Nebraska Newspapers

    ..EDITORIALS..
THE OMAHA GUIDE
Published Every naturday at 2418-20 Grant Street,
Omaha, Nebraska
Phone . W Ebs er 1517 or 1618
Entered i > I f ' ' rpter March 15. 1027, at the Postoffiee at
0 an:.* N h,, nude’ ■ t 1 t oi p > • s of March 3, 1879.
i EK'tti OK SUUSChlPTION <2 00 I EH YEAH
Ha* p i 1 i u : i* >. in* FaUiei hood I God and Ihe Bro her
hood ol i t • r ’ I. 11,* t* are tin* only pr nciplea which will
stand It ■ ; 4 >■ - I of pood
All News Capy of Churches and all Organizations must Ik* in our
offi> e n t latei t u.n 6:00 p. m. Monday for current issue. All Adver
tising l py to . . id Ai i It .*- not Inter titan Wednesday noon, proceed
ing uati oi issue, to insure publication.
*
‘ ' Anii riciin industry was created by the American people.
In return, industry lias created for the American people the
highest standard of living in history.’* So says “ factory .Man
agement and Maintenance, ’ one of the Modraw-IIill publica
tions, in a brief hi-tory of manufacturing industries in the
I’nited States.
Biggest internal change of the last hundred-odd years lias
been America's tiansitioii from a primarily population to a pri
nmiih industrial nation. Between 1820 ami 1930 the country’s
population multiplied 13-fold. Power-first steam, then elec
tric.—was the prime cause of this bloodless revolution, Where
the average factory worker had 1.25 horsepower at his in 1879,
he had 4,80 at his back and rail in 1929.
In the half-century preceding 1929, the survey says, the
machine created over 1,000,000 jobs in 10 manufacturing in
dustries alone. Biggest employer of the manufacturing in
dustries iu 1929 was electrical apparatus and supplies, with
328,700 workers. Runner-up was motor vehicles with 224,000.
Third by a nose was motor vehicle bodies and parts, with 222,
7<K). No other industry even came close to these giants, 4th
place being held by tires and tubes with 83,200 employes, and
fifth by gasoline manufacture, with 39,400. Industries employ
ing around 15,000 men each included typewriters; refrigerators;
easli registers and computing machines; cottonseed oil, cake
and meal; aircraft; phonographs.
Between 1899 and 1929, manufacturing industry created
24 per cent of the total national income. And between 1923
and 1934, its tax contribution to government almost doubled—I
rising from 7 cents to 12.9 cents per dollar of wages paid.
I
The pre-1929 figures don’t include depression—and, as
everyone knows, the record darkened plenty following the crash.
Where manufacturing employed 8,800,000 men in 1929, it em
ployed 6,000,000 in 1933. Where its total wage envelope held
$11,600,000,000 in 1929, it shrunk to *5,200,000,000 in 1933.
Value of goods produced was more than cut in half in this
period, dropping from $69,000,000,000 to $31.000,000,000.
But the picture would have been blacker yet had industry
insisted either on making both ends meet or folding up during
the bad years. From 1930 to 1934, inclusive, manufacturers
spent almost $9,000,000,000 more than they earned, out of sur
pluses.
Big question is, Wh'at, can be expected of manufacturing
industry in tbe future! Can it absorb the 10,000,000 unemploy
ed! Can it bring back our long-lost recovery, make relief un
necessary and banish the bread-lines!
Answer, according to the survey, is yes—if the American
shandard of living is raised well above even the high 1929 level.
On the 1929 standard, manufacturing industries could employ
10,5000,000 workers—and that is only 1,500,000 more than they
are emptying at present. However, a 50 per cent jump in our
living standard, over the 1929 level, would give employment
to almost 16,000,000 men in our factories.
The survey has little use for such cures as the 30-hour week.
It says that this would simply mean employing more men at
lower wages per man, is basically unsound.
Where is the future industrial progress that would
raise our standard of living to unprecedented heights, to come
from. The survey answers. “Prom new products of research
and invention.’ And it further points out that if the estimated
housing deficit is made up, $18,000,000,000 must be spent for
manufactured products; that there Is a market for $16,000,
000,000 worth of electrical equipment in wired homes; that
farm electrification provides a prospective market for $5,000,
000,000 worth of electrical equipment; that modernization of
the textile industry’s machinery would require $1,000,000,01X1;
that 65 per cent of the machine tools now used in industry are
obsolete, should be replaced at an expenditure of $1,000,000,000,
etc. Finally, it points out that the automobile offers one of the
greatest fields of all—that its annual market has a value of
$2,000,000,000.
