The Omaha guide. (Omaha, Neb.) 1927-19??, November 02, 1935, CITY EDITION, Page THREE, Image 3

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    ■REVEALING’
, ~ i/Dur ■
PAST, PRESENT
fm PEJIWIE.**
&/ ABe&' WALLACE- —
Nwty*- mentjW- cm* ,
Amcruzan ©taoc - ■ ■■■——-_
It. L. S.—I am in love with
my wife and I want to know
if she cares for me!
Ans:—Your wife thinks of
you as the best friend she has
in the world, but she isn't in
love with you—She’ll never
care enough about you to LIVE
WITH YOU AGAIN.
I. It. T.—I want to know
why my son doesn’t continue
on a job when he gets one?
Ans:—Because every time he
gets one He loses it—Your son
appears to gamble too much
and in any kind of respectable
business they won’t tolerate it
—Your son wil lhave to learn
to be a GENTLEMAN if he ex
pects to hold down a decent
job.
M. J.—I would like for you
to tell me if I will get the
money from the two sources
which I have in mind?
Ans:—At your ^husband's
death you were due some money
from the insurance policies
which were made out to you—
You won’t have any trouble
cashing in these policies—
However, you won’t be able to
secure the money that was left
to your husband by HIS
AUNT.
A. B. J.—Should I believe
this man that says he is in love
with me? Would it be wise to
marry him?
Ans:—You can believe this
man who claims to be so much
in love with you for he even
thinks enough of you to
DIVORCE HIS WIFE and mar
ry you. Since your husband is
a HABITUAL DRINKER, you
can find more peace and con
tentment with this other man.
C. M. M.—I want to know
why my boy friend don’t get
me my coat and dresses as he
said he would?
Ans:—Your boy friend in'
tended to get your coat and
dresses OUT OF THE PAWN
SHOP but recently he heard
that you had been going up to
a certain press shop. Now that
he thinks you are untrue to
him, he won’t help you out.
E. M. T.—Tell me which of
my boy friends love me. I can
not distinguish which one it is.
Ans:—Neither of them are in
lore with you—If you had a
true lover, you could easily tell
by the way he acted around
you whether or not he was in
lore with you.
E. J.—I have been keeping
company with a man and all
of a sudden he stopped coming
to see me. What is the trouble?
Ans:—The whole thing in a
nut shell is that this man wras
in love with enother girl while
he was going with you and now
he is MARRIED to her.
M. A. B.—Have the people
whom I visited last year any
money ?
Ans:—Yes. They have a con
siderable amount of money, but
they have it willed to their rel
atives—You won’t get any
thing from these people.
W. B.—I would like for you
to tell me some way to make
some money next year.
Ans-—The first thing for
you to do is to go ahead and
buy a truck as you are planning
to do, for that will do you more
good than an automobile. Dur
■ - - J.: - - . . 1- M
ing the year of 1936 it is my
impression that you’ll make
your living running a TRUCK
FARM.
H. M. T.—How will I be
treated this winter!
Ana:—Before you took this
job out of town, your employer
told you how you would have
to act as Tong as you lived in
her home—Abide by her rules
and do what she tells you and
she’ll treat you VERY GOOD,
and with RESPECT.
HERNDON’S^
ADDRESS
(Continued From Page 1)
the overwhelming majority of
the people of the Black Belt.
No matter how hard they may
work, they are always in debt
and always tied down to slav
ery.
But the South is becoming a
different South from what it
has been. Negro and white
workers are organizing togeth
er, and it is because of this
that I have been condemned to
18 to 20 years on the barbarous
Georgia chain gang. The ruling
class oppressors know what
this movement means for them;
they know that once black and
white organize together, this
will mean the end of their ty
rannical rule. That is why they
have decided to do me to my
death. That is why there are
wholesale lynchings, burnings
at the stake, that is why there
are Scottsboro wises.
Before the Civil War the
Supreme Court of another day
Dred Scott decision, making
handed down the infamous
slave-catching the law of the
land and declaring that a Ne
gro has no rights that a white
man is bound to respect. Now
they have handed down anoth
er Dred Scott decision. We can
no longer have illusions about
the rights of the Negroes, writ
ten into the constitution. The
Negroes have no rights—no
right to vote, to sit on juries,
to think and act as free men.
These rights will become a
reality only when we band to
gether to put them into effect.
