The Omaha guide. (Omaha, Neb.) 1927-19??, July 03, 1937, Page SIX, Image 6

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Published Every Saturday at 2418-20 Grant Street,
Omaha, Nebraska
Phones: VVEbster 1617 or 1618
Entered as Second Class Matter March 15, 1927. at the Postoffice at
Omana. Neb., underAct of Congress of March 3, 1879.
Race prejudice must go. The Fatherhood of God and the Brother
hood of Man must prevail. These are the only principles which will
imi.d the acid test of pood.
All News Copy of Churches and all Organisations must he in our
»ff, e not later tnan 6:0u p. m. Monday tot current issue. All Adver
tising Copy or Paid Articles not later than Wednesday noon, proceed
ing date of issue, to insure publication.
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Borah—What Does He Stand For?
By Louis L. Redding—Reyrint from The Orisis, March 1930
li would seem from this nnalvsis of the senator from
Idaho, that Negro citizens can place little dependence
in him a., a statesman nml none at all in him ns n man
having niiy conception of the hopes, ambitions and rights
of Negro Americans
On the 25th Infantry
In the popular mind the Constitution fs associated chiefly!
with the great rights freedom of religion, freedom of speech I
and mi^cimbly, trial by jury enunciated in the Hill of Rights.
So greatly did sedition, espionage n(nd syndicalism statutes
hedge those rights during the World War and the post-war
period of hysterica,1 chauvinism ushered in by the Legion and
the white-hooded knights of the flamingcross, that by merely
calling Attention to the existence of the Hill of Righto public
men were likely to w*in for themselves the encomium “liberal”—
always of uncertain signification in the United State*. As a
>nof<"$jod believer in the Constitution and, therefore, a “lib
eral.” Borah, <ut a mooting aiming at amnesfty for political
prisoners, in New York, in March, 1923, orated thus:
“It is the very essence of despotism to punish men for
offense for which they hays not been convicted.”
This is a commonplace of rhetor!•. It embodies a principle ipi
m any for* of civilized jimti» « mrtunity tx>:
drive lioine the implications of the principle in .the practical I
sphere has at. least twice boon presented to Borah in the Ben- 1
ate. On August 13, 1906, in the town of Brownsville, Texas, r..,
race riot occurred in which a battalion of the Twenty-fifth Reg
intent (Negro) of the United States Infantry was involved. Boon j
afterwards, President Roosevelt besmirched his reputation for
square-dealing by dismissing, arbitrarily and without) trial, the
entire vatallion,without honor, and disqualifying its members
from future military or civil service. Subsequently Senator
Foraker of Okioiutodiioed in the Senate a bill to facilitate re
enlist,nent of the dismissed soldiers. As tt eounterthrust, "SoH
ntor Warren of Missouri presented a bill requiring the men, as
a condition precedent to being permitted to reenlist, to prove
their innocence to the satisfaction of .the hostile President who
Had already judged them guilty and dishonorably discharged
them. Borah, then a neophyte in the Senate, for this was in Ap
ril, 1908, arose to speak on .the Warner bill. To the President's
inconsiderate action in punching the entire battaliom without
ascertainment of guilt, Borah gave his fl(rm approval. Said he
“There can be no question in my mind, as to the necessity of
eradicating the cancerous growth even at the expense of some
healthy flesh around.” As to the fresh injustice of the Warner
proposal, he said not a word. In His opinion, the conduct, of
the Boldiers merited short Bhriftl and he denounced it as “trea
son, not techiaally so, but morally, aggravated treason.”
In vivil camtraijt wiih his sanctioning the -dismissal of the
soldiers without trial, was his stand for Secretary Denby. By
hia own admissions, tjae lattter appeared guilty either of con
spiring with Secretary Fall, Sinclair, et tad-, in a scheme to des
poil the Government) of valuable naval oil reserves or, at fie
least, of gross stupidity apad incompetency in 'offjre. When a
resolution was offered in the Senate advising President Coolidge
“that it is the sense of Congress that the President should im
mediacy request tiie resignation of the secretary of the nanry,”
Borah vocierursly opposed it. Here he declared himself in fa
vor of “an arraingment before the proper tribunal, a trial.”