Will all this come true! That is for tomorrow to answer.
f
Republican generals are optimistic in public—but insiders
say that all isn't cheer and laughter when they meet in private
The party has just emerged from the leanest three years in
its history. Its local organizations arc in almost incredibly bad
shape in many states, and they can’t be built up to the desired
level in the few months remaining before November. And the
Democratic machine never functioned more smoothly ar.d of
ficiently than it is now functioning.
On top of that, recent polls—such as the Institute of Public
Opinion’s—show that Landon sentiment—which reached its
peak at convention time—is weakening, lliat Roosevelt is lead
ing and is tending to slowly increase his lead.
Reports say “Wall Street’’ betting odds are lengthening
. in favor of Roosevelt.
[' MRS. SCHUYLER
SAYS
Starvation Through Ignorance
Scarcely a day passes that some
very prominent person does not
die. The amazing thing about this
is that so many are just middle
aged or younger. They have reach
ed the top of their profession and
so have evedything to live for, yet
they make their exit. The lo«s of
: prominent middle-aged folk is par
ticularly hard on an improvished
minority group. For it has taken
such a tremenodus sacrifice and
struggle for them to reaeh the top
and it’s all over in a day. This
repmseniK a'^ng other thinji .
great economic waste.
Food Faddism Paved
Way to Biocheunistry
Not so long ago anyone who did
net eat the traditional meat-broad
and-poluto diet of the average
j American was promiptly labeled a
‘food faddist’ and dismissed as
■slightly off. But science which had
investigated every other angle of
human life could not continue to
j ignore the very obvious Connection
i Ix'tween diet nnd disease. Long af
ter the libeled food faddist had
,discovered that whole grains and
law salads gave one a pronounced
feeling of health, the food chemists
came along and by extensive ani
mal exnerimentatibn. proved that
prolonged storage, refinement or
heating changed the chemistry of
food and modified or entirely de
stroyed its value to the human
body. Food th'at has been thus pro
cessed cannot suipuport the body
in health. Sherman of Columbia
called a diet of correctly propor-1
tioned, vitalized fold, a ‘protective’
diet because a properly nourished
body is the best protection against
disease.
Many Schools of Diet
The food faddist tried many dif
ferent kinds of diet. They went all
the way from the McFadden deifi
cation of Whole wheat, (which at
one time was believed to cure all
ills)’ to the milk sifppers, spinach
applers to the present-day health
cocktail addicts. Each cult, posi
tive of its own superiority, scream
ed abuse at the others. The Veget
arians dragging in ethics bo sup
iport their theory, saw a direct con
nection between meatless menus
and spirituality. While the naugh
The Young peoples’ Department of the Colored Division
of the Republican National Committee enjoying an informal
conference with division chiefs. Poung colored voters and work
ers are adding power and enthusiasm to the present campaign
which seeks to liberate the colored people from the domination
of the New Deal Party. Those in the picture are, from left
to right, front row:—Myrtle Strowler, director of Young Re
publican Women; Arthur M. Ourtiis, assistant to the chairman
of the Republican national committee; Cornelius R. Richardson,
associate chairman; Col. Roscoe Conkling Simmons, chairman
of speaker’s bureau; Robert Kratky, liason officer to National
committee. Back row:—Louise Lee, Lenora Jones, lvalue IV
Jones, Mabel Revels, Kenneth Smith, Artishia Green, Edwin B.
Jourdain, Jr., Sidney Jones, Charlottee Howard and Robert M.
Cumby.
