SUGGESTION FOR EDITORIAL COMMENT
President Roosevelt’s characterization of the tea-pot tempest be
ing raised in some quarters over the census questions as being merely
partisan politics is an opinion that is shared by almost all newspaper
editors.
The Philadelphia Record describes the vote of the Senate subcom
mittee opposing the question regarding income as “a vote of ignor
ance.” "The census of unemployment of 1937 contained the same
question,” it says. "Questions on income have been part of the census
on agriculture for 20 years.” The Nashville Tennessean says that
before getting excited about “snooping” it would “be well to remem
ber that the idea has been largely encouraged by certain Republican
spokesmen who think it might serve to discredit the administration.
If the economic course of the country is to be approached intelligently,
there must be facts and figures with which to work. The census may
be something of a nuisance, but there is good reason for it, and the
majority of citizens recognize that fact.”
The Nation of New York says: “The American census is in many
ways a statistical model and the Bureau of the Census has an honor
able record for efficiency and integrity . . . demagogues who for
political reasons attempt to sabotage it by working on the ignorant
and hysterical deserve condemnation for their utter irresponsibilities.”
Most of the comment is in the same vein.
ror those not actuated by partisan political motives it will be
sufficient to know just why the questions were framed and how. The
question about income is for the purpose of determining mass buying
power for consumption goods and since incomes over $5,000 are seldom
so expended, it calls for a statement of wages or salary last year up to
$5,000. If the person made more he merely answers “over $5,000” or
“$6,000 plus.”
The need for such statistics was recognized by Congress in the law
for the 1937 Census of Unemployment in which a specific question
about income was asked. No row was raised about it then. Further
more, every census worker is sworn to keep all answers confidential
under penalty of $1,000 fine or two years imprisonment. Questions
about value of all property owned were asked in the censuses of 1860,
1860 and 1870 and about mortgages as far back as 1890.
Questions for the coming census were approved by leaders of
important groups and associations representing every element in
American life—business, professional, scientific, agricultural, labor
and sociological. They all “expressed particular satisfaction” with
“questions relating to migration, employment, unemployment and
economic status.”
In no other way than by obtaining information about the condi
tion of the country and its citizens through the census can Congress
legislate intelligently on problems affecting them.
Most of the persons who are raising hysterical cries about the
question relating to income belong to the class of chronic Roosevelt
hating addicts whom the question hardly affects. The only need to
answer “over $5,000.” Perhaps it gripes them to disclose their income
even thus vaguely because it gives the lie to their pretentions that
the Democratic administration has ruined and impoverished them.
THE OMAHA WORLD
HERALD’S OPINION OF
ROY COCHRAN AS GOVERNOR
Why would not such a man make a splendid
U. S. Senator?
The World Herald Says:
“Roy Cohcran can truly be said to have devoted
himself to honest public service. Politicians will tell
you that he has ignorantly neglected to build himself
a political machine, overlooking abundant opportuni
ties ; and that is true. He has been more interested in
the machinery of good government.”—Nov. 22-38
“Clearly it was only the excellence of his record,
the soundness of his policies, his unswerving fidelity
to pledges, that enabled this democratic Governor to
survive the republican tidal wave that swept Nebras
ka Tuesday.”—Nov. 10-38
“Nebraska can approach the uncertainties im
mediately ahead with confidence only in Governor
Cochran, who has made his record, makes no pledges
he cannot fulfill, and who keeps the promises he
make.”—Oct. 19-38
“Governor Cochran will be a candidate for re
election. When the newspaperment asked him for a
statement, he said simply: “I’ll run on my record’ . . .
his record-—as pretty a piece of level-headed policy as
.you will find anywhere.
It is a record of expanding state responsibilities
m welfare and relief, met with level-headed coolness.
It is a record of level-headed administration of
state institutions and agencies.
It is a record of level-headed assistance in the
solution of community problems, whether the prob
lem of building a free bridge or the problem of enforc
ing the rights of irrigators.
It is a record of sturdy resistance to the panacea
of new taxes.
It is a record of level-headed leadership of the
legislature in the new laws it has been called to enact.
