The Omaha guide. (Omaha, Neb.) 1927-19??, September 14, 1935, Page SEVEN, Image 7

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The Omaha Guide
Published every Saturday at 2418-20 Grace St.,
Omaha, Neb.
Phone WEbster 1750
Entered as Second Class Matter March 15, 1927
at the Post Office at Omaha, Neb., under the Act
of Congress of March 3, 1879.
Terms of Subscription $2.00 per year
Raee prejudice must go* The Fatherhood of
God and the Brotherhood of Man must pre
vail. These are the only principles which will
stand the acid test of good citizenship in time
of peace, war and death.
Omaha, Nebraska, Saturday, SEPTEMBER 7, 1935
(From the Catholic Worker)
FOR THE past two months we have had an inter
esting time with both colored and white children
at the country place we rented for a garden com
mune. There were children from Harlem and child
ren from the lower west side, .and Greeks, Irish
and colored got along with perfect accord. There
was no race consciousness of any kind, and they all
played together and cooperated together in the
work of getting meals and cleaning up after them
We had one big attic room with two little al
coves ,and eight could fit themselves and thieir toys
into the room with neatness and dispatch.
It was a delight to run up in the evening after
they had gene to bed to see them tucked in. On thun
dery nights ,they doubled up two in a bed to make
it more cozy "and little black fades and little white
faces peered out at Lora, the sixteen-year-old col
ored girl ,who liked to tell stories, long stsories
which put them all to sleep, including herself.
It has always been the contention of those
conversant with the problem that racial cooperation
and understanding came naturally to children. At
titudes of contempt or superiority had to be instill
ed into them by some adult whose attitude was cor
roded by bitterness, a bitterness which had grown
up obseeurely away back somewhere in between
that period of innocent childhood, and economically
and socially conscious adolescence.
Last year a young seminarian was visiting us
in the office at the same time Dr. Falls, our
Chicago correspondent, a colored physician, was our
guest. In joining a discussion on interracial atti
tudes, he paused to wonder at the fact that never
had he come into contact with the problem, never
had it entered bis mind. His suggested solution was
the Negro schools, Negro churches, a Negro prienst
hood and sisterhood be sought And when we point
ed out that segregation only perpetuated the mis
understanding and bitterness ,he said thoughtfully:
“i - r;*ue that we never come into direct con
tact with them. We never met them in our schools
as children nor in our organizations as adults. We
will have to seek each other out and get together."
We remind our readers that while they are
reading all these editorials and notices in the Cath
olic dioejesan papers about sending their children
to Catholic schools so that they will not lose their
faith, many of our Catholic parochial schools are
closed to Negro children ,for fear that the parents
of the white children will object and ceasv* to sup
port the church and school. In New \ork and
Chicago, as well as in many other northern cities,
Negro and white sections are adjaqent, and the
children sit together in the public schools. Let us
use our influence to bring colored children into out
Catholic schools in order that wje may complement
this physical contact by spiritual contact and build
up the understanding of the dogma of the Mystical
“We are all members one of another.”
Our readers and cooperators will be glad to
hear of a novena which the children made before
the east of the Assucption. Methodist, Greek Cath
olic and Roman Catholic ki|?Lt together to recite
olic and Roman Catholic knelt together to recite
for none days that long and beautiful and very com
plete prayer whieh is usually said for thirty days to
the Blessed Virgin Everything is included in that
prayer, nothing is left out, and it is a pleasure we
are sure, for you to know thatMafty and Tommie,
Lora and Cora and Yetta, Georgia and Helen and
Teresa, remembered all our fellow workers for those
nine days.
We hope that you w'ill remember them, and the
problem their parents present, and se*e what you too
can do to bring ALL men to Christ.
(From the Catholic Worker, By Rev.
John M. Copper)
1IAN is a wolf to man an dthe wolf in man comes
out more in his relations to those of groups
other than his own—to those of other social and ec
nomie classes, of other nations, of other peoples, of
other races.
Underlying racial wolfishntess are many factors.
