The Omaha guide. (Omaha, Neb.) 1927-19??, September 26, 1936, CITY EDITION, Page TEN, Image 9

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Published Every Saturday at 2418-20 Grant Street,
Omaha, Nebraska
Phones: WEbster 1517 or 1518
Entered as Second (’less Matter March 15. 1027, at the Postoffice at
Omaha. Neb., underAct of Congress of March 3, 1879.
Race prejudice must go. The Fatherhood of God and the Brother
hood of Man must prevail. These are the only principles which will
•tand the acid test of good.
All News Capy of Churches and all Organizations must be in our
office not later than 5:00 p. m. Monday for current issue. All Adver
tising Copy or Paid Articles not later than Wednesday noon, proceed
ing date of issue, to insure publication.
Paid On Account
“A housewife attempting to make both ends meet from
her husband's $20-a-week pay check must disburse $5 out of
that $20—one fourth of it for taxes direct or indirect—seen
and unseen,” says a recent survey.
This will probably come as a shock to persons in the snmll
inconie bracket many of whom are laboring under the delusion
that they are entirely tax-free, because they pay nothing in
direct taxes but the figures are irrefutable. American cor
porations pay taxes of more than $2,000,000,000 a year, in ad
dition to corporate income taxes, which totaled nearly' $500,
000,000 in 19dd. Wholesalers and retailers of goods are also
heavily taxed. And every cent of that tremendous tax bill is,
in effect, simply “paid on account’’ for individuals by the man
ufacturers and others.
In other words, business pays the bill to government—and
then business passes it on to the people by adding to the cost
of every commodity and service it sells. Business couldn’t do
otherwise if it wanted to. It can’t raise money’ out of thin
air, or pull greenbacks out of a magician’s hat. Every cost of
operation whether it be rent, supplies, wages or taxes—must
come out of the pockets of people who buy its products. When
you buy a loaf of bread or an automobile, go to a movie or pay
your rent, drink a glass of beer or ride on a street ear, .part of
the money you spend goes to reimburse the enterprise involved
for the taxes it lias paid the government on your account. Ami
the higher taxes soar, the more you must pay. You can’t beat
the bill you “owe” the government.
So if you’ve fallen for the ancient fallacy to the effect
that “The rich pay all the taxes, and the poor get all the ben
efits’of government free,” think again!
- I
Another Taxpayers Nightmare
. r . -
An echo from the old Non-Partisan days of South Dakota
Teeently appeared in the press. The state sold its coal mine at
Haynes, No. Dak., whieh was one of the few remaining relies
of the greatest and nu>st disastrous state-ownership programs
ever instigated by an American commonwealth.
Since 1919 the state had put nearly $195,000 into the mine in
legislative appropriations. The property, inclining equipment
And some coal, was sold for $5,500 cash.
t The superintendent of the mine said that the property’s out
standing debts would absorb the $5,500 and leave a deficit of
about $3,000. No part of the legislative appropriation** for the
mine were ever paid.
No comment on this is necessary. It is just one more example
of the fact that the dream of stfete socialism usually becomes a
taxpayers’ nightmare .
I - - The Women Take A Hand
The American Federation of Women’s Clul>s recently pastv
ed a resolution recommending that public officials make a thor
ough survey of the results that might be expected from the so
called Patman anti-chain store bill, now pending in the Senate.
A member of the federation expressed the opinion that passage
of the bill in its present form would increase the cost of living
by $750,000,000 a year.
Th motives behind punitive or class legislation of any in
dustry m.ay be praiseworthy. But unprejudiced experts are of
the ouinion that its direct effect is generally a blow at the con
sumer .If independent merchants were in danger of extinction,
as anti-chain store agitators elatim, legislation to limit competi
tion at the expense of the consumer might be justified. But sta
tistics show the independent merchant is holding his own in
competition with the chains, is progressing, and in many instan
ces, has been able to outdo the chains in lowering price's, moving
goods rapidly and otherwise serving the public interest.
Anti-chain store agitation tending to prevent distribution
of goods more cheaply to the public, is oai a par with attempts
to prevent modern engineering and sales methods from contin
ually giving better and cheaper automobiles to the public, on
the theory that antiquated machines and factories would thereby
be injured. Legislation to prevent progress or subsidise ineffic
iency, uirder whatever guise it is passed, is bound to increase the
■cost of every necessity, as well as luxury, and thereby reduce the
public purchasing power.