It is a record that ought to be good enough for
anybody.”—March 3-38
“Governor Cochran . . . practices what he
preaches when running for office. That, too, helps
him unique among politicians.”—Oct. 26-37
“Governor Cochran has never discussed a state
issue in half truths.”—Oct. 25-38
The Senate Needs Cochran—He Keeps His Pledges
By John 0. Wood
—---.
DEWEY BEST VOTE GETTER
One of the impressive features of Thomas E. Dewey’s campaign
for the Republican Presidential nomination is the manner in which
he is winning the support of women voters.
Women’s clubs to advance his candidacy are being formed in
numerous localities. Meetings held by local workers to extend this
assistance are reported to have aroused new party enthusiasm among
women in both farm and urban communities. Women have come for
ward in generous numbers to sign petitions filed for him in the
primary states.
Resolutions endorsing Mr. Dewey’s candidacy have been adopted
by various groups in which women have been the sole or important!
participants. Straw votes and polls tell the same story: that Dewey
will have a commanding advantage in November with the women
voters who constitute about half of the nation’s electorate.
The reason, according to those following the development of Mr. I
s campaign, is obvious. Women are intensely interested in
clean, progressive government. They have been inspired by the fear
less manner in which Mr. Dewey has served the people of New York
City. Moreover, they like the forthrightness of his recent addresses.
He has dealth with national issues in simple, logical fashion. He has
consistently avoided statements open to more than one interpretation.
He has guarded against ambiguities and stock political phrases. He
has desired to have his position known, rather than concealed and con
fused.
Women have been given a place of equality with men in all the
activities of the Dewey-for-President Committee. Women were among
the most forceful and loyal workers for Mr. Dewey in his stirring
race for the New York governorship two years ago.
They are responding just as earnestly in 1940.
• * • *
Thomas E. Dewey is the best vote-getter in the Republican Party
today and that fact is recognized fully in his own State of New York
as well as elsewhere in the country. This recognition is the reason
why the brilliant young prosecutor, who campaigned so capably in
the gubernatorial campaign in New York in 1938 (he came within an
eyelash of upsetting a Democratic State machine that had been en
trenched for sixteen years) was the choice of New York Republicans
to make the race for the presidency.
It is the reason, too, for such comments as this, which appeared
in a recent letter to the Brooklyn Eagle: “Republican leaders realize
Dewey is their best bet in 1940.” ’
And this, from a statement by R. Randolph Bias, West Virginia
attorney and civic leader, in the Mingo Republican of Williamson, W.
Va.: “With Dewey as our candidate, Republicans everywhere will be
aroused and filled with confidence and enthusiasm.”
ANOTHER NATIONAL POLL FOR DEWEY
Measured by the opinion of the Republican convention delegates
who nominated Governor Alf M. Landon in 1936, Thomas E. Dewey
has a commanding lead for the Republican nomination in 1940.
This was manifested by the poll of the 1,003 delegates to'the last
convention made by Columbia Survey of Washington, D. C., on Tbehalf
of Look Magazine and published in the current issue of Look.
Forty-two per cent of the GOP delegates who met in Cleveland
now regard Dewey as the probable 1940 nominee. He was top choice
of the delegates of 26 states, which were representative of all sections
of the country.
Senator Vandenberg had the votes of 32 per cent of the 1936
delegates and obtained first place in sixteen states. Senator Taft re
ceived 19 per cent of the votes and Senator Bridges 2 per cent. Taft
led in six states.
* * ♦ *
A correspondent to the detroit Free Press, offering an “all-star
aggregation,” explains his first place choice—"For President, Thomas
E. Dewey to bring into the picture youth, hope and enthusiasm, not
to mention sound judgment, economy and integrity, and rigid law en
forcement, and most of all, if this vision is to be enacted into reality—
VOTES.”
* * * *
Ramon Runyon, the well known sports commentator, observes in
his New York Daily Mirror column: “If the Republicans were nomin
ating tomorrow, we would have to bet on Dewey. He has been dis
playing a lot of what the lads around the horse track call early foot.”