He said “In my opinion, impeachment is the only way by which
we can lawfully and constitutionally proceed in this matter.”
Of curse, Mr. Borah knew that because impeachment constitu
tionally would have to originate in .the House, which was heav
ily Republican and partisan, there was no real chance of im
peachmcntt Mr. Borah, too. mu*t have been aware of the
spaciousness ofhis argument that the Dtenby resolution was not
constitutional: itj was only an airing of the opinion of the Setr
ate, which nothing in the Constitution inhibits. The stratagem
was a transparent shield for Secretary Denby. In fashioning
this shield. Senator Borah displayed a nice sensitivity toward
a principle of justice the violation of which in the Warner mea
sure requiring the humble Negro infantrymen to prove their
innocence to a President; who had prejudged them, provoked
from him no compliment- he inveiglird agninstnassing the Denby
resolution on the ground that in doing so ,tjhP Senators would be
expressing an opinion as to the case and would tihus “unfit”
.themselves as Denby's judges if im pdaehmot should be insti
t-rm—rr . ■ „. - - - - - v
(Continued Next Week))
BROUZE Standouts £llen
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C MIC ASO. . •. «.
c 18}7 IBTItHiiAtIJilAL MgCRO Tr.VSt 1i
Mr. Ira Lewis, managing editor
of the Pittsburgh Courier, writes
mo concerning a statement in one
of my recent releases to the effect
that the Negro is no more willing
and nble today to support higher
institutions of learning than he was
fifty years ngo. This statement
arouses in his mind the query:
hither are we drifting economical
stationary, or drifting backward?
i he issue which he raises is of
suolj serous significance that » i
have decided to b.sse several re- I
leases upon It.
The regrettable split in the
NAACP was precipitated by the
unwillingness of that militant or
ganization to relax its militancy
for political and civil rights and de
vote a greater part of its attention
to economic nnd industrial well
being. Dr. \V. E. B. DuBois, who
created the growth upon which the
NAACP has thrived, insisted that
the demands of the times require
a switch from agitation for ab
stract rights t o contruct a
program of economic interest.
itiKo no iieeci wnat ye shall eat,
what yo shall drink, or where-with
all ye shall be clothed,” is applic
able only to the sanctified few who
have withdrawn themselves from
tho affairs of this world and con
secrated themselves to the spiritual
affairs of the world to come. Some
one has said that you cannot eat
the Constitution; neither can we
.eat political rights or the doctrine
of equality; but eat we must In
fact, we live in an exacting econ
omic age. The prevailing philoso
phy of our day and generation is
expressed in a nutshell—“Man ist
vasmnn isst,"—-Man is what man
eats. Our energies should be divid
ed in proper proportion between
the theoretical and the practical.
Dr. PuBois' philosophy that the
Negro should establish his own in
tra-racial economy is subject to
severe limitation. It is impossible
for any submerged minority to do
this. The Catholic in this country
cannot establish an independent
economy based on religion. Jews
never undertake to conduct busi
ness for Jews only. Women who
constitute half of our population,
would fail utterly in attempting to
establish a feminine economy. It
is only where the Negro is com
pletely segregated that he may
hope to operate small establish
meats for his own group. Evan
there, he is hopelessly out-classed
if the business world with its great
er resources and resourcefulness
should enter into competition.
To a limited extent only, the. Ne
gro is permitted to combine or
compete with the economic system;
race prejudice forbids. The effort,
several years ago, to employ col
ored clerks and salesman in stores
operated by Jews in Negro dis
tricts in Chicago, has succeeded to
an encouraging degree; but the Ne
gro nowhere has the ability to
“beat the Jews" tn catering to his
own needs and necessities. It is only
where the white man’s race pre
judice and pride do not permit him
to conduce Negro business that the
Negro makes considerabe headway.
The Negro barber is the most suc
cessful business man in the race
because the white barber does not
deign to compete with him. like
wise the Negro undertaker enjoys a
large measure of success for the
same reason; but even in these
lines the Negro performs the mani
pulatory end of the business, equip
ment and supplies are furnished
by white dealers.