The creed of the young peoples' department is best express
ed by their declaration which follows: ‘‘We cannot forget nor
should the youth of the colored race ever forget, though be
labored by phrases and words invented to deceive, that the
Democratic Party, whose life flows from the tyranny practiced
against us in places where we aro weak and unprotected, re
mains the Party of disfranchiesement, of the Jim Crow car,
the party of oppression of the helpless and prostitution of wo
manhood, of judicial railroading of prisoners at the bar, the
party whose creed calls for separation of colored people from
every bright way in life. It remains the party of lynching and
the stake. It is of one faith in Massachusetts and another faith
in Mississippi. It. is racial and sectional and the self respect
of the colored people directs them to oppose its hypocrisy in
the free station of the union.”—Republican Nat. Com., Publicity
Department, Sept. 8, 19J6.
tly meat-waters were profundly
oontemptous of the moral vegeta
tors. The average citizen, seeing
so much contradiction, stuck tto his
meat - bread-and potatoes though
perhaps not with profit. For al
though these cults have all been I
wrong in specific ideas, in general
they were traveling in bhe right |
direction. They were, at least, on
the scent of a momentous discov
ery. Every scientific authority now j
gives biochemistry credit for mak- ^
ing greater strides in practical
knowledge during the last thirty
years than any other branch of
the direct connection of diet to
science, and everything points to
health or disease.
The Good Vegetarians
A religion was made of diet
(Seventh Day Adventists were
among the first here to supplant
meat with nuts and milk with
plant juices.) These good brothem
declared the bad Wd meat maulers
would die of acidosis, and not go
to heaven either, because God never
meant us to eat our broher ani
mals. I once talked to a righteous
leader of a meatless flock in l/hs
Angeles, who became indignant
when I (pointed out that a Hindu
scientist had discovered plants al
so fool pain and hence that the
tender-hearted garden addicts were
undoubtedly causing much sorrow
in the Vegetable Kingdom.
Most people will call themselves
vegetarians are not that at all.
Paper Establishes
$100 Scholarship
San Diego, Cal., Sept. 12—(C)
—The San Deigo Informer, C. E.
W-are, publisher, announces the es
tablishment of a $100 scholarship
“to be awarded each year to the
colored boy or girl having the high
est percentage for he full high
school period.”
HowTo Manage Our Politic*!. Lives
BY
Coi.. Arthur W. Little ©
To the Colored Group of America,
Greetings:
in my address to you of last week
-—or my "report" as l chose to call
it—1 sketched, as briefly as I could
consistent!, ivit' my desire to let you
know ns much as I know—in general,
of the c ’iitr of tlie past two and a
quarter year covering political phases
of my relationship with the colored
group.
This "Par Two” is designed to
point the picture of the relationship
between the two leading parties and
the “Colored Vote s of America”—
from the days of the Hoover campaign
of 1928, through t' " Hoover campaign
of 1932, and since then up to this date
the campaign of 193(1.
We may summarise: In 1928 Mr.
Hoover won by about six million
plurality. The colored group was
with him.
In 1932 Mr. Hoover lost by about
six million plurality. The coiored
group wns againat him.
In 1936 the colored group has not
yet taken Us ; i .
And for the 1936 campaign, up to
October 20, I . dvise you to follow the
pleading of Captain Sigsby, of the
battleship Id A 1.N10 fume, after his
■ship had been , ink In the harbor of
Havana, Cuba, and—“Suspend judg
ment.”
I have already referred to my book
FKOM HARLEM TO THE RHINE.
I have scut hundreds of copies to your
leaders in religion, education, fra
ternalism and politics.
It is my hope to be able, through
cooperation with the colored press,
and the circulating and reference li
braries of the country, to mnke avail
able to you all the record of your
brothermen who volunteered to serve,
and who did serve, in the World War,
' T make the world safe for Democ
racy."
By that process I hope to succeed,
also, in introducing myself to you—
or to those of you with whom I am,
unhappily unacquainted. As our
lawyer friends would say I am going
through the process of qualifying my
self t a witness.
Many white newspapers of great
circulation, during the past two years,
were fairly consistent in ignoring my
speeches as a Republican.
My speeches have been quoted from,
Lowever, without quotation murks, in
editorials and in other men's speeches.
My phrases have become of common
campaign usage—without quotation
marks.
My candidacy for a place on the
National ticket was, in the white
press, for the most part ignored. By
some, it was ridiculed, upon the
grounds that I was not nationally
known. I feel, with Confucius, ‘‘I am
not concerned that I am not known;
J seek to be worthy to be known.”
All the work I have done in poli
tics during the past two years, and
more, has been done in the effort to
help preserve the Republic. At least
ten of the active or receptive candi
dates for the G.O.P. nomination, per
sonally or through representatives.
have invited my support or coopera
tion.
I tell you of these things lies.•
they concern you very closely. '1 ey
mean relative.y but little to me per- j
sunnily. For fifteen yets tny friend
ship with your group has been recog-1
nized repeatedly at election time.