It is certainly possible to make merchandising competition
fair and reasonable without making the struggling consumer
pay through the nose. The women are right in demanding infor
| Don’t Boil In Oil
The National Board of Fire Underwriters reports that pe
troleum and its products constitute one of the leading causes of
America’s disgraceful firo loss. Many oil fires which destroy
property ami injure or kill persons, occur in homes.
Such fires are almost completely avoidable, and the obser
vance of two simple rules will practically eliminate the hazard.
First, use oil burning equipment that bears the approval of the
j Underwriters’ Laboratories—-approval that is given only to ap
paratus measuring up to a very high standard of safety. And
seeond, take the utmost eare in handling and storing oil.
The use of oil range burners, portable stoves and central
heating systems, lias naturally resulted in a great increase in oil
storage faeilities on domestic premises. In the absence of suit
able regulations, numerous make-shift arrangements have been
resorted to,and the nature of these frequently) creates danger
ous hazard's. Oil is often stored in a manner that permits it to he
exposed in the air—where it gives off an inflamable and ex
plosive vapor. The only safe way to store oil, if you lack a prop
erly constructed underground tank, is in a drum of the kind
used hy the oil industry. When possible, this drum should be
Located outside the building. If it is located inside, it should he
securely fastened to prevent it from being knocked over.
The greatest of all oil hazards is created by small oil heat"
era, because of the great number in use, the faults of construc
tion found in many of them, and the fact that they are portable.
Such heaters should invariably be filled outside by moans of an
oil can having a screw cap on the spigot. They should never be
filled while the wick is lighted.
Oil heating equipment, properly used, is a valuable domes
tic servant. Improperly used, it is a constant danger to life and
property. Don’t take chances when safety can he so pasily at
With Italy’s proclamation of sovereignity over Ethiopia,
the last independent kingdom in Afric-a seems to have passed
into the limbo of history. It long ago became apparent that the
European powers which threatened Italy with strong reprisal*
if she went ahead in Ethiopia, were bluffing.
The big question is, What effect will this have on the Lea
gue of Nations? Th,, League wants to keep Italy as a member
because of the German problem—it needs the hip of al th old
Allies if Hitler is to he held down. And Mussolini isn’t at all
backward ulnnit saying he will quit the lyeague cold if it at
tempts to hamper him in Ethiopia.
On the other hand, League prestige is going to suffer ter
rificially if it accepts the status quo, and lets a big power swallow
a little one. Little illations are tine backbone of the League—but
they won’t be enthusiastic for it long under these circumstances.
Success, As Defined
by Dr. C. C. Spaulding
Durham, N. C., Sept. 16—(C)
—Dr. C. C. Spaulding, head ol
the largest Negro business in
America, in a special statement
to his co-workers, defined f‘Suc
cess” as follows: When t>he
history of North Carolina Mut
ual Life Insurance Company is
written, one of the main rea
sons for its success will be
found to be plain, old-fashion
cooperation throughout its
field, home office, and official
personnel. Thirty-seven years
age, wnen the company had on
jly three directors and one clerk,
^it decided to operate the com
pany on a basis of each under
standing the other’s viewpoint,
and, further, to understand
what each was doing. Today we
have a staff of nearly one
thousand, all. thinking and
working as cooperatively as
you will find in any organiza
tion, regardless of race.
I We started out with the un
derstanding that cooperation
brings about organization, or
ganization brings about success,
and success bring about confi
dence. In this North Carolina
Mutual has set a standard that
might well be emulated. Too
often corporations have failed
for the lack of an understand
ing, based on honest intentions
on the part of every person
There can be no lasting co
operation without mutual con
fidence, and there can be no
lasting confidence unless all are
agreed on honest, unselfish
principles. If w> will continue
to cultivate the spirit of coop
eration, there will be no limit
to the amount of business we
can acquire and the genuine
service w<» can render an un
der privileged group.’’
By Arthur B. Khinow
(For Tlie Literary Service Bureau)
By Arthur B. Rhinow
(For the Literary Service Bureau)
Deep Principles
“If a man who had attended the
city schools, even those of higher
learning, were forced by circum
stance to live in the country, and
he w)>uld still be 'able to use his
education, I would call him an ed
ucated man.’’
So said a neighbor of mine in
the woods, and as I weighed his
words I found his idea arresting.
I suppose he meant to say that if
the student had learned by prin
ciple instead and not by rote, prin
ciples that could be applied under
any circumstances, he could claim
to be an educated man.