Within a few days I must
surrender to the ruling class of
Georgia to serve 18 to 20 years
on the chain gang, because I
was born with a black skin,
because I was a worker, and
above all because I had the
courage to challenge the ruling
class.
The Negro people, oppressed
and enslaved, will not remain
silent and indifferent to such
outrages. The Negro people
have shown their willingness to
die in defense of their rights.
They will unite with the white
workers, will show the ruling
class that they will fight not
only until Angelo Herndon is
free, but until the very jails
and chain gangs and the whole
system of oppression and rob'
bery are done away with. This
question is of such importance
that it transcends any political
differences we may have
among us. In my case the ruling
class has tried to trample und
erfoot those rights guaranteed
to all civilized human beings.
I am convinced that we will be
able to meet this challenge of
the ruling class.
We Built Country
We love this country. Why
not? We have built it, we have
made it what it is. The blood
and bones of our forefathers
are mingled in its soil. We have
produced everything, and we
are entitled to what rightfully
belongs to us.
The fact that I am a Com"
munist infuriated the ruling
class of Georgia. They would
rather see their Negro citizens
acting the Uncle Tom, begging
on their knees for crumbs and
mercy. But let me say this: Be
fore I would get down on my
knees and ask them for mercy,
Iwould let myself be put to
death. I would die fighting for
my principles, rather than sit
idly by while they trample my
people underfoot.
The tortures and horrors of
the chain gangs of the South
rival those of the Spanish In"
quisition. Even to see them is
to find it hard to believe. They
have built little boxes like tele
phone booths, in which the
prisoner can be locked. Then
the door is shut upon him, a
rope is tied about his neck, and
he is strung up with his toes
just touching the ground. |
Steam is turned on. A few
years ago Arthur Maillefert, a
young white boy, traveling in
search of a job, was arrested
for vagrancy in Florida and
put on the chain gang. The
overseers cut the bottom out of
the barrel, put the barrel over
him and made it impossible for
him to raise his arms. If a man
were to sit down from weari
ness in such a contraption, his
neck would be broken. That is
what happened to young Mail
lefert.
Not The First Case
This is not the first case
where a Negro worker was in
volved .Many cases happened
where Negro workers are fram
ed and murdered, are charged
with high misdemeanor and
sentenced to the electric chair.
The trial takes only about 15
to 20 minutes. These things
you hear nothing about. It
would have been the same
thing with me. They would
have called me to trial, sentenc
ed me to death. Nothing would
have been heard about it. But
thanks to the organized strug
gle led by the International
Labor Defense, which rallied
masses irrespective of color,
creed or political opinion, in
my defense, not only has my
life been saved, but the strug
gle against the Georgia insur
rection law has taken on tre
mendous proportions.
And here am I, charged with
attempting to overthrow the
constituted authority of the
State of Georgia. Now I am
faced with the chain gang.
Under such a charge, I would
not live out a year on the chain
gang. There are many ways
they might get rid of me. They
might shoot me in the back
and then say that I had tried
to escape. But I know that if
tlie pressure of tlie masses is
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[great enough, if we are on the
job every day and every night,
I they will not dare to carry
through their usual practice
and do me to my death.
The composition of the con
ference, the various people who
have spoken from this plat
form ,assures me that you will
continue this fight for the
freedom of the Negro people,
for the freedom of all oppress
ed peoples, and then it will not
be long before we can smash
the chain gangs and the whole
system Oifl which they are 'a
part.
What is my interest in all
this? My only desire is that the
Negro people become equals in
every walk of life; that all
workers have the right to en'
joy the things they have pro
duced ,to control their own
destinies, instead of being rob
bed and trampled underfoot
by a few worthless parasites.
Asks Fighting- Alliance
And therefore I ask you to
extend the fighting alliance of
workers, black and white, na
tive and foreign born.
Today we have a mighty de’
fense organization, the Inter
national Labor Defense, which
through its work has kept the
Seottsboro boys alive, and has
everywhere rallied the masses
iu defense of labor's rights, in
defense of the trade union
movement.
Only five days remain before
I must go on the chain gang.
The time is short. Nowr more
than ever, must we develop
the united campaign of mass
protest whjch will bring the
voice of millions into the State
of Georgia: “The slave insur
rection law must be wiped out.”
You, and all the other justice
loving people of America, must
be the ones to smash the insur
rection law, to free me, to free
the Seottsboro boys, to put an.
end, at last, to the barbarous
regime of the South. Continue
that fight; it is a fight for your
freedom as well as for mine.
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