There is prejudice against your group.
Sometimes, under my 8Ug,*es!ioi1s, you
have accomplished things politically.
To those who harbor class or racial
prejudice my influence is hardly a
thing to be encouraged—tny reputa
tion is not a thing to bo built up.
I)o you hr in to s" the point?
Now i.overd'er 3rd h-rins to loom
in all i s ala l ining significance. |
The 11: publican parly under Lincoln
came in o being rs the champion of
h man rights. Ve are on the defen
r. ve today, however, charged by our
adversaries as having degenerated into
being a j">- .y chi fly concernr 1 in
Natiornl affairs with the champion
ship of pro arty r'gl s.
That accusation is untrue and
therefore unfair.
Throughout the twelve years of Re
publican rule since the War, however,
the Republican party has made some
very serious errors—some of them
shameful errors.
No admission of these errors was
ever made to the public by any
ollioinl of the Party, however, and
so 1 repeat what I have said consis
tently for the past two years, all over
the country, our defeats of 1930-'32
and ’34 were neither undeserved nor
unexpected.
Our failure to confess took away
our right to expect fo giveuess; took
nwuy the faith of six million Republi
cans. Of that six million the colored
group constituted about one half.
For many months political analysts
have been saying that to win in 19.16
the Republican party would have to
recnpture the colored vote.
About May 1st of this year one of
the most important members of the
National Committee (no, neither Mr.
Hilles nor Mr. Howard) talked with
me about the colored vote.
The gentleman admitted the impor
tance of the colored vote to victory;
and he even went so far as to suggest
the possibility of my being the key to
the problem. Then he said:
“Colonel Little, for the sake of
getting along in our conference, let us
assume that you are—the key. Now,
we must bear in mind that under the
Roosevelt administration the colored
people have been getting plenty of
pork chops and getting them regularly.
Now, how would you go about getting
them back into the Republican party?
IVhat would and could you offer them
better than the pork chops they are
now enjoying?”
1 stared at the National Committee
man; and was silent so long that he
repeated his question.
Then I said: "Mr. Blank, you are
not going to he able to understand my
response to your question. You will
probably just write me down ns a
crank. My feeling of respect and rd
miration for the colored group, and
of affection for many of the individ
un's whs born nnd developed In com
radeship on the battlefields of France.
I have lain in shell boles with them,
seeking shelter from enemy gun fire.
I have had them drink out of my
canteen. I have drunk out of their
canteens. I have been splattered with
the blood of a comrade, shot beside
me. I have closed the eyes of another
comrade, in death. I have received
the sacred messages for wives and
mothers and sisters, from heroes who
were dying.
"I have associated with colored men
nnd women for fifteen years in com
munity work, for good citizenship, in
welfare work, and in church wor.c.
"I cannot bring myself to b iieve
that they appraise their great rights
of American citizenship in terms of
PORK CHOPS. And, if the great
party of Abraham Lincoln has brought
itse’f to tiie pass of valuing the Col
ored Group of America, in such s
light, then, I'm going to ask you no
to give me any further consideration
in this proposal—because, I tell you
frankly, that I should never be willing
to npproach my friends of the Colored
Group on any such basis.”
• * •
At Cleveland, Ohio, on the 9th of
June, the Republican National Con
vention was called to order.
For the better part of the week
preceding the National Committee
had sat in consideration of the respec
tive claims of contesting delegations.
A number of judgments gave dissat
isfaction to the colored group as
sembled.
Your group was impressively and
courageously represented in Cleveland
by n splendid and capable assemblage
of leaders.
The Committee on Credentials—in
cluding in its membership Dr. LeRoy
Bundy, Roscoe Conklin Simmons and,
I believe, Robert R. Church—reversed
a number of decisions of the National
Committee in the delegation contests
At least two large and determined
mass meetings of protest over the
What of the Two Major Parties?
The Shame of “Pork Chops.”
No More Slavery.
THE SECC: D OF FOUR LETTERS
original and appealed decisions of tlie
dele", n! e contests, presided over by
l)r. Bundy, undoubtedly had a lot to
do with the appointment of such a
strong colored representation on the
Committee on Credentials.
Undoubtedly, also, the demonstra
tion of colored organizing strength
had a lot to do with the break down
of the Old Guard solid front in the
reorganized National Committee.
