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About The Omaha guide. (Omaha, Neb.) 1927-19?? | View Entire Issue (Sept. 12, 1936)
..EDITORIALS.. THE OMAHA GUIDE Published Every naturday at 2418-20 Grant Street, Omaha, Nebraska Phone . W Ebs er 1517 or 1618 Entered i > I f ' ' rpter March 15. 1027, at the Postoffiee at 0 an:.* N h,, nude’ ■ t 1 t oi p > • s of March 3, 1879. i EK'tti OK SUUSChlPTION <2 00 I EH YEAH Ha* p i 1 i u : i* >. in* FaUiei hood I God and Ihe Bro her hood ol i t • r ’ I. 11,* t* are tin* only pr nciplea which will stand It ■ ; 4 >■ - I of pood All News Capy of Churches and all Organizations must Ik* in our offi> e n t latei t u.n 6:00 p. m. Monday for current issue. All Adver tising l py to . . id Ai i It .*- not Inter titan Wednesday noon, proceed ing uati oi issue, to insure publication. * ‘ ' Anii riciin industry was created by the American people. In return, industry lias created for the American people the highest standard of living in history.’* So says “ factory .Man agement and Maintenance, ’ one of the Modraw-IIill publica tions, in a brief hi-tory of manufacturing industries in the I’nited States. Biggest internal change of the last hundred-odd years lias been America's tiansitioii from a primarily population to a pri nmiih industrial nation. Between 1820 ami 1930 the country’s population multiplied 13-fold. Power-first steam, then elec tric.—was the prime cause of this bloodless revolution, Where the average factory worker had 1.25 horsepower at his in 1879, he had 4,80 at his back and rail in 1929. In the half-century preceding 1929, the survey says, the machine created over 1,000,000 jobs in 10 manufacturing in dustries alone. Biggest employer of the manufacturing in dustries iu 1929 was electrical apparatus and supplies, with 328,700 workers. Runner-up was motor vehicles with 224,000. Third by a nose was motor vehicle bodies and parts, with 222, 7<K). No other industry even came close to these giants, 4th place being held by tires and tubes with 83,200 employes, and fifth by gasoline manufacture, with 39,400. Industries employ ing around 15,000 men each included typewriters; refrigerators; easli registers and computing machines; cottonseed oil, cake and meal; aircraft; phonographs. Between 1899 and 1929, manufacturing industry created 24 per cent of the total national income. And between 1923 and 1934, its tax contribution to government almost doubled—I rising from 7 cents to 12.9 cents per dollar of wages paid. I The pre-1929 figures don’t include depression—and, as everyone knows, the record darkened plenty following the crash. Where manufacturing employed 8,800,000 men in 1929, it em ployed 6,000,000 in 1933. Where its total wage envelope held $11,600,000,000 in 1929, it shrunk to *5,200,000,000 in 1933. Value of goods produced was more than cut in half in this period, dropping from $69,000,000,000 to $31.000,000,000. But the picture would have been blacker yet had industry insisted either on making both ends meet or folding up during the bad years. From 1930 to 1934, inclusive, manufacturers spent almost $9,000,000,000 more than they earned, out of sur pluses. Big question is, Wh'at, can be expected of manufacturing industry in tbe future! Can it absorb the 10,000,000 unemploy ed! Can it bring back our long-lost recovery, make relief un necessary and banish the bread-lines! Answer, according to the survey, is yes—if the American shandard of living is raised well above even the high 1929 level. On the 1929 standard, manufacturing industries could employ 10,5000,000 workers—and that is only 1,500,000 more than they are emptying at present. However, a 50 per cent jump in our living standard, over the 1929 level, would give employment to almost 16,000,000 men in our factories. The survey has little use for such cures as the 30-hour week. It says that this would simply mean employing more men at lower wages per man, is basically unsound. Where is the future industrial progress that would raise our standard of living to unprecedented heights, to come from. The survey answers. “Prom new products of research and invention.’ And it further points out that if the estimated housing deficit is made up, $18,000,000,000 must be spent for manufactured products; that there Is a market for $16,000, 000,000 worth of electrical equipment in wired homes; that farm electrification provides a prospective market for $5,000, 000,000 worth of electrical equipment; that modernization of the textile industry’s machinery would require $1,000,000,01X1; that 65 per cent of the machine tools now used in industry are obsolete, should be replaced at an expenditure of $1,000,000,000, etc. Finally, it points out that the automobile offers one of the greatest fields of all—that its annual market has a value of $2,000,000,000. Will all this come true! That is for tomorrow to answer. f Republican generals are optimistic in public—but insiders say that all isn't cheer and laughter when they meet in private The party has just emerged from the leanest three years in its history. Its local organizations arc in almost incredibly bad shape in many states, and they can’t be built up to the desired level in the few months remaining before November. And the Democratic machine never functioned more smoothly ar.d of ficiently than it is now functioning. On top of that, recent polls—such as the Institute of Public Opinion’s—show that Landon sentiment—which reached its peak at convention time—is weakening, lliat Roosevelt is lead ing and is tending to slowly increase his lead. Reports say “Wall Street’’ betting odds are lengthening . in favor of Roosevelt. [' MRS. SCHUYLER SAYS Starvation Through Ignorance Scarcely a day passes that some very prominent person does not die. The amazing thing about this is that so many are just middle aged or younger. They have reach ed the top of their profession and so have evedything to live for, yet they make their exit. The lo«s of : prominent middle-aged folk is par ticularly hard on an improvished minority group. For it has taken such a tremenodus sacrifice and struggle for them to reaeh the top and it’s all over in a day. This repmseniK a'^ng other thinji . great economic waste. Food Faddism Paved Way to Biocheunistry Not so long ago anyone who did net eat the traditional meat-broad and-poluto diet of the average j American was promiptly labeled a ‘food faddist’ and dismissed as ■slightly off. But science which had investigated every other angle of human life could not continue to j ignore the very obvious Connection i Ix'tween diet nnd disease. Long af ter the libeled food faddist had ,discovered that whole grains and law salads gave one a pronounced feeling of health, the food chemists came along and by extensive ani mal exnerimentatibn. proved that prolonged storage, refinement or heating changed the chemistry of food and modified or entirely de stroyed its value to the human body. Food th'at has been thus pro cessed cannot suipuport the body in health. Sherman of Columbia called a diet of correctly propor-1 tioned, vitalized fold, a ‘protective’ diet because a properly nourished body is the best protection against disease. Many Schools of Diet The food faddist tried many dif ferent kinds of diet. They went all the way from the McFadden deifi cation of Whole wheat, (which at one time was believed to cure all ills)’ to the milk sifppers, spinach applers to the present-day health cocktail addicts. Each cult, posi tive of its own superiority, scream ed abuse at the others. The Veget arians dragging in ethics bo sup iport their theory, saw a direct con nection between meatless menus and spirituality. While the naugh The Young peoples’ Department of the Colored Division of the Republican National Committee enjoying an informal conference with division chiefs. Poung colored voters and work ers are adding power and enthusiasm to the present campaign which seeks to liberate the colored people from the domination of the New Deal Party. Those in the picture are, from left to right, front row:—Myrtle Strowler, director of Young Re publican Women; Arthur M. Ourtiis, assistant to the chairman of the Republican national committee; Cornelius R. Richardson, associate chairman; Col. Roscoe Conkling Simmons, chairman of speaker’s bureau; Robert Kratky, liason officer to National committee. Back row:—Louise Lee, Lenora Jones, lvalue IV Jones, Mabel Revels, Kenneth Smith, Artishia Green, Edwin B. Jourdain, Jr., Sidney Jones, Charlottee Howard and Robert M. Cumby. The creed of the young peoples' department is best express ed by their declaration which follows: ‘‘We cannot forget nor should the youth of the colored race ever forget, though be labored by phrases and words invented to deceive, that the Democratic Party, whose life flows from the tyranny practiced against us in places where we aro weak and unprotected, re mains the Party of disfranchiesement, of the Jim Crow car, the party of oppression of the helpless and prostitution of wo manhood, of judicial railroading of prisoners at the bar, the party whose creed calls for separation of colored people from every bright way in life. It remains the party of lynching and the stake. It is of one faith in Massachusetts and another faith in Mississippi. It. is racial and sectional and the self respect of the colored people directs them to oppose its hypocrisy in the free station of the union.”