* * * *
The New York Daily News finds that Thomas E. Dewey "has had
more public life experience than Lincoln” before he went to the White
House. Lincoln incidentally won the Republican nomination two years
after a close defeat for the Senate, while Dewey has become the out
standing candidate two years after a close defeat for the Governorship
of New York.
♦ * * *
Says the Chicago Tribune; “The country doesn’t know whether
Mr. Roosevelt will or will not run for a third term, but it does know
that he does not want to run against Mr. Dewey.”
An Open Letter..
A LETTER TO THE'
NAACP
National Office 69 Fifth Ave.
New York City, N. Y.
Harry Leland
2824 N. 25th St.
Omaha, Nebraska
March 14th, 1940
NAACP Headquarters
New York, City
Gentleman:
Out here in the middle west we
are on the eve of an election, Sena
tor Edward R. Burke is seeking re
election on the Democratic ticket
he is being opposed by our present
Governor Hon. Aoy L. Cochran, a
staunch advocate of liberal but
sane policies.
We the Colored people “who are
taking their politics more serious
ly” would like for you to furnish
^us with the complete record of
Senator Burke’s action and stand
on all matters pertaining to the
welfare of our group especially the
Anti-Lynching Bill. Would be very
pleased if this information could
be sent at your earliest conven
ience.
Respectfully yours,
Harry Leland.
ANSWER TO ABOVE LETTER
Mr. Harry Leland
2824 North 26th Street
Omaha, Nebraska.
My dear Mr. Leland:
Here is the record of Senator
Burke on the anti-lynching bill,
as requested in your letter of the
14 th.
Every sincerely,
Walter White,
Secretary. ,
A RECORD IS A RECORD!
Senator Edward R. Burke made it. We didn’t. Here it is Mr Ne
f” V0°‘e;3- If you don’4 understand this after you read it, please call
WL. 3707 or call at my office 2407 North Lake St.
John O. Wood.
To Branches of the NAACP and organizations cooperating on Anti
Lynching Bill: Study and preserve this carefully for reference.
Record of Nebraska Senators NAACP stand on how How Your
on Anti-lynching Bills (1935- Senators should have Senators
1938) voted: Voted
74th Congress (S 243 1935 Norris, (R.) Burke (D)
1. April 26, 1936
FIRST MOTION TO ADJOURN N
2. April 27, 1936
SECOND MOTION TO ADJOURN N
3. April 29, 1936
THIRD MOTION TO ADJOURN N
4. May 1, 1936
FOURTH MOTION TO ADJOURN N
75th Congress (II. R. 1507)
1937-1938
5. August 11, 1937
MOTION TO ADJOURN N
6. January 6, 1938
MOTION TO ADJOURN N
7. January 25, 1938
Signers of 1st Petition for Cloture Y
8. January 27, 1939
VOTE ON CLOTURE Y
9. February 4, 1938
MOTION TO DISPLACE BILL N
10. February 14, 1938
Signers 2nd Petition for Cloture Y
11. February 16, 1938
VOTE ON CLOTURE Y
12. February 21, 1938
Motion to take up Relief Bill
Y
PF
Y
Y
NV
N
N
Y
N
Y
N
N
N
N
NV
NV
N
Y
N
EXPLANATION: Y—Yes, N—No, NV—not voting, G—general
pair (a vote paired against another Senator’s vote, without indicating
who voted for and who voted against the measure), PF—paired for,
PA—paired against.
EXPLANATION OF MOTIONS: During the bilibuster against
the Costigan-Wagner Bill in 1936, there were four motions to ad*
journ. The passage of the motion to adjourn meant displacement of
the bill.
1. Defeated, 33 for, 24 against. April 26, 1935)
2. Defeated, 24 for, 38 against (April 27, 1936)
3. Defeated, 37 for, 38 against (April 29„ 1936)
4. Carried, 48 for, 32 against ((May 1, 1936)
5. Defeated, 27 for, 36 against (Gavagan-Wragner-Van Nuys Bill)
6. Defeated, 42 for, 18 against (January 6, 1938) This vote would
not have displaced bill, but was considered a test vote.