The primary fight records of Ohio,
Illinois and New York, indicating
the ability of the colored group to
combine in opposition to Senator
Borah, played its part in putting the
rulers of the convention in a frame of
•ind to placate the colored delegates.
i. d so—apparently with concessions
to ''ft colored group exceeding r.ny
thiTig. known in recent years, with
harmony and patriotic fervor in the
air, the convention came to order.
And now, my friends of the Colored
Group of America, here's what I want
to talk to you about—seriously.
The speakers at the Republican
Convention made much of the usurpa
tion of power by President Roosevelt
and his aides; and rightly did they
do so. Constant and proper denuncia
tion was aimed at Congressmen for
yielding their rights and duties, as
direct representatives of the citizens of
their districts, yielding them to the
orders or sinister influences of a Presi
dent and his Cabinet members with
dictatorial leanings.
Viewed in the light of what hap
pened—how consistent were those dele
gates who made those speeches?
Speakers made much of the subtle
as well ns the crude dishonesties cf
the party in power and its officials of
many ranks.
But these same sneakers failed to
acknowledge and ass forgiveness for
comparable lapses from the “rtra'rht
and narrow” of onr own former otii
cials high in the seats of power.
Tea Pot Dome was out of sight as
completely as if all of its skeletons
had been buried at the bottom of one
of its oil wells.
Tax outrages were freely con
demned ;—Tax dodgers were not even
referred to.
These errors of omission and com
mission will not be overlooked during
the campaign by the Tammany can
didate.
Now. my friends, make no mistake
about this. My criticisms are not the
criticisms of captiousness, nor of per
sonal disappointment. They are the
same criticisms and suggestions, and
even pleadings, that I have been mak
ing for almost two years. And “un
known” as I am those speeches were
delivered before State Legislatures,
innumerable Rotary Clubs, veterans’
groups, fraternal organizations. Young
Republicans and Farmers’ Union con
ventions.
♦ * *
Our country is in a terrible plight,
today.
President Roosevelt, who depends so
much upon emotionalism and senti
mental expression for his self aggran
dizement, has played upon you one of
the dirtiest political tricks in all his
Mfcry.
He has tried to forestall successful
appeal to your great group—the ap
peal of gratitude towards the party
that set your fathers and mothers free
from slavery—the appeal of loyalty to
your citizenship in tire Republic—by
the substitute of giving you food,
shelter and clothing.
He has tried to supplant in your
hearts, noble and spiritual thoughts
with base and material thoughts.
He has tried to substitute for the
qualities of love and patience in the
hope of real emancipation for full
citizenship—the qualities of cynicism,
avarice and greed.
What a wicked thing !
Seventy years ago, you had more
than food, shelter and clothing; but
you had not freedom—even in im
perfect form.
Are we to turn back the hands of
the clock of time?
Are we to render as waste all the
progress and magnificent example of
your leaders of the past seventy yenrs?
I bow my head in shame—for the
memory of those boys of bronze of
mine—your brothers and cousins—my
soldiers and comrades—who made su
preme sacrifice “To make the world
safe for Democracy."
Food and shelter and clothing t
Is that all you want?
If that is all—just say so !
Millions of Americans who look
upon you as belonging to a “lower
class” would jump for joy ; and look
upon one of the racial problems of
Ame rica as—“SETTLED.”
Seventy-five percent, in response to
your own advocacy, would give you
their votes.
But you'll never get my vote(
And I know, when you come to
your senses, such a program will
never get any of your own votes.
* W w
Now,—let us look with some sense
upon the problems of the Presidential
Election soon to be met.
We’ve made a disappointing start.
The country is fed up with the lead
ership of “Loud speakers of reckless
promise.”
I repeat the words of Captain Sigs
bee: “Suspend judgment.”
In November your votes—massed—
in a dozen or so States, could probably
determine the Presidential election.
Let us ‘‘Stop—Look—and T isten"
to the progress of the campaign and
determine which of the parties offers
us the best chance of getting what we
want. Not promises or trickery, mind
you, but actual progress.
If we don't make a fight to get
what we want—then we have only
ourselves to blame—if we don't get
what we want.
“Suspend judgment!”
“Honor your Forefathers!”
“Hold your fire until you see the
whites of their eyes!” (That means
until about October 20.)
Recall the order of Farragut at
Mobile: “Damn the torpedoes—go
ahead!”
Then—all together—•
“Damn the pork chops!”
And VOTE.