Negro business almost always is
limited to sumptuary pursuits such
as catering to the appetite or de
corating the person. He rarely en
gages in general business, such as
drv goods, hardware, furnishing
and general supplies.
If any large Negro congregation
in New York, Philadelphia, Balti
more or Chicago should give their
[pastor $200 to equip himself from
hat to shoes and from overcoat in
ward, stipulating that he must deal
with members of his own race only,
he would haVe to return the money
unexpended. This illustration pic
torializes the actual business back
wardness of the race.
By reason of his lack of resour
ces, and experience, he is wholly
unable to compete with aggrega
tion of capital as required by the
syndicated and the chain stores. As
the bulk of our business is absorb
ed by the syndicated enterprises,
the Negro is eliminated from the
process. A few decades ago any
person with a few hundred dollars
could open a grocery store busi
ness and make a living for himself
and family, but this is no longer
so, since the grocery business has
become organized and syndicated.
The Negro’s only hope is to induce
chain stores to employ Negro clerks
in neighborhoods catering exclu
sively to Negro customers.
I used to believe, and still hope
to a degree, that the Negro will
find opportunity on the farm as a
self-proprietor, but since the farm
ing industry has become so belitt
led and hardpressed, the Negro's
chances even in this field arc ra
pidly dwindling. If the cotton picker
should prove successful, the, Negro
would be excluded from the only
occupation in the South m which
he nas an indispensable plaoe
I not wish to paint the picture
more gloomy than the facts before
us. Tne Negro is essentially a
handworker and a day laborer, de
pendent more anl more upon large
aggregation of capital and indus
trial organization. No immediate
hope of escape for this is seen as
long as race prejudice which has
become a part of the masses of the
American people operates with pre
sent degree of severity.
The postoffice department does not permit the delivery
of papers to delinquent subscribers. If your payments are not
up to date, please mail or bring amount due to The Guide office
or call WEB1517 for representative: Your cooperation will be
greatly appreciated' TSie Management
1 Testimony of H, J. Ford at Labor
Committee Hearing on Connery
Black Wage-liour Bill-June 14
We believe that the sponsors of
the wage-hour bill now under con
sideration were actuated by desire
to do the greatest good to the
greatest number of persons, and
not to willfully do harm to any
class or group of American citi
zens. But in their zeal to do good
they have overlooked a condition
which will operate to tho disad
vantage of the minority group in
our midst—the Negro worker. We
arc hopeful, however, that in call
ing your attention to the defects
as we see them it will make pos
sible such changes that will ren
der the bill fair to the minority
group without affecting its lofty
purpose, if this is possible to do
it isn’t so much what the bill says,
but the things that the bill fails to
say are the things that hurt. We
are, thwefore, registering our ob
jection to the bill in its present
form and suggesting several rem
edial changes for your considera
tion. General Hugh S. Johnson in
a recent article) characterizes the
bill as "a mess of words obscuring
the absence of any standard, and
limit or any rule at all—and a
oomplete passing of the busk to a
board with plenary power.”
With the purposing of so stabil
izing the wage level that the liv
ing conditons of the working peo
ple of America will be improved,
the bill should demand the general
support of Jhe masses, but the man
ner in wMch these ends are to be
attained well concerns the vari
ous criticisms directed against it
by those who have taken time to
study the provsions of the bill in
its present form.
Custom, actuated by prejudice
and race hatred, has decreed a low
salary for the Negro worker. As
a result, Negroes in large numbers
inhabit tenement houses and alley
dwllings. A proven economic theory
is that slums, tenement houses and
alley dwellings are the result of
low wages* Section ,V-(a) of the
i reposed bill empowers a Board in
establishing a minimum wage to
■ take into account the cost of living,
which would lower the wage level
of the above-mentioned Negroes,
whose living conditions are al
ready low because of low .jvages.
This provision should bo stricken
from the bill. The stabilization of
wages should tend also to stabilize
living conditions and not penalize
the poor by keeping them poor
Every Negro who works will be
affected unsatisfactorily, except in
a few cases in the extreme North.