—Republican Nat. Com., Publicity Department, Sept. 8, 19J6. tly meat-waters were profundly oontemptous of the moral vegeta tors. The average citizen, seeing so much contradiction, stuck tto his meat - bread-and potatoes though perhaps not with profit. For al though these cults have all been I wrong in specific ideas, in general they were traveling in bhe right | direction. They were, at least, on the scent of a momentous discov ery. Every scientific authority now j gives biochemistry credit for mak- ^ ing greater strides in practical knowledge during the last thirty years than any other branch of the direct connection of diet to science, and everything points to health or disease. The Good Vegetarians A religion was made of diet (Seventh Day Adventists were among the first here to supplant meat with nuts and milk with plant juices.) These good brothem declared the bad Wd meat maulers would die of acidosis, and not go to heaven either, because God never meant us to eat our broher ani mals. I once talked to a righteous leader of a meatless flock in l/hs Angeles, who became indignant when I (pointed out that a Hindu scientist had discovered plants al so fool pain and hence that the tender-hearted garden addicts were undoubtedly causing much sorrow in the Vegetable Kingdom. Most people will call themselves vegetarians are not that at all. Paper Establishes $100 Scholarship San Diego, Cal., Sept. 12—(C) —The San Deigo Informer, C. E. W-are, publisher, announces the es tablishment of a $100 scholarship “to be awarded each year to the colored boy or girl having the high est percentage for he full high school period.” HowTo Manage Our Politic*!. Lives BY Coi.. Arthur W. Little © To the Colored Group of America, Greetings: in my address to you of last week -—or my "report" as l chose to call it—1 sketched, as briefly as I could consistent!, ivit' my desire to let you know ns much as I know—in general, of the c ’iitr of tlie past two and a quarter year covering political phases of my relationship with the colored group. This "Par Two” is designed to point the picture of the relationship between the two leading parties and the “Colored Vote s of America”— from the days of the Hoover campaign of 1928, through t' " Hoover campaign of 1932, and since then up to this date the campaign of 193(1. We may summarise: In 1928 Mr. Hoover won by about six million plurality. The colored group was with him. In 1932 Mr. Hoover lost by about six million plurality. The coiored group wns againat him. In 1936 the colored group has not yet taken Us ; i . And for the 1936 campaign, up to October 20, I . dvise you to follow the pleading of Captain Sigsby, of the battleship Id A 1.N10 fume, after his ■ship had been , ink In the harbor of Havana, Cuba, and—“Suspend judg ment.” I have already referred to my book FKOM HARLEM TO THE RHINE. I have scut hundreds of copies to your leaders in religion, education, fra ternalism and politics. It is my hope to be able, through cooperation with the colored press, and the circulating and reference li braries of the country, to mnke avail able to you all the record of your brothermen who volunteered to serve, and who did serve, in the World War, ' T make the world safe for Democ racy." By that process I hope to succeed, also, in introducing myself to you— or to those of you with whom I am, unhappily unacquainted. As our lawyer friends would say I am going through the process of qualifying my self t a witness. Many white newspapers of great circulation, during the past two years, were fairly consistent in ignoring my speeches as a Republican. My speeches have been quoted from, Lowever, without quotation murks, in editorials and in other men's speeches. My phrases have become of common campaign usage—without quotation marks. My candidacy for a place on the National ticket was, in the white press, for the most part ignored. By some, it was ridiculed, upon the grounds that I was not nationally known. I feel, with Confucius, ‘‘I am not concerned that I am not known; J seek to be worthy to be known.” All the work I have done in poli tics during the past two years, and more, has been done in the effort to help preserve the Republic. At least ten of the active or receptive candi dates for the G.O.P. nomination, per sonally or through representatives. have invited my support or coopera tion. I tell you of these things lies.