^%V.,.W.V.,.V»V^.V^AS,.V.V.V.,.V.,.VJ,«W^/.,.V.V»,.V.W.WAVWWJ,A,.VWA,.,.,.,.V« . . . EDITORIALS ... -■«■■■■* a u a a a a a ■ a ■ ■ a a a aaBaaaaaaaBaaaaaaa*^ The Omaha Guide Published every Saturday at 2418-20 Grant St., Omaha, Neb. Phone WEbster 1750 GAINES T. BRADFORD, Editor and Manager Entered as Second Class Matter March 15, 1927 at the Post Office at Omaha, Neb., under the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. Terms of Subscription $2.00 per year Race prejudice must go- The Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man must pre vail. These are the only principles which will stand the acid test of good citizenship in time of peace, war and death. Omaha, Nebraska, Saturday, SEPTEMBER 28, 1935 NORDIC SUPERIORITY -BAH f|MIE fight is now over. There are many who have received the results with joy and there are those whose pride is buhied beneath the sod at the re sults. 'Whatever the case may be there is one thing certain and that is, the best man won and decisively so. The action of the throng that filled the Yankee Stadium to its capacity was that of any normal crowd. No outburst of any kind. The 1500 policemen looked silly trying to keep peace at this peaceful fight. The much and oftimes mentioned riot which Arthur Brisbane glorified in his columns failed to materialize. The only riot in the park was Joe Louis. The true spirit of sportsmanship knows nc color line and the residents of New York for the greater part are people who recognize ability as the outstanding quality and not color. And where was the Nordic supremacy that so many people claim is bound to win? Where was the yellow streak that some poor fish said existed in all Negro fighters? Those myths wrere exploded Tuesday night and to the delight of the greater k part of those 90,000 people. There is no Nordic superiority and there is no yellow streak in the Negro who has determination. Joe Louis will reign as king of the heavyweights until the nordics bring up a man who can lick him or wait until he gets too old to fight. PEACEJ)FFERS fT'HE agreement between Mussolini and his cabinet was that he would accept a mandate over Ethi opia. But who offered him a mandate? Certainly Tthiopia did not and the League would not dare too knowing that the Ethiopians are great lovers of their freedom. It seems that the great man of Italy has tread on dangerous grounds and now is left in a terrible iJ.tuation. He wants to get out of war if possible but he expected territorial grants from other pow ers who were so anxious to maintain peace through out the world. These powers instead are preparing to war 011*111111 and this does not meet his ends. He does not want war and does not need it. England, France and powers of the Little Entente surprised the dictator when they presented a united front against Fascism! at Geneva last week. The only course now left to pursue is to suddenly discover that there is a shortage of men at home to protect the women and gracefully order the troops in East Africa back home. In that way no one would dare suspect the mighty man of being a coward. He wants to civilize Ethiopia. There is a lot that he could teach these people who are very re lig.ous and peace loving. The oldest known civiliz ation in the world and yet this country over run with ignorance will take to task to civilize. The good dictator w hile he is in the mood for civilizing nations might invade Germany and stop the merci less treatment of Jews, or he might invade the Southern part of the United States and civilize the ignorant whites who persecute another race. And while he is at it go into South Africa and then to India and do away with the damnable caste system. Mexico’s peons would appreciate help too. His civ ilization scheme is as honest as when two slickers meet a country rube with a pocketful of money and w ant to teach him a game. IMAGINE THIS! |N ITS annual meeting at New Orleans last week the Southern Amateur Athletic Union voted for withdrawal from the German Olympics in 1936 because of discrimination against Jews in Germany. A part of the world where the most ignorant wretch €< group 01 miserable human beings exist and with nerve to blame another nation for discrimination. , ... tVTS hard t0 conceive tdat those narrow minded ' hill billies, could see that discimination is a curse / and without true cause. The poor half starved vv i’te from the south carries his prejudice with him. feaWJ1 a Part °f him the same as his ™ugh rr , blg feet- Wherever this trash S» met I exhibits CTg:„rrar,°ther PlaCe he U"C0n8Ci0U8ly very HehH ® *' ° n “ ,ri a *e u r Athletic Union will look men from ‘the" h(; resolution Passed by the gentle the south when it meets this fall. Ger many has already notified the United States that very little jn the way of protests can come from __ this country. And the Germans are correct. To live in a glass house means not to cast stones and the Southerners who live in cages have nerve to cast a cannons. The southern gentlemen obviously take it that i their prejudice is a fixture and that it is taken for granted. Out of the goodness of their hearts they cannot stand to see a man denied his rights and want to stay out of Germany. The American Olym phic team goes to Germany in the 1936 games and will win