True. And if a man if not a man
of culture anywhere. He may have
•polish, but not culture. At the fun
eral of a certain minister who had
retired and lived in humble cir
cumstances in the country, one of
the speakers said of the deceased,
“He was a gentleman even in over
alls.’’ Culture is deep, and some
brands are generations deep.
And religion. If we cannot live
our religion everywhere, we can
not live it anywhere. Religion must
be deep to be true. The precepts
that were instilled into us when
we were children, become pools of
stagnant sentiment in later life,
unless we try to direct them into
the deeper channels of our being
where the soul prays more without
words than with words; direct al
so into the channels of daily life,
so that we become more religious
the more we live and wherever we
Catholics Have
Howard Scholarship
--- i
Washington, Sept. 26—(C)—
Arc/hie T. Lecesne of New Orleans
and Vincent R. Malveax of Gal
veston, Tex., classmates at Xavier
university, are at Howard Law
School this year on a scholarship
provided by the Knights of Peter
| Claver.
!; AND l
by A. B. MANN
By . B. Mann
(For the Literary Service Bureau)
Goodness vs Greatness
The saying “It is better to be
good than great” is commendable
but it is fallacious. The fallacy lies
in the misinterpretation of great
ness. The meaning intended bo be
conveyed is that it is better to be
good than to be accounted great,
or than to be great according bo
the world’s standard of greatness
which includes wealth, high posi
tion, fame, popularity and ap
Though the thing in the cate
gory above do not constitue great
ness, nevertheless it is better to
be good than to be able to boast
such distinction. But the fact is no
one who is not good can be really
great; there can be no real great
ness without innate goodness. And
it is better far to be good than to
have any of these. It is better for
tihe individual and better for the
world which he influences by hia
attitudes and by his actions.
Bjr R. A. Adams
(For the Literary Service Bureau)
“Tired of life,” and want to die?
“Tired of life?” Pray answer why,
When there’s so much to be done.
Ere the time of setting?
“Tired of life?" Perish the thought
When each passing day is fraught
With great opportunity
To advance humanity!
“Tired of life?” Never again
To such thought give utJt’ranoe,
Duty loudly calls to you,
And there’s so much you can do!
“Tired of life?” Answer, “Nay,
But go forth and, day by day
As may Duty thus impel,
Act your part; and do it well!
HowTo Manage Our Political Lives
Col. Arthur W. Little © 1936
To the Colored Group of America,
My friends: The Colored Italanee
of Power Party of America lins a
great opportunity to serve its country
this year, and a grave responsibility.
Suppose we call upon the wisdom
of Bismarck—to show us the way.
Bismarck told us that: "Politics is
the science of the attainable." c
All right—the days of miracles are
not with us just now—Aladdin's lamp
is not working this season—let us try
out our strength by seeking something
that is attainable.
No little speculation lias been going
on over the question: "Will the Col
ored Voters Bolt Again?" I have re
ceived quile a mail upon the question
as to whether or not 1 wjjuld help to
organize a bolt of tlie colored voters
(as I did in 1932) or whether I
would make an effort to bring the
Colored Voters back to the G.O.P.
The general public, or a part of it,
appears to have an entirely erroneous
impression of my political relation
ship to the Colored Group.
1 am no boss of the Colored Voter
Group. •— * "
I couldn't be if I wanted to be.
I wouldn't be if I could be.
The convulsion of Colored Voters
going over to ltoosevelt in 1932, fol
lowing my speech on the subject of
the case of the appointment of a Mr.
Montgomery, of Mississippi, to be
United States Marshal—and the pub
licity in the Colored Press following
that speech—together with the record
of defeat of the appointment for con
firmation in the United State Senate.
That didn't mark me as a Boss, or
even as a leader. That merely marked
the Colored Voters of the Nation as a
right-hearted people.
1 carneil the news to them ot the
affront to tlieir womanhood.
1 was but little more than a re
'l'he case of the New York Mayor
alty election df 1921—where John P.
Ilylan (a Democrat) carried every
election district in the 19th and 21st
Assembly Districts against a record
of no election district ever having
gono Democratic in that community
before, in the entire history of New
York polities—that didn't mark me
as a boss.
Our regiment needed an armory.
