Nebraska Newspapers

    EDITORIAL- COMMENT
Omaha, Nebraska, Saturday, March 24, 1945
Standards of Value
(A Lenten Meditation by Ruth Taylo';
A great man of letters once defined a cynic as
someone who knew the price of everything and the
value of nothing,
There comes a time when each of us must pause
and consider just what we, as individuals and as an
integral part of a great nation, hold most dear,
If we were asked what is the motto of the United
States, we would surely answer, “In God we trust.”
America gives to its citizens freedom of conscience,
not license for unconscience; freedom of belief, not
the destroyal of all belief.
For our standard of values, we have a yardstick
of common belief in the omnipotence, the omnh
science and the omnipresence of God, no matter
whether we learned our faith in cathedral, church or
synagogue. It is our common denominator. The
Ten Commandments belong to all alike.
We are a God-fearing people. We know what
our standards of value must be. They were laid
down by the Prophet Mieali centuries ago when he
said, “What doth the Lord require of thee but to do
justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with thy God.”
All three geat faiths suscribe to that yardstick.
Inasmuch as all religions are based upon the same
fundamental principles and concepts, religion
should be the means of bringing about a better un
derstanding between people, and should unite them
in comon bonds of fellowship. If, however, people
will persist in regarding religion as a source of sep
aratism and a divisive thing, their religion may do
harm rather than good. If it does, it is the fault of
the followers rather than of the creeds themselves.
They art* not following their own faith.
Dr. Bennett in, “Christianity and Our World”,
went still further when he said: “Unethical relig
ion is a far greater danger to true religion than se
cularism. It is possible to be closer to God in seek
ing what God wills while denying his existence,
than in defending an unpust order of things while
praising him.
From our own religious teaching we know what
our standard of values must be. It is up to us to
follow them as individuals and as anation.
The Common Defense
“Moral Interdependence”
(by Emerson Hugh Lalone, Associate Editor,
The Christian Leader)
Oil the eve of the American Revolution, a patriot
wrote the following words on the American cause:
“The sun never shined on a cause of juster worth..
’Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; pos
terity will be affected! even to the end of time, by
the proceedings now.”
These words fit our situation to a fearful degree.
Our “affair” is of all continents and of the whole
world. Ours too is a fateful seed-time. It is dem
cracy’s seed-time. In the thousands of communit
ies ot these United States we are now sowing either
the seeds of health and honor or hate and horror.
The fate of democracy and free religion depends on
how we sow. If the seeding be furtive ideas of dis
'trust of other men and other classes, the harvest
will be destructive of both democracy and religion.
As men and women of religion and as Americans
fighting for freedom, we are therefore called on to
wage an unremitting and resolute fight here on the
home front against the anti-Jewish, anti-Catholic,
anti-Negro stories that continue to make their des
tructive rounds in spite of our need for greater unity
now than ever before in our history. “Yes, but
aren't the Jews this or that?” Nonsense! Tragic,
dangerous, irreligious, un-American nonsense!
There are bad Jews, of course. Most Jews are fine
decent men and women. There are bad catholics.
eMost Catholics are fine, decent people. There are
bad Negroes. Most Negroes are fine and decent.
There are bad Protestant Yankee gentiles. Most
Protestants are fine and decent.
He ill serves his country and his God who attrib
utes the badness of any man to the entire racial or
religious group to which that man belongs. For in
so doing he sows the seeds of class strife.
At home and abroad we will get on with the job
successfully only as we remember and act on the
truth that our continued independence results from
intelligent and moral interdependence.
SIDELIGHT OF THE CENSUS
The 1943-44 report of the Bureau of the Census
out sometime ago, was somewhat disappointing. Re
vealing a substantial rise in the portion of the pop
ulation classified as nonwhite, it nevertheless failed
to indicate that the Negro population has risen much
above the rough reckoning of 10 percent of the
whole attributed to it in recent years.
Nonwhite includes, in addition to Negroes, Orien
tals and Red Indians, and those groups cut quite a
swath into the 14 and more million members of the
colored minority. Those persons who had ventured
to reckon the Negro’s numerical strength in the nei
ghborhood of 15 million have either got to back
down or to question the efficacy of the Census Bur
eau's methods of arriving at its estimates.
^ e are in the latter category and although our
contention has no basis in proven fact, we make it
nevertheless. We believe the Negro population in
this country is closer to 16 million than it is to 14.