as many first places as her men can gather. The outstanding members of the team will be Ne groes and few if any Southerners will be on the team. It is for this reason that the generous men of the South want to stay at home in 1936. C C C AND THE ARMY A LTIIOUGH America has announced her inten * *• tions to remain neutral in any and all European j affairs pertaining to wars does not mean that she is not prepared to defend her borders from foreign invasion. The horrors of the last war is indelibly stamped on the minds of millions of American who now realize that war does not pay, and so a neutral course is wise. The Civilian Conservation Corps with 600,000 young abled bodied men can be transformed into fighting regiments on a moments notice. In many camps they have discarded the axe for a gun. They are trained and disciplined by army officers who carry them through regular army routine. In this manner our standing army has been increased with out attracting the undue war fever that has invad ed Eureopean countries. A TORY FIELD DAY ¥T WAS a Tory field day Tuesday. The biggest Tories shouted the loudest—in de fense of the Constitution, the historic document that was born in revolution and that proclaims the rights of the masses to free speech, press sand as semblage .! It is indeed significant that on precisely the same day that the flannel mouthed orators of the American Liberty League and the various officers’ organizations shrieked their “defense’’ of the con stitution, Tom Mooney in the California Supreme Court.was denied certain legal rights requested by his counsel. Not a peep out of the defenders of the Constitu tion on Mooney. Or on Scottsboro. On on Angelo Herndon. Or on the growing vigilante terror against strikers. No, what they demanded 'is that the Roosevelt administration cease any demagogic talk of amend ing the Constitution and become even more reac tionary than it is today. This was the real meaning behind the speeches of the representatives of the most reactionary circles of finance capital Tuesday. Nor can the Roose\relt administration speak with grace of the Constitution and constitutional rights. The present administration has dealt some heavy blows at the constitutional rights of the mass es in the last three years. Not one responsible ad ministration official has come, out against the whole wave of recent anti-labor egisllation. On the con trary, leading Roosevelt lights have been active in pushing laws meant to hamstring labor. The real defenders of the constitutional rights ol the masses are. neither in the ultra-reactionary American Liberty League nor the Roosevelt admin istration. The defense of the few remaining demo cratic* rights of the masses is the task of the vast masses of the American people—the workers, farm ers, intellectuals and lower middle class. do the job of uniting these various sections of the American people in one powerful party of work ers and farmers as a bulwark against reaction, the Communist Party is dedicated.—Daily Worker! OFFENSIVE .AGAINST SIN /^ENERAL Evangeline Booth of the Salvation Army, has issued, a manifesto to the members of organizations in ninety countries declaring a new offensive against sin throughout the world. It may be interesting to Guide readers to have a list of the sins that General Booth thinks should be wiped out. Her they are: greed, hypocrisy,, immorality, gamb ling, blasphemy, malice, hatred, murder, threfts, cant, jealousy, cowardice, fashion, pride, conceit! selfishness and lying. TRADEVAT HOME 'T'HE COMMERCIAL growth of a community de 1 pends largely upon the extent of the stocks kept by its merchants. People do not go to towTn to buy what the neighborhood merchants sell. Every Northside citizen should buy everything at home that vs possible. Dollars spent up town seldom get back to the Northside for circulation NOTES ANDCOMMENTS Personally let us get on record right now among those who can’t tell you what the people of the United States are thinking. Judging from some of the advertising we see in National magazines there must be more mormons in the United States than we suspected. There are some people in the world who want free food, free clothes, free lodging and everything else free, but they are not as numerous as you might think. KELLY MILLER „■ : "■'r" _ . NEGRO POLITICIANS This volume, by Prof. Harold F. Gosnell, Associate Professor of Poli tical Science in the University of Chicago, contains the first study we have had of Negro politicians by a competent authority in political sci ence. There is an introduction by Dr. Robert E. Park, Head of the Depart ment of Sociology of the University of Chicago, who gained intimate knowledge of the Negro while serv ing as literary advisor to the late Booker T. Washington. There are a lumber of illustrations of noted Ne gro politicians, mainly local Chicago :■ lebrities. After a brief survey of the Negro’s political activities in general, the book confines itself to a close-up study of Chicago Negro politicians. * he battle ground was shifted from South to North as the result of Northward migration caused by the boll weevil and the World War. These migrants flocked to the large cities where they found themselves segre gated, in congested areas, by race prejudice which