We were drilling in the streets. We
had returned from Prance with a
Croim da Ouerre on our Flag, but we
had no roof over our head. I merely
led in the worthwhile crusade. The
Colored Voters themselves—did the
We have had other political suc
cesses, too—never just for the feel of
political strength; but as a demon*
Stratton, in a way, of ichat could la
dona with proper, intelligent and
moral use of “Balance of Power,'’ if
and when the March of Tima should
ever poipt the undisputed duty of
using that power to—SAVE TELE
The manager* of both-tof all— par
tic* want to know If you will bolt?!
You have no party allegiance from
which to bolt.
Insulted in convention by the Dem
ocrats and cheated in convention by
the Republicans, you are as much a
political party of nomads as is A1
You are completely outside the
breastworks of party affiliation. Y'ou
are completely free from party obli
gation and allegiance.
Your Balance of Bower, however,
is not free from obligation to your
Use that power with conscience;
but do not fail to use that power.
Never again lower the dignity of
your great race—never again belittle
tha majesty o£ the claims to consid
eration of those comrades of ours who
made supreme sacrifice in war—“To
Make the World Safe For Democ
racy"—by begging the Congress of
Our Republic—begging almost with
hat in hand—to devise ways and
means in this “Land of the Free and
Homo of the Brave”—to protect indi
vidual citizens of your group from
being murdered or, even officially exe
cuted witliout trial, and, fair trial.
Ask no favors in such a field!
And back your demands, with the
Balance of Power that is yours—back
your demands the very day that you
can make up your minds to become
Group Conscious AND GROUP
Wlmt is it to you-r-whether Thomp
kius or Vann heads the Colored
Bureau in the coming cumpaign?
What is it to you whether Cobb or
Scott sits on the bench in Washing
ton V
>\ hat is it to you whether De
Priest or Mitchell represents Cook
County of Illinois in Congress?
What is it to you whether Lyon,
Moore, or Charles Mitchell as Re
publicans or Lester Walton as Demo
crat, serves as Minister to Liberia?
What are any such worldly issues
of merely personal importance—what
are they to you—as compared to civi
lisation's disgrace in this continued
persecution known as the Scotts^
borough Case? ■
What are any of these petty polit*
cal tricks, set-up and kept alive by
schemers who graft—to keep your
Group divided—compared to the
nightmares of writhing bodies of hu
man beings with black skins—writh
ing in agony at the torture stake?
What information and assurances
do you feel that you must have this
year from the candidates seeking your
votes—in order to make ypu feel justi
fied either not to “bolt,” as the Re
publicans like to put it—or to remain
“bolted’’ ns the Democrats might
Well—there are issues a-plenty.
The more issues we discuss, how
ever, the greater the danger against a
successful development and mainte
nance of Balance of Voxccr.
So—I suggest—to make a test case
this year. Center on just one issue.
Conditions have never before been so
• .—
ripe for a test. If you ean succeed, >
this year, then your dream of political
and social equality is on the way!
Stake everything, this year, on the
itsue of—LYNCHING!
There are two reasons for that—
two reasons of political strategy.
First: There will be no opportunity
upon the part of prejudiced people to
hide behind the excuse of misunder
standing. There will be no oppor
tunity for candidates for national of
fice—Congressmen, Senators, Presi
dents, or Vice-Presidents—to lend you
out on false trails, and fail to discuss
with you—and to promise to do for
yon—the things that are nearest your
The second strategic reason for not
dividing the issue is that it seems to
me, judging from the activities of the
past few years of all organized asso
ciatioas of the Colored Group, that
that issue of lynching has loomed up
as the fundamental issue that must
be cured and cured permanently, in
serving the rights of citizenship of the
group which were supposed to have
been served in the adoption of the
13th, 14th ami 15th Amendments.
Choose the battle ground yourselves
•—and get this horrible picture of in
justice straightened out.
Doctors tell us tha't they can’t do
much of real cure for disease until
they find the cause of the disease.
Good! Let us insist upon a search
for the cause of Lynching of colored
The people of prejudice of our
country, and the people who don’t
know.or who don’t think, will make
prompt answer to that question when
asked—by saying: “LYNCHING is
the unwritten law qf punishment for
Well, people who do know or who
do think, have a very firm impression
that: “LYNCHING ia the unwritten
law of punishment for RAPE of a
Unite on One Outstanding Issue
Unite to Abolish the Curse of Lynching
r^n’t Beg for Equality—Aim for Leadership
We have never taken the trouble
or exercised the fairness of spirit to
get that point well established in the
public mind.