Our reason for saying so may have something of
ante-bellum flavor, but distasteful as it is, the fact
remains that we are not in all things entirely remov
ed from he influence of our previous condition. It
is a regrettable truism that too many of us still dis
trust white people, object to heir “meddling”, and
just on general principle rarely tell them the truth
when questioned about our private affairs, in sub
stantiation of this, the writer recalls an incident dm
ing the last census-taking when the mistress of i
home in which 13 persons lived, blandly told the in
terrogator that only four persons lived there, turn
ing away to offer hoary advice against “telling
white folks our business”.
This incident when retold has met with a counter
part many times. Multiply that by thousands of
understandably wary Negroes and you have reason
to doubt the accuracy of the Census Bureau’s esti
mate.
It is nfortunate for the Negro if his numerical
strength is greater than it appears to be that it is not
known. For the measure of his influence is taken
in the force of his numbers.
NEW PURPOSEFULNESS
Me think we see in recent trial verdicts, both by
juries and judges, indications of new purposefulness
in the administering of justice to Negroes charged
with crime against Negroes.
The laxness of the law in this regard has become
well nigh a national tradition. In the South, Ne
groes who kill Negroes are given what amounts to
almost every consideration short of decoration fo>
ridding the community of anther* Negro. The North
while not as frankly contemptuous of the right of
wronged Negroes to be avenged, has winked off it?
responsibility with paternal alolwanee of some kind
of predication that “Negroes will be Negroes”.
Locally, we have been pleased recently to note
evidence of awakening by the courts to their respon
sibilitv toward the Negro community. In several
instances in which sympathy for some “poor, ignor
ant colored bov” has been asked, the court lias buck
ed at such deception and has sternly nsisted on de
ciding the cases on their merits.
Susceptible, as all people are, to the influence of
preponderant opinion, the Negro, as a race, has
come to hold black life very cheaply. Added to this
is the encouragement to violence furnished by frus
tration and by ignorance, which has but one sure
means of expression—action; the result is the aver
age Negro community’s high rate of assault and
murder.
Firmness in the courts will not entirely mend this
situation, but along with education and racial equal
ity, it will help.
“ONLY THE STRONG CAN BE FREE”
Before the war, a favorite topic of discussion was
the danger involved when government lived beyond
its income. In those days, a billion-dollar deficit in
the Federal budget brought cries of alarm .fro’m ev
ery corner of the nation. A thirty or forty-billion
dollar Federal debt was considered ominously big.
Now we have a debt many times that, and the ann
ual deficit is a breathtaking fifty or sixty billion.
Yet, few even bother mentioning it, and fewer still
express alarm. However, this should delude no one
into believing that the fears of former days were
groundless.
Figures now show that bank deposits, notes in
circulation and public debt in the United States,
have far outstripped similar figures for France and
Belgium, from the standpoint of percentage increas
es during the war. We think of France and Bel
gium as on the verge of financial collapse. So
where does that leave us?
The things that can save this country from the
financial plight of Europe are its natural resources
and great productive capacity. The combination of
these t\yo can develop enough commerce, enough
jobs, and enough income to support a great debt.
But we must not forget that, while our wealth in the
form of natural resources is an act of providence,
the tools to exploit those resources were developed
by enterprising men. The industries of oil, power,
mining, transportation, and farming, as we know
them in this country, came from the work and organ
ization of individuals. Because they are owned and
operated by millions of individuals, they are called
private enterprises. As long as they remain priv
ate enterprises, they will continue to expand and
grow in the future as they have in the past. If giv
en the opportunity, they will bring new strength to
America, for America is a young nation. Her peo
ple and her industries can overcome the problems of
a gigantic war debt.
Our greatest hazard is that through fear of the ef
fects of debt and inflation on prices, we will aband
on freedom in favor of permanent strait-jacket reg
uation and a planned lowered standard of living—
regulation that will lead to oppression, destruction
of private enterprise, and eventually our ability to
produce.
AA'e should remember that fear can destroy free
dom. AVe should also remember, now as never be
fore, the words of a great statesman who warned
that only the strong can be free and only the produc
tive can be strong.
SHADES OF THE UNITED STATES!
Argentina, that troublesome neighbor to the south
of us who persistently leans toward the trappings
of dicatorship in preference to the institutions of
democracy, has now decreed that there shall be no
more chain stores in the Argentine. According to
reports, the organization of new chain store comp
anies is prohibited, pending the drafting of new
reglations, and present chain stores are forbidden to
open additional outlets or make any changes in the
premises of existing stores without special permis
sion. Shades of the U. S.! This particular piece
of tyranny is not a copy of Germany or Japan. It
probably was imported from the statute books of
some of our own states. Possibly it came from cur
rently proposed, anti-chain store legislation in Con
gress itself.
For years, American politicians have harped on
imagined evils of chain stores. Pnitive tax laws in
state after state took a toll of chains, until gradual
IAews-letter |
WHAT’S HAPPENING IN |
Washington!