was as effective in the North as in the South although it manifested itself in a different form. The rapid growth of the Negro population in the various Northern* cities may be judged by Chicago whose Negro contingent rose from 30,000 in 1900 to 234,000 in 1930. The majority of these migrants were of voting age. These black Chicago new comers came mainly from the South Central and South Western States ard were at once made conscious of their political strength in their new environment. .Tt is curious to note that the Chicago political leaders were indigenous to the city and not imported from the South. John R. Lynch, the veteran Mississippi poli tician, is the sole exception and he took up residence in Chicago too late for effective leadership. Mayor Thompson may be regarded as philosopher, guide and friend of the Chicago Negro politician. He built up a Republican organization in the Windy City, after a mpdel of Tam many hall which was as successful and as corrupt as its New York pro totype. Both the Chicago and the New York organizations gave the Negro a square deal and accorded him office in proportion to his voting strength. Under the tutelage of Big Bill Thompson and Martin B. Madden, the Negroes began at the foot of the ladder and wgre encouraged to rise to the highest places in their several W ards and Distrcts. They were giv en abundant patronage in City Hall as basis for holding their black con stituents in line. They were none too scrupulous in use of this patronage. Bishop A. J. Carey, of the A. M. E. Church and Big Bill Thompson were political buddies. The Mayor appoint ed this emminent ecclesiast as Civil Service Commissioner who died un der indictment for malfeasance of office. Negro aspirants desisted from Congressional aspirations, long after they had numerically dominated the first District, out of deference to Martin B. Madden, whose local and national prominence qualified him to serve his black constituents better than any member of the race could do. Negroes in Chicago filled places of rank and importance, both ap pointive and elective, in city and state. Immediately upon the death of Congressman Madden, Oscar De Friest was chosen as his successor. The story of his political rise, from, whitewasher to Congressman, is ty pical of the political history of Chi cago Negro politicians. Perhaps the most significant event in the history of American politics was the sudden shift, in 1932, from the Republican party to the Democratic party. This tidal wave swept the city of Chicago' and its Negro contiongent into the Democratic ranks. Throughout the North the Negro was transferred from the Republican to the Demo cratic camp. Oscar DePriest, the rock-ribbed Republican, was supplant ed by Arthur W. Mitchell, a convert ed Republican, who had become a staunch Democrat. But those who think DePriest is a political corpse had better follow the admonition of Josh Billings who said that if he were to preach a mule’s funeral ser mon he would stand at the head. A new thing under the political sun occured in the DePriest-Mitchell campaign in 1934. Two Negroes were pitted against each other as the duly chosfen candidates of their respective parties. Mitchell triumphed over De Priest because party discipline re quires that all Democrats, white and black, shall vote for the party nomi nee. Mitchell was elected mainly by white votes. While Negroes constitute the over whelming majority in three Chicago Wards, yet relative to the white po pulation, they are insignificant. This is the surest guarantee that racial disfranchisement will never be at tempted in the North as it has been in the South. “Negro Politicians” though con fined, in the main, to the City of Chicago, is a model for all of the large cities in the North with a con siderable Negro contingency, where there is no restriction as political pio neers than in any other city. New York has a much larger population than Chicago but less political soli darity and audacity. Congressman THE WAY OUT By Loren Miller (Special to CNA) PEACE AT ANY PRICE Congressman Mitchell recently de livered himself of theopinion that ev erything the N. A. A. C. P. does is vicious, a comment made to report ers who queried him on his attitude toward the graduate students. What ever else may be said about Mr. Mitchell’s observation it cannot bo called surprising; it is certainly con sonant with past performances. From the first it has been plain 'hat the Chicago congressman is an advocate of compromise. His theory is that the way for Negroes to get along s to acquiesce in discrimina tions imposed upon them. He shuns all actions that might embroil him in a fight with those who have poli tical and economic power and justi fies himself on the ground that in timo Negroes will be given their rights in return for humility and non resistance. Education of our enemies, ho is fond of saying, will finally soft en their hearts and solve our prob lems. -- Two Peas In a Pod Mr. Mitchell’s enemies are forever comparing him with his predecessor, Oscar DePriest, when they want to picture him as a craven coward and an Uncle Tom. They recall Mr. De Priest’s assault on segregation in the Capitol restaurant, and his brave words against all'kinds of discrimina tion. They remember his