Until we do get that point estab
lished, the Colored Group will have
to bear the burden of disgraceful
reputation for racial degeneracy—and
suffer the contempt and distrust of
the civilized world.
Now, I do not believe that the
crime of rape has anything to do with
racial weaknesses. It is nothing but
an individual weakness or sinfulness;
and this racial reputation has been
set up for selfish purposes by preju
diced people.
I served about two years during the
war in daily close official contact with
a total of about 6,200 colored men.
Suppose we try to establish a picture
of units of temptation and oppor
tunity by assuming that if the racial
standard of degeneracy were aS some
would have us believe, then there
would be at least one unit of tempta
tion and opportunity per day for each
day of those two years, and for each
one of those 5,200 men.
Such a calculation may well be said
to be in the field of Reductio ad Ab
surdum. Never-the-less, we who have
studied Geometry, have been taught
the value of Reductio ad Absurdum
as a means of establishing something
as utterly ridiculous. So, let us use
it new for an instant and we shall
find approximately four million units
of temptation and opportunity as hav
ing been open to our men during our
war service.
I suggest that you demand of each
and every candidate for nutional oliice
in the coming election a pledge to
vrork to the full limit of his power for
a real, searching Congressional In
vestigation (with all the funds needed
to conduct it) to determine officially
all there is to know about rape in this
country duriug the past five years.
Let us find out by states how much
rape comes to the notice of police and
hospital authorities. Let us find out
wht> does it—that is, what races and
what social strata. Let us find out
ns to the proportions of contributory
negligence—the proportions of statu
tcyy rape. Let us find out about the
legal punishments inflicted—and the
illegal punishments. Let us find ou.t
libout blackmail accompaniments to
charges—and the outcomes thereof.
If my guess is supported by the
findings—and if the findings are fair
—the world will be informed that the
crime of rape not only is not a crime
of speciality of the colored race but
that, iu proportion to population, the
colored race, as offenders in rape, lias
one of the lowest percentages.
Demand a fair and courageous com
mittee for the investigation.
I For example: DON'T STAND FOR
a chairman of fha Senator E. D.
Smith of South Carolina type. DE
MAND a chairman of the Senator
Nye of North Dakota type, or of the
Senator Metcalf of Rhode Island '
If my guess is supported by the
findings of such a committed, then,
the “Cause of the disease” (in doe
tor’s langua B^) will have been estab
lished. After that—natural and sen
sible and constructive solutions will
instantly present themselves. I know
the answer right now—but there is no
good purpose to be served in attempt
ing to set up the remedy until after
tee have established the truth about
tchat we must remedy. This national
disgrace of Lynching can then be
washed out. A real constructive step
towards the settlement of the racial
problem of America will have been
Go at this thing right—and you’ll
get what you want!
The average sentiment of America*
citizenship is fair. It is not preju
diced. Destroy the false reputation
of degeneracy against your race as a
whole; and an answer and a constitu
tional answer to the problem will ba
Follow the example of the medical
doctors. Seek the cause of the dis
ease. Cut that out. Then you can
throw away the medicine of superfi
cial cure.
V\ e have spent hundreds of thou
sands of dollars since the war in Con
gressional investigations. We have
tried to find out “Who stdle the
money?” in a hundred different lan
guages. The “money,” however, for
the most part has stayed stolen.
If it were all recoverable, though,
all the war wastes, all the Tea Pot
Dome wastes, all the crooked banking
wastes, all the mortgage cheating
wastes, all the wastes and stealings
of all fields put together, it would not
be as important as the duty of estab
lishing FAITH in the hearts and sonls
of 13 million Americans who are being
forced to bring up their children in
the belief that this great land of free
dom and justice, of which we orate
so eloquently, has freedom and justice
solely for the members of "Our Set.”
My friends of the Colored (Troup of
America—use your Balance of BowerI
Study the issues and the promises of
this campaign as though the very lives
of your loved ones depended on it.
Burn yoHr budges behind you—your
bridges of hope of preferment in poli
tics. There is no reward open in the
gift of the bosses (I almost said peo
ple) so valuable as the right to the
honest influence of tlifc vote which is
a part of your patent of citizenship*.
From' now on, until October—fol
low a program of "Watchful Wait
ing.” Study carefully the statements
and promises of the candidates—then
get together (you’ve got a good na
tional press) and agree. If you can
agree, substantially, then vote, as
nearly all together as possible.
Don’t cry, and beg fof Equality l
Organize, and aim for—Leadership l