7. Senators who signed petition to invoke cloture to closte debate.
8. Vote on cloture. Defeated, 37 for, 61 against, (two-thirds vote
needed)
9. Motion to take up Independent Offices Appropriations Bill. De
feated (62-34)
10. Signers of second petition for cloutre.
11. Vote on cloture—defeated 42 for, 46 against.
12. Vote to take up Relief Bill. The NAAC.P did not oppose taking up
the Relief Bill because its passage provided funds to feed
through WPA 945,000 Americans, white and Negro.
NEBRASKA
Senator:: George W. Norris—Party: Independent Republican— I
Term expires: 1943. Statements to NAACP concerning the bill:
NONE.
Activities against the bill on the floor of the Senate: Feb. 21,
1938: Made a speech against further consideration of the bill. Record
on Previous Cloture Votes: Service began in 1913: Signed one (1)
petition for coture (Colorado River Basin Bill 1927): Voted Yea on
three (3) previous cloture votes on other bills: Voted Nay on seven
(7) previous cloture votes on other bills. Voted Nay on both votes for
cloture on the anti-lynching, (1938)
Senator: Edward R. Burke—Party: Democrat: Term Expires:
1941: Statements to NAACP concerning the bill: May 18, 1937:
“1 have always been heartily in favor of legislation of this kind.
When the matter was before the Senate last year 1 assured Senator
Van Nuys and Senator Costigan that I would help them in every way
possible. I believe if you will check the votes that were made while
the matter was under discussion you will find that I loved up fully
to that agreement Nothing has happened since then to cause me to
change my views in any respect. It would threefore be my present
intention to support the bill actively. It would require some very
compelling arguments on the other side to cause me to change my
views."
Activities on behalf of the bill on the floor of the Senate: Record
on Previous Cloture Votes; No in Senate on previous cloture votes.
Presented by—National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People 69 Fifth Avenue, New York City June 1, 1938.
JUDGE YEAGER SHOULD BE ELECTED
Judge Yeager, who is serving as Dist. Judge at
the present time and who was Chief Deputy in the
County Atty. office for many years is now running
for election to the State Supreme Court Bench. A
position which he has been called on to serve in many
times.
Omaha should be represented on the Supreme
Court Bench. Judge Yeager deserves the vote of
every Negro in the State of Nebraska. Judge Yeager
has been fair in his service in every way for many
years to our group.
He is qualified to well represent good citizenship
in every capacity if nominated and elected to the
position he seeks.
The Dean of the Omaha University Law School,
Mr. Elmer E. Thomas, who the Omaha Guide has
known for 37 years and a man who has given his
life’s blood for the betterment of this community
says, “Judge Yeager should be nominated and elect
ed. Robert Smith, clerk of the Dist. Court who is a
loyal friend to the Negroes of this Dist. says, “Judge
Yeager should be nominated and elected.
Judge Yeager knows law, and if elected can be
depended on to administrate the law faithfully and
justice according to the State Statue to all Nebraska
citizens, regardless to race, creed or color.
EDITORIAL OPINION OF THE NEGRO PRESS
FROM REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE PUBLICITY
.. DIVISION, 718 Jackson Place, N. W. Washington, D. C.
THIRD TERM ISSUE
The question uppermost in the
minds of the American people to
day is—Will President Roosevelt
set a new precedent by allowing
himself to be nominated and be
come a candidate for a third term
as President of the United States.
There is no written law on the
statue books that prohibits any
one from running three, four or
five times as President of the
United States but there is an un
written law that says that two
terms as President of the United
States are long enough for anyone
and that unwritten law has been
adhered to by every President of I
the United States from George I
Washington down to (Franklin)
Roosevelt.
George Washington the first
and possibly the mo# popular i
President that the nation has '
known, could have easily been re
nominated and re-elected. The
same thing is true of John Adams,
Thomas Jefferson and James
Monroe, but they chose to adhere
strictly to the precedent set by
George Washington.
But after one hundred and fifty
years of adherence to the unwrit
ten law,—we find that a New
Deal President who is noted for
setting new precedents (for exam
ple, changing the Thanksgiving
date') is apparently willing to set
aside the predominating custom
as it relates to the Presidency of
the United States, to offer him
self for re-election.