attacks on fhe South and his castigation of lynching. The inference is left that Mr. DePriest was as brave as Mr. Mitchell is cowardly. As an opponent of Mr. Mitchell’s theories I can never quite accept this estimation, of Mr. DePriest. In fact, I cling to the opinion that beneath the surface the two are as alike as two peas in a pod. It happened that while Mr. Mitchell was castigating the N. A. A. C. P. Mr. DePriest was assault ing all suggestions to tax the rich and. proclaiming them as our best friends. Stripped of non-essentials Mr. DePriest’s plea was that the rich be permitted to pile up as large for tune as possible without being ham pered by taxes. They will return it in charity and phlanthropy, he ar gued. Not a Chance At first blush the argument sounds plausible and it can be bolstered up by recalling gifts the rich have made to science or to Negro schools and colleges. But its plausibility vanishes when one stops to recall that the ac cumulation of large fortunes is made possible only at the expense of the wage earner and the consumer. If you own a factory, pay a low enough wage and jack up prices high enough you are bound to die rich. The other sid of the matter is that your work ei*s will die in poverty. Negroes as a whole are wage earn ers and they suffer when low wages are paid. Nor are their problems solv ed when the factory owner doles out n part of his profits in philanthropy; it’s a safe bet that he won’t give it all back n any event. Not only are the poor deprived of material com forts, but, lacking economic power, they are deprived of political and civic rights and civic liberties. Sift it down and you will -be driven to the conclusion that Negroes are deprived of their rights as a group because they are poor. Blind Alley Mr. DePriest’s philosophy as enun ciated in his latest speech is one that will retain and accentuate the wealth for the few and poverty for the many. In other words, he is giving support to a scheme that keeps Negroes pov erty stricken and hence unable to se cure those rights that h shouts they should have. Mr. Mitchell is willing to say that Negrots should not fight for their rights. Mr. DePriest is will ing to support a system that pre vents them from securing those rights. And what is the difference? Neither the cowardly advice of Mr. Mitchell nor the words-without-deeds speeches of Mr. DePriest has value; both nd in blind alleys. I am well satisfied with Mr. DePriest’s retire ment to private life and I suggest that Mr. Mitchell be sen to join him while the rest of us seek ways of fighting for civil liberties and for strength enough to enforce our right to a decent place in America. DePriest toured the large cities in cluding New York, Philadelphia, Bal timore, Cleveland, Detroit and St. Louis and wrged the Negros to as sort their racial independence and dominate political units to which race prejudice had assigned them as Chi cago had shown the way. He called upon them to elect their own Aider men, State Legislators and members of Congress whereever race predomi nance justified it. Thus Professor Gosnell has given us Chicago as a model and quide post for the Negro’s political life in the large cities of the North. He does not touch upon its repercussions up on the Southern political situation. . but the fact that two Negro Magi strates were chosen on the Democrat ic icket in a Southern city in the last election is significan and suggestive. Kelly Miller WHAT, NO VIOLENCE? (By Loren Miller) The recent shooting of Huey Long drew from President Roose velt the remarkable statement that the “spirit of violence is un American and has no place in a consideration of public affairs.’’ Although I am oppose to assassin ation as a means of settling polit cal disputes, I am sure that Mr Roosevelt is dead wrong. The truth is that violence has lone occupied a very prominent place n American public affairs. The unfortunate Mr. Long him elf got on top of the heap, and I tayed there, by the practice of a considerable amount of violence. He never appeared in public with | >ut his bodyguards who were I-rone to set upon any person who lappened to dissent from the sen ator’s judgments on public ques tions. What’s more, there is some doubt that Mr. Long would ever have been governor, or sen ator, if large percentage of Louis iana’s voters had not been dis franchised by means that are sometimes very violent. YOU, TOO Come to think of it, Mr. Roose velt h'.mself owes his present posi tion to the use of violence in pub lie affairs. Voting, I suppose, is a matter of public interest and Negroes disfranchised throughout the South. That same South de livered jits entire electroal vote to the Democratic party. Quib blers may make the claim that the disfranchisement is legal and does not entail the use of guns and fire. The objection isn’t entirely accurate and wherever too many Negoes show up at the polls the landlords get pretty busy w.th threats and bullets. In any event the disfranchise ment laws of the South were written after the Ku Klux Klan had kept up a reign of terror for years. Only the hair-splitter can pretend that lack of suffrage for Negroes does not rest finnaly on violence or the threat of violence. What, I should like to ask, has Mr. Roosevelt ever said by way of