THREE PREDICTIONS: To keep
the home folks from backsliding
the armed forces assert war produc
-tion will be maintained after VE
day “at close to 100% Neverthe
less we repeat:
'■ Substantial cutbacks must
follow VE day. Pacific Ocean dis
tances are more than twice Atlantic
runs. When practically all current
war production goes to Pacific our
cargo ships can’t carry more than
60% to 70% of present total war
shipments. We can stockpile, but
only for a fe* weeks; before long,
there won’t be enough warehouses
to hold the overflow. So—
Very soon after VE day look for
entbacks bringing war production
down perhaps to AS l.OW AS .',(>%
of present output.
2. Do not believe statements that
Jap war requirements will not be
substantially different from those
of European war. Drastic changes
will be made.
Many contractors will receive
telegraphed 100% terminations „„
the day the military decides war in
Europe Is essentially over.
3. First cutbacks will be raw
materials, especially where surplus,
es would be embarrassing after fin
al victory. Last to be cutback will
he end-products. Contracts ap.
proaching completion are less like
ly to be cutback than those in earl
ier stages.
IiAROR POLICY CHANGES? For
difficulties in getting wage i-nrrear
es, union labor blames Fred M. Vin
son as Director of OES (Office of
Economic Stabilization), and to
some extent his immediate superior,
Justice Byrnes, Director of OWM
(Office of War Mobilization). For
political reasons, they give FDR an
out—he must concentrate on mili
tary and peace policy programs:
“too busy to know what's going on”
Vinson, now RFC chairman, is
out of way; union leaders hope for
easing of wage policies.
New appointments’ William H.
Davis as Director of OES and Geo
rge W. Taylor as WLB chairman,
are regarded by labor leaders as
“probably the best we could look
for.”
Davis has been chairman, Taylor
vice-chairman of WLB since its in
ception in January, 1942.
PAST RECORD: Board used Jan
uary 1, 1941. as base for wage ad
justments. Since then living costs
have risen 26.3%; average hourly
rates of workers who have not
changed jobs, 36.7%; average week
ly earnings, overtime included,
76.3%.
05c MIXIMl'M: Recently*ansveer
ing a query from Senator Claude
Pepper (Dem.—Fa.), Davis said he
saw no harm in classifying wages
below 65e an hour ($26 for a 40
hour week) as substandard—the
figure to which employers could
make increases without getting W.
LB approval.
Such a rate had no chance under
Vinson. He resisted even 55c an
hour minimum if employers could
not pay such wages without rais
ing their selling prices.
ON “FRINGE INCREASES”: La
bor leaders will demand modificat
ion of Vinson's last important OES
decision, setting narrow limits for
fringe war increases. Says one
labor member of WLB: "As chair
man of the Board, Will Davis sup
ported every one of the ‘fringe
wage increases* voted by the Board.
It is hardly likely that as Econom
ic Stabilizer he will change his
mind as to justice of these increas
es."
But recall that Salmon P. Chase
as Lincoln's Secretary of Treasury
declared the printing of greenbacks
a national necessity. Later as Chief
Justice of the' Supreme Court he
held such action both unnecessary ;
and unconstitutional. Ultimate |
The Omaha Guide
^ A WEEKLY NEWSPAPER Ju
Published Every Saturday at 2)20 Grant Street
OMAHA, NEBRASKA—PHONE HA. 0800
Entered as Second Class Matter March 15, 1927
at the Post Office at Omaha, Nebraska under
Act of Congress of March 3, 1879.
C- C• Galloway,.... Publisher and Acting Easier
All News Copy of Churches and all organiz
ations must be >n our office not later than 1:00
p- m. Monday for current issue. All Advertising
Copy on Paid Articles, not later than Wednesday
noon, preceeding date of issue, to insure public
ation.
< SUBSCRIPTION RATE IN OMAIIA
[ ONE YEAR . $3.00
f SIX MONTHS . . $1.73
THREE MONTHS . $1.25
SUBSCRIPTION RATE OUT OF TOWN
\ ONE YEAR . $3.80
! SIX MONTHS . $2.00
: _
National Advertising Reprcsentath'es—
INTERSTATE UNITED NEWSPAPERS. Ir.c
543 Fifth Avenue, New York City, Phone:—
MUrray Hill 2-5452, Ray Peck, Manager
GREAT AMEmum* <——*
k^e,vH
J rtnrorfrlf* AmeflCCT. IttC
responsibility has often changed
attitudes.
If Byrnes, acting for the Presid
ent, decides—as he probably will—
to keep the lid on until after VK
day, Davis may simply decline to
reverse his predecessor.