And why? Does he think that
he is the only man throughout the
length and breadth of this country
that is competent to guide the
destiny of the American people?
If he does, he is mistaken. Or, has
his administration been so out
standing for good that there is
a popular demand for his service?
That, too, can be answered in the
negative.
The misery, deprivation and
suffering of millions of Ameri
cans who have been unemployed
ever since the Hew Deal admin
istration went into power in 1933
will say, as will millions of others,
that there is no popular demand
for a continuation of the New
Deal administration in this coun
try.
If this New Deal President in
sists on violating the unwritten
law of two terms being long
enough for any man in the White
House, he should be reprimanded
at the ballot box with defeat by
the largest majority that any can
didate for President was ever de
feated by.
Candidates and Issues
As Editors View Them
“Whatever the practical consid
erations of money-raising which
led to the selection of Ernest T.
Weir to head the Republican Fi
nance Committee, the choice can
not be viewed as anything but a
political blunder on the part of the
leadership of the Republican Na
tional Committee.”—Buffalo (N.
Y.) News (Ind. Rep.)
“The reports of special congres
sional elections in the Buckeye
state make one hesitate to believe
that the results there constitute
an out and out rejection of the
Roosevelt policies ... If the type of
Republican leadership that has
been given to the people of Ohio
[luring the administration of Gov
ernor Bricker is what the party
would substitute for the New Deal
then we shudder to think of the
state to which this country may be
brought in the coming four years.”
—Springfield (Mass.) News (Ind.)
“Uncle Sam has been taking a
census since 1790, In this year 1940
certain republicans—who are out
of office—have seen fit to picture
this year’s census as some sort of
an inquisition. . . . The critics come
in poor grace as they try to make
political capital out of this ques
tion, seek to muddy the water and
make difficult the tasks of those
who are engaged in doing an im
portant and necessary service.
They seem to have been somewhere
else when the sense of fairness was
distributed.”—Clarksbury (W. Va.)
Exponent (Dem.)
“Hard as it may seem to imagine
Hoover being a presidential candi
date, indications point more and
more in that direction. . . ' Perhaps
he could make a better race than
anyone else. But nothing could
emphasize the dormancy of the
GOP quite as strongly as such a
selection. That party would be
saying in effect that it is right
back to where it was eight years
ago."—Fairmont (W. Va.) Times
(Dem.)
“New York’s Thomas E. Dewey,
temporarily misplaced in Nebras
ka on the second of his political
tours, calls on farmers of the Mid
west to foreclose on the New Deal.
Well, when he talks of foreclosures
he is using a term that farm folk
know right well. And they learned
its fullest meaning under condi
tions created by the rugged indivi
dualism Mr. Dewey admires so
greatly.”—Louisville (Ky.) Couri
er-Journal (Dem.)
“We wonder why the ultra con
servatives object to answering
questions about income and outgo?
The Government wants to learn
something about the incomes of
the poor of this country. What
are the Old Tories afraid of? May
be the Economic royalists are
afraid for the truth to be known.
Who will it hurt if the govern
ment learns something about the
LOW income and NO income citi
zens?”— Arlington (O.) Arling
tonian (Dem.)
"Young Tom Dewey had bettei
stick to the practice of law. He’s
better in that field than in attempt- ;
ing to solve the farm program ,
In law it has been his record tha'
generally he traveled in a straigh i
line, and arrived at a destination!
In presenting his 8-point program*
for the solution of the farm prob
lem in Lincoln Wednesday nigh
as a part of his presidential candi
dacy, he chased himself around ii-f
circles, and at the end pulled u
perspiring, without having arrive
at any point other than from whic'
he started.”—Lincoln (Neb.) Sta
(Dem.)
“Fate's even-handed justice is rc
ported to have caught up with th
small group of United States cit
zens who moved to Nassau and b<
came Btitish subjects. From thei
they cabled orders to Wall Stree
blissfully free from income ta:
the SEC, the Holding Corporatio
Act, etc. Now the pinch has a~
rived. The British Government
taking over all their American si
curities and giving in return d>
preciated English governmei
bonds."—New York Post.
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