condemnation of the kind of violence that is so valuable to his own political fortunes? FAIRLY PUBLIC In fact, it s so easy to think of I examples of the use of violence in American public affairs that it im’t even a good game. I suppose I “that when a Negro has been ar rested and is in the custody of public officials, there must be some taint of a public affair j about Americans to seize such j Negroes and lynch them in a very open manner. That has happened twelve times already this year j without exciting the president to an open utterance. Nor is the use of violence a racial matter. The nation has | been ridden with strikes ever1 since Mr. Roosevelt got into of- j fice. Some of these strikes have been pretty bloody affairs. The public interest has been so affect ed that in many instances the militia, and in all cases the police} have been placed on duty. I don’t j know how many strikers have been killed as a result, but death on the picket line is fairly public and fairly violent. And where was Mr. Roosevelt? I’M AGIN' IT But I can understand Mr. Roosevelt’s silence on those other occasions. He didn’t think of them as being violence because those who rule us have been us dng those kinds of repression so |long that they seem the natural things to do. They don’t even seem like Violence. But then, eat ing humans doesn’t seem unnat ural to cannibals. And there was a time during the world war vhen killing Germans wasn’t eall d violence at all, it was praised s patriotism. However, the killing of one of fice holder always strikes other office holders as a terrible mat ter. That’s the time when those jwho have winked and connived at all sorts of violence get excit ed. But as I was saying, I am opposed to assassination too. In fact, I’m so opposed to personal violence of all kinds that I’m quite wilL'ng to join all of those who want to dg £W$lvtimt whole pattern" of" violence by which our present big-wage keeph themselves m the places of power. | MAXIE MILLER WRITES (For the Literary Service Bureau) (For advice, write to Maxie Mil ler, care of Literary Service Bureau, 516 Minnesota Ave., Kansas City, Kansas. For personal reply, send self-addressed, stamped envelope.) Woman of 40 Confesses—Circulated a Cunning Lie About Sex Cohabita ton Before Marrage—No Man Has Such a Right—Woman Who Accedes is a Fool—Let the Man Wait for the Ceremony. Maxie Miller: I am a woman 40 years old, and I want to make a con fession. I was led to believe a man had the right to demand sex associa tion with a woman before marriage to make sure she could be a wife, in that way. I advised lots of girlg and some of them got in trouble taking my advice. Now I’m convinced I was wrong and that a man has no .such right. More than this, I know it is dangerous. So, I'm sending this con fession to you that you may send it out to girls everywhere. And I hope this will ease my own. conscience.— Grace D. Grace D.: Yes, you were wrong. That old lie has been exposed time after tin^e. No man has such a right and a woman does such a thing at & terrible risk. The man should be made to wait.—Maxie Miller. DO YOUR BEST By R. A. ADAMS (For the Literary Service Bureau) If you perform the task assigned, Though arduous, and not recoil, Whether it be some noble deed, Or just the ordinary toil, When shall be judged the deeds of men', And human conduct be assayed, Faithful to duty, you shall be Of condemnation unafraid. So, whatever m.ay be the task, In all you may essay to do, Devote the best that in you lies, Bo unto duty ever true; And it shall little matter when May come the call, and end the race, You’ll feel no terror when you meet God, and your record, face to face. WEEKLY SHORT SERMON Your Task By Arthur B. Rhinow (For the Literary Service Bureau) > The other day I was reminded of an incident of my childhood. My mother and J were on a river steam er going at a fair speed, when an other, a faster boat, overtook us. To my surprise and dismay we seemed to be going backward as the other boat gradually passed us,and I must have looked dazed, regardless of ex planations from fellow passengers. But, though the other boat was fast er than oui*s, we reached our desti nation, nevertheless. How foolish it would have been for our captain to race with the other boat instead of adhering strictly to his course. Sometimes, in life, we seem to be going backward when others “pass us”. But if we stop eyeing the other boat with a greening of the eye, and concentrate upon our own ship, we shall probably find that we arc hold ing our own and doing well. Blessek aro they that have found the work they believe God wants them to ity They will not envy others or indulge in foolish racing; they will address themselves to their own tasks with wholeheartedness and joy. “Let oth ers make more money or gain more fame,” they say, “we have our work”. ALTAVESTA A GIRL’S PROBLEMS By Videtta Ish (For the Literary Service Bureau) Alta Vesta to Her Father—No. 19 Dear Father: Now that I am through writing about these little bad girls, of the girls with bad parents, I must w^ite about some other girls. There are! two of them. One is of our nice, but her parents are very poor."! nreSH her mother is poor bepausp-Th^c f#| er ran off and left his \j;id: #1iy wf.low.arywr.. Alta Vesta