Of Taylor, new chairman, anoth
er WLB labor member says: ‘While
Taylor is tougher than Davis in
granting increases, at least there'll
now be a man in the top spot (OES
who is more likely to approve
Board orders than Vinson was.”
AFTER VE DAY, President must
face issues of ‘if and w‘hen” to re
vise wage policies. Safe bet: Little
Steel formula will not be changed
during period of high rate war pro
duction; when economy is jolted
with severe 3% to 60% cutbacks
and labor loses overtime, Adminis
tration will find way to fulfill re
peated promises that “take-home
pay must be maintained."
Reduction from 48 to 40 hours
and loss of overtime would require
approximately 30% increase in hour
ly rates to produce today’s take
home pay. Washington thinks rais
es of 10% more probably 15%, will
be granted—perhaps gradually.
JOHN L. LEWIS’ MAJOR DE
MANDS and what he will get:
1. Contract termination by eith
er party on 20 day notice:
Will be conceded.
2. Royalty pay/nent of 10c a ton
to union for use as welfare fund:
Lewis doesn’t expect to win de
mand this year: later will more
vigorously renew demand.
3. All supervisory employes ex
cept one superintendent and one
foreman per mine to be brought un
der union contract:
Lewis will not press.
i. Elimination of North-South
pay differential:
Kventually, but not this year.
5. Differentials of 10c an nour
for second and 15c for third shift:
WLB’s new “fringe standards”
will apply——must not exceed 4c for
second, 8c for third shift.
6. Vacation allowances^ now $50
maximum, to be raised to $100:
Miners will get substance of this
demand. WLH’s new ‘fringe stan
dards” permit one week’s pay after
one* year’s Service, two week’s af
ter five years. 55% of miners
qualify for two weeks’ allowance.
7. Full, instead of two-thirds,
pay for portal-to-portal:
Portal is*ue rests partly on Su
preme Court decision expected this
month—-whether full travel pay is j
required under lagc-hour law.
8. Freedom to quit work in min- j
es serving firms involved in a le- J
gal strike—secondary boycott:
Will not be granted* Otherwise,
Lewis eould dictate settlement of
every future labor dispute. He
ll ind scene* j CIO oppose**; Lewis
could use power to destroy CIO un
ions when they become invoked in
jurisdictional diMputc* with other
unions Lewis hopes to organi/.et or
with AFL unions after Lewis, re
joins.
•fc Since 1920f Great Britain has
collected and distributed $80 mil
lion through a royalty tax for wel
fare purposes (first, at 2c a ton,
then dropped to lc; now back to
2c). But this fund is ndminiMtere0
by tripartite body; employer*, un
ion, and government.
Randolph, Webster Visit
New Orleans for FEPC.
New York, N. Y. March 15 1945
A. Philip Randolph and Milton F.
Webster, International Officers of
the Brotherhood of Sleeping Far
Porters will speak at a great
public mass meeting In hte Booker
T. Washington Auditorium in New
Orleans, Sunday afternoon March25
In the interest of Bills S 101 and H.
R. 3222 for a permanent FEPC.
The meeting is being arranged by
the New Orleans Council for a
Permanent FEPC.
ly it dawned on the consumer that such demagogu
ery was undermining mass distribution at minimum
prices. Malicious attacks on chains today get a
cold reception. The public cannot be kidded any
longer into believing that chains are destructive
monopolies. They have been in existence many
years and anybody with eyes can see that the
not destroyed the independent merchant. Chains
have increased competition in distribution, and have
been a major factor in holding down and stabilizing
prices.
The people of Argentina are not as lucky as the
people of the United States. They will probably
be forced to sit by while the whimsies of their polit
ical masters decide by whom, how, and at what
price the necessities of life will be edistributed to
them.
GOOD AND BAD “CO OPS”
A United States senator says of marketing co
operatives: “Through cooperative effort a thousand
small farms can pool their interests and thereby
perform the services that might otherwise be done
by a single corporation, while at the same time they
preserve their sense of ownership and full responsi
bility upon which sound and stable government it
self depends. ’ ’
The senator’s comment illustrates the basic pur
pose of the marketing cooperative which seeks to
build individual enterprise that operates for a reas
onable profit.
Candidate: “How did you like my speech on the
agricultural situation and problems last night?”
Farmer: “Wasn’t bad, but a goodi day’s rain
would do a lot more good.”—Metuchen, N. J. Dairy
Farmer’s Digest.
DO’S AND DON’TS
» 1
C«>A*T;r«<c/STAC.
Do avoid staring at people. You make them un
comfortable and resentful—Both men and women
love to be admired, but not stared at. To make it
short—it is very rude.