In the servioe trades exempted
which number ovor one half million
according to a Census Bureau com
pilation hundreds of thousands of
Negroes are employed and of
course, received a low salary. The
wage and hour stabilization of the
proposed bill will naturally cause
an increase in price of the every
day necessities of life. Workers in
these exempted trades and millions
in the agriculture group, will be
hard hit by an increase in price and
no increase in wage.
Section V- (a) further states
that in establishing a minimum
fair wage the Board shall take, into
account “all other relevant circum
stances affecting the value of ser
vice or class of service rendered-”
This clause could be stretched to
cover anything the regional advis
ory board might care to recommend
and our experience with some lo
cal advisory boards cause us to
look forward with alarm to what
might happen to Negroes In the
lha same section empowers the
Beard te classify employees in es
tablishing a fair minimum wage.
This clause could be used to place
Negroes and white men doing the
same kind of work, in a different
classification with the Negro, of
course, receiving a lower salary.
Could the Negro enter a grocery
store and state his classification
and get a loaf of bread cheaper
than his white co-worker? We sug
gest that the bill so read that no
classification be made because of
race or color of the worker.
Concerning the Labor Standards
Onfers, Section 12-(C) a labor or
der may contato such terms and
conditions as the Board may eon
'*»!«:• necessary or appropriate to
prevent the established minimum
wage becoming the maximum wage
and to prevent the discharge or re
duction in wages of employees re
ceiving more than the established
minmum wa^e. We suggest bn
amendment to prevent the dis
charge of employees receiving less
than the establshed minimum wage.
Their lack of ruling in NRA caused
many Negroes in the South to be
discharged rather than pay th«ea
the established wage.
We suggest that there be no geo
graphical or sectional wage differ
entials or no employee class dif
ferentials based on race or color.
A fair standard wage should not
1*» based on hourly wages. The
wage will make it possible for em
ployers to reduce the hours per
week to fit an desired weekly or
monthly salary. We suggest that
as a substitute, there be a mini
mum annual pay rate
t 1
iFrom iMy Den *|
By S. E. Gilbert
In keeping with my belief as a
DEN DWELLER it is with plea
sure that this week ,1 relinguish my
pen and ink to youth and thus I
bring to you the prepared annual
address of Henry Levells, President
of the Critic Chib, an address upon
the subject of ‘Sacrificial Service.'
acrifical Service
Youth should dream dreams and
see visions, but to stop there is
but to fail miserably. There is no
thing wrong in building castles in
the air if you have cords strong
enough to bring them to the ground
and to tie them there. In Athens
there was a temple called Honor,
built of polished marble, wide and
high and noble. The floor mirrored
the dome resplendent with gold,
the whole an inspiration and a song.
Every Athenian youth desired to
enter this wonderful edifice, but
there was but one entrance and
that through another temple called
Virtue. Unlike the temple of Hon
or, the temple Virtue was low and
narrow. Whoever would enjoy the
beauties and glories of honor must
undergo the hardships of virtue.
The lesson is plain. There is no
royal road to success, although
success itself is royal. The lone
missionary ministering to the piti
able leper colony of the South Sea
Islands, the watchful sentinel pac
ing his icy beat ‘mid Alpine frost,’
the faithful and zealous physician
pressing his way through the dark
and black night to save the life of
a humble peasant, alike with others
in every walk of life who forget
self and suffering for humanity’s
sake are shining examples of the
truest and noblest service. Not for
gold nor sounding brass, not for
purple nor glittering tinsel, not for
praise nor hollow flattery; but for
the sake of Him who so loved us
that He gave His life for us, while
we were yet Hts enemies, are we
constrained to make the supreme.
Some have failed because they
feared to die. Life with cowardice
and compromise is to be despised,
while the death of the martyr for
truth and righteous has been the
dream and goal of the world’s im
But let us leave the dome, sun
crowned and beautiful as it is and
examine that timber which is the
very foundation of the building
No building such as we have in
mind can be quite so strong and
grand as we desire without some
where in its foundation rests an
other timber, visible and solid.
