take over.
But when it comes to human beings, the states
claim it is their sacred ground.”
Senator O’Mahoney (D. Wyo.) has prepared
charts to show the cost of unemployment and de
pression. They indicate that during the period
from 1929 to -1941 depression cost business $355
billion in sales. It cost workers $175 billion in wag
es; corporations $69 billion in profits; farmers $24
billion in earnings.
The Senator also has a chart on the “mass mark
et for American business! It shows that the broad
profit base for business is supplied neither by the
very rich nor even by the comfortably well to do,
but by persons who make less than $4,000 a year.
Last year’s income tax returns show that 47,000,
000 persons received less than $4,000,’ while 3,800
000 received more than that.
Concludes Senator O’Mahoney: “There is more
profit for the shoemaker in selling one pair of sho
es to each of the 47,0000,000 than in selling three
pairs to each of the 3,800,000. The best way to
make business good for every business man is to
make certain that involuntary unemployment shall
not be tolerated in America.”
Until jobs are assured for all who want them, the
employment problem will be confused by the feder
al court ruling that veterans have super-seniority
over all others. More than a two-way controversy
between veterans’ and' labor organizations looms up
Many employers privately admit their 'skilled la
bor force would be shot to pieces if the rule were
fully applied. Labor union leaders assert the rule
won’t help veterans a year hence when they will
need it most. They are sure the U. S. Supreme
Court will reverse the lower court, but not in time
to avert bad feeling.