• they concern you very closely. '1 ey mean relative.y but little to me per- j sunnily. For fifteen yets tny friend ship with your group has been recog-1 nized repeatedly at election time. There is prejudice against your group. Sometimes, under my 8Ug,*es!ioi1s, you have accomplished things politically. To those who harbor class or racial prejudice my influence is hardly a thing to be encouraged—tny reputa tion is not a thing to bo built up. I)o you hr in to s" the point? Now i.overd'er 3rd h-rins to loom in all i s ala l ining significance. | The 11: publican parly under Lincoln came in o being rs the champion of h man rights. Ve are on the defen r. ve today, however, charged by our adversaries as having degenerated into being a j">- .y chi fly concernr 1 in Natiornl affairs with the champion ship of pro arty r'gl s. That accusation is untrue and therefore unfair. Throughout the twelve years of Re publican rule since the War, however, the Republican party has made some very serious errors—some of them shameful errors. No admission of these errors was ever made to the public by any ollioinl of the Party, however, and so 1 repeat what I have said consis tently for the past two years, all over the country, our defeats of 1930-'32 and ’34 were neither undeserved nor unexpected. Our failure to confess took away our right to expect fo giveuess; took nwuy the faith of six million Republi cans. Of that six million the colored group constituted about one half. For many months political analysts have been saying that to win in 19.16 the Republican party would have to recnpture the colored vote. About May 1st of this year one of the most important members of the National Committee (no, neither Mr. Hilles nor Mr. Howard) talked with me about the colored vote. The gentleman admitted the impor tance of the colored vote to victory; and he even went so far as to suggest the possibility of my being the key to the problem. Then he said: “Colonel Little, for the sake of getting along in our conference, let us assume that you are—the key. Now, we must bear in mind that under the Roosevelt administration the colored people have been getting plenty of pork chops and getting them regularly. Now, how would you go about getting them back into the Republican party? IVhat would and could you offer them better than the pork chops they are now enjoying?” 1 stared at the National Committee man; and was silent so long that he repeated his question. Then I said: "Mr. Blank, you are not going to he able to understand my response to your question. You will probably just write me down ns a crank. My feeling of respect and rd miration for the colored group, and of affection for many of the individ un's whs born nnd developed In com radeship on the battlefields of France. I have lain in shell boles with them, seeking shelter from enemy gun fire. I have had them drink out of my canteen. I have drunk out of their canteens. I have been splattered with the blood of a comrade, shot beside me. I have closed the eyes of another comrade, in death. I have received the sacred messages for wives and mothers and sisters, from heroes who were dying. "I have associated with colored men nnd women for fifteen years in com munity work, for good citizenship, in welfare work, and in church wor.c. "I cannot bring myself to b iieve that they appraise their great rights of American citizenship in terms of PORK CHOPS. And, if the great party of Abraham Lincoln has brought itse’f to tiie pass of valuing the Col ored Group of America, in such s light, then, I'm going to ask you no to give me any further consideration in this proposal—because, I tell you frankly, that I should never be willing to npproach my friends of the Colored Group on any such basis.” • * • At Cleveland, Ohio, on the 9th of June, the Republican National Con vention was called to order. For the better part of the week preceding the National Committee had sat in consideration of the respec tive claims of contesting delegations. A number of judgments gave dissat isfaction to the colored group as sembled. Your group was impressively and courageously represented in Cleveland by n splendid and capable assemblage of leaders. The Committee on Credentials—in cluding in its membership Dr. LeRoy Bundy, Roscoe Conklin Simmons and, I believe, Robert R. Church—reversed a number of decisions of the National Committee in the delegation contests At least two large and determined mass meetings of protest over the What of the Two Major Parties? The Shame of “Pork Chops.” No More Slavery. THE SECC: D OF FOUR LETTERS original and appealed decisions of tlie dele", n! e contests, presided over by l)r. Bundy, undoubtedly had a lot to do with the appointment of such a strong colored representation on the Committee on Credentials. Undoubtedly, also, the demonstra tion of colored organizing strength had a lot to do with the break down of the Old Guard solid front in the reorganized National Committee. The primary fight records of Ohio, Illinois and New York, indicating the ability of the