We speak of love of our organiza
tion—Patriotism it is called. The
winds that blow, the rains that fall,
th* sunshine and the snow, the
skies that smile or frown in turn,
forest and field, beach, brook, or
dale, paved street or grassy sod,
whatever there may be, where the
eyes of infancy first open to the
light, that place called Home is the
dearest spot in all the world. Rocks
and surfs, jungle and desert, ice
cliff and burning sand may defy
us, but we rejoice to contend with
them. Inequalities and injustices
may trammel us but we tear them
asunder; prejudice and discrimina
tion may confront us, we may be
cast, down but never overwhelmed,
So let us examine the walls of our
building, may its foundations for
ever rest on truth and may its vo
ice fail not to be heard.
- from-—I
The Omaha Guide with this issue
begins publication of a brand new
weekly feature, “The Low Down
from Hickory Grove," by Jo Serra.
We have been looking Jo over the
last few weeks and like this way
he says thing and believe eur read
ers will thank us for the privilege
ox Jo’s homely philosophy, even if
they might not always agree with
We asked Jb to tell us something
about his own history or record or
whatever he might call it, and he
sent us the following:
“The boss says to me, Jo, he says,
maybe somebody will happen to
have a little time on their hands,
and will pick up the paper and may
be read one of your writings so it
might not be a bad idea if we told
'em something about where you
come from and who you are and
why, and etc. So I says sure, I’ll
tell you everything. I like to please
people, so if the boss or anybody
else wants to read what I’m goin’
to say, why, doggone, I’ll feel good
about it.
“I recon, I’d ought to kinds’ start
in and tell you where, I was born,
so I’ll tell you. I was raised there
on a farm in Illinois—wore boots
and waded mud to Hickory Grove
school in the winter time and had
a slick time all summer goin’ bare
“Well, after awhile I moaiod out
there through Texas and California
and then to Kansas, and before I
woke up, I was married to one of
those gals out there in Topeka.
Then I had to really go to work.
You know though, I gotta’ admit
that I wouldn’t even have got to
first base if it hadn’t been for this
here gal. Here’s how it happened.
I got to scribblin’ stuff around on
the baoks of envelopes and places,
and one day the Mrs. she picked
up one of these goofy things and
didn’t have anything else to do, so
she dun ‘er off on the typewriter.
Mrs. Jo is a slick typist and also a
slick cook, too.
“Well, this stuff she copied got
printed pome place, somehow or
other old envelope with my writin’
other and then she nuntod up an
on, and copied it too. That’s how
this stuff got started. So, any head
way I’ve made, well, the credit be
longs to this here Kansas gal. Any
guy that wants to write, all he’s
gotta’ do, is just get himself a wife
who’s a steno and can read writin’
that you can’t read yourself after
it’s cold, and you are all set.
“Now, since you all know every
thing about me, I’d bo plumb tick
led to have you all write and tell
me about yourself too, just like I
been tell in’ everything about my
own self. But before I finish up, I
want to tell you about my politics.
My mother she was one of these
here Republicans just like my
grandfather, and my father he was
from Indiana, so of course he was
a burnt-in the cork Democrat. Then
this gal I married out there in To
peeka and I still have her, and two
boys and a daugnter-in-law, this
gal was a Populist.
“So I’m kind of a merger or
something or a blend maybe—
kind of a Democrat-Populist-Re
publican hybrid, as you might say.
So if any of you can figure out
what my politics might be, I wish
you’d write me about that too,
‘cause I' kinda up a tree myself.
“Yours, with the low-down,
Jo Serra"
Drink Pepsi-Cola
A few bottles of Pepsi-Cola in
your ice box, chilled, ready for ser
ving, will make entertaining easy,
because Pepsi-Cola is a popular
Pepsi-Cola is a beverage that
children as well as adults can en
joy, and it won’t overtax you pocket
book. You will find it most eco
nomical. The big, double-size, 12
ounce bottle costs only five cents.
You can be sure of its purity,
quality, and fine rich flavor. The
delicious coca flavor, combined
with sparkling life, makes it a fine
drink at any time.
It’s just right with pretzels, pop
corn, sandwiches, or cookies. Ask
for it by name.
Pepsi-Cola is not to be confused
with any other beverage. Pepsi
Cola has been sold continuously for
more than thirty years.