colored group to combine in opposition to Senator Borah, played its part in putting the rulers of the convention in a frame of •ind to placate the colored delegates. i. d so—apparently with concessions to ''ft colored group exceeding r.ny thiTig. known in recent years, with harmony and patriotic fervor in the air, the convention came to order. And now, my friends of the Colored Group of America, here's what I want to talk to you about—seriously. The speakers at the Republican Convention made much of the usurpa tion of power by President Roosevelt and his aides; and rightly did they do so. Constant and proper denuncia tion was aimed at Congressmen for yielding their rights and duties, as direct representatives of the citizens of their districts, yielding them to the orders or sinister influences of a Presi dent and his Cabinet members with dictatorial leanings. Viewed in the light of what hap pened—how consistent were those dele gates who made those speeches? Speakers made much of the subtle as well ns the crude dishonesties cf the party in power and its officials of many ranks. But these same sneakers failed to acknowledge and ass forgiveness for comparable lapses from the “rtra'rht and narrow” of onr own former otii cials high in the seats of power. Tea Pot Dome was out of sight as completely as if all of its skeletons had been buried at the bottom of one of its oil wells. Tax outrages were freely con demned ;—Tax dodgers were not even referred to. These errors of omission and com mission will not be overlooked during the campaign by the Tammany can didate. Now. my friends, make no mistake about this. My criticisms are not the criticisms of captiousness, nor of per sonal disappointment. They are the same criticisms and suggestions, and even pleadings, that I have been mak ing for almost two years. And “un known” as I am those speeches were delivered before State Legislatures, innumerable Rotary Clubs, veterans’ groups, fraternal organizations. Young Republicans and Farmers’ Union con ventions. ♦ * * Our country is in a terrible plight, today. President Roosevelt, who depends so much upon emotionalism and senti mental expression for his self aggran dizement, has played upon you one of the dirtiest political tricks in all his Mfcry. He has tried to forestall successful appeal to your great group—the ap peal of gratitude towards the party that set your fathers and mothers free from slavery—the appeal of loyalty to your citizenship in tire Republic—by the substitute of giving you food, shelter and clothing. He has tried to supplant in your hearts, noble and spiritual thoughts with base and material thoughts. He has tried to substitute for the qualities of love and patience in the hope of real emancipation for full citizenship—the qualities of cynicism, avarice and greed. What a wicked thing ! Seventy years ago, you had more than food, shelter and clothing; but you had not freedom—even in im perfect form. Are we to turn back the hands of the clock of time? Are we to render as waste all the progress and magnificent example of your leaders of the past seventy yenrs? I bow my head in shame—for the memory of those boys of bronze of mine—your brothers and cousins—my soldiers and comrades—who made su preme sacrifice “To make the world safe for Democracy." Food and shelter and clothing t Is that all you want? If that is all—just say so ! Millions of Americans who look upon you as belonging to a “lower class” would jump for joy ; and look upon one of the racial problems of Ame rica as—“SETTLED.” Seventy-five percent, in response to your own advocacy, would give you their votes. But you'll never get my vote( And I know, when you come to your senses, such a program will never get any of your own votes. * W w Now,—let us look with some sense upon the problems of the Presidential Election soon to be met. We’ve made a disappointing start. The country is fed up with the lead ership of “Loud speakers of reckless promise.” I repeat the words of Captain Sigs bee: “Suspend judgment.” In November your votes—massed— in a dozen or so States, could probably determine the Presidential election. Let us ‘‘Stop—Look—and T isten" to the progress of the campaign and determine which of the parties offers us the best chance of getting what we want. Not promises or trickery, mind you, but actual progress. If we don't make a fight to get what we want—then we have only ourselves to blame—if we don't get what we want. “Suspend judgment!” “Honor your Forefathers!” “Hold your fire until you see the whites of their eyes!” (That means until about October 20.) Recall the order of Farragut at Mobile: “Damn the torpedoes—go ahead!” Then—all together—• “Damn the pork chops!” And VOTE.