I shall take up two of the chief ones—the white
man's assumption racial superiority, and ]|is
tacit or explicit acceptance of the double moral
Intellectually is the white race on the average
superior to the Negro race? We have a number of
comparative intelligence tests of whites and Ne
groes. The majroity, but not all ,of these tests re
veal higher gross average scores for the whites.
But are these higher scores due to higher racial
ability or to ampler opportunities for education and
advancement? The rapidly accumulating evidence
the conclusion that the differences in the scones are
in pointing more and more unmistakably towards
due, certainly very largely and no imporbably quite
entirely, not to differences in racial ability between
whites and Negroes but to differences in racial op
portunities. And we have further to recall that in
somje of the tests it is the Negro and not the white
who has come out with the higher score.
The sum of the matter is that in the present
state of our evidence neither whitje nor Negro can
be scientifically proven to be superior or inferior
one to the other- The compelling probabilities are
that the differences, if there be any differences^
are not great.
So much for th/e first factor underlying our
white racial wolfishness as regards our Negro fel
low citizens. Let us pass on the second factor, the
double code.
By the double code we do not mean the double
sex code, but rather the broader code under which
wre respect the rights of those of our own group
and have little or no respect for the rights of those
who belong to groups other than our own.
The Christian moral code and this primitive
but still prevalent double moral code are obviously
in flat contradiction one to the other. The double
code runs: Only thosjs of my own narrow little
circle of family, kin, friendship, nation and race
are my brothers; outside are not. The Christian code
runs: There is neither Greek nor barbarism, neither
Jew nor Gentile, neither white nor Negro; we are
all brothers under the skin ,brothers to one another
and to one Elder Brother who lived and died for all
of us. The double code decrees: Justice to those
of my own little group; to others, justice only in
so far as expeiency or sheer power of eodmpulsion
demands. The Christian code decrees: Justice to
all, regardless of expediency or compulsion; our
just Father in heaven is no respector of persons or
of race; the members of all races are equally His
children with equally inviolable rights
The two codes are as unlike as night is from
day, as darkness from light. No one who pledges
loyalty to the just God of all humanity can for a
moment take as his own a code that denies even
handed justice to all but a segment of humanity.
To sum up what we have said so far: two major
factors are responsible for much or most of our
interracial w^olfishness- The first of these, the as
sumption of physical or mental superiority, is un
scientific. The second of these, the ancient selfish
double code .is obviously at odds w*ith a religion
built on faith in a God of love and justice.
It is largely to these two factors, the double
code and assumption of -white superiority, that are
traceable the deeply unjust discriminations on the
part of the whites against our Negro fellow-citizens
in this our own country. I am not speaking here
of interracial marriages, which are not particularly
desired by the overwhelming masses of either race,
and which, under existing social conditions and
under prevalent trends in public opinion, are broad
ly speaking not desirable. Nor am I speaking of
interracial charity. It is not sufficient for whites
merely to support generously works of charity and
philanthropy inaugurated and carried o ut by whites
for the benefit of their Negro fellow-citizens. The
American Negro is increasingly asking, not for
charity and philanthropy, but for justice. In fact
he is increasingly resenting this attempt to build up
charity on the ruins of justice. He is increasingly, i
and within his full God-given rights, asking for
justice, askini that the manifold discriminations and
injustices under which he suffers at the hand of the |
white majority he end|ed.
Time does not permit more than a brief enum
eration of some of the more outstanding of these
j discriminations and injustices that characterize the
color line: Blocking or shouldering the Negro out
of jobs in these days of depression and unemploy
ment; famine wages; denial of opportunity for vo
cational and economic advancement; widespread
trampling upon basic civic rights and often upon
the most rudimentary justice in our very courts of
justice; refusal to prosecute the cowardly murder- j
ers who hide behind lynch law; discriminations less
lethal but no less unchristian at the doors or within
the very walls of our churches an deductaional in
stitutions. These are but a few items in a litany
that could be continued through many minutes
more- And all this is done today, without ever a
humble and contrite plea to be forgiven for the in-1
justice we whites have wrought upon the Negro in
the past four centuries of conscienceless exploit
The day is far spent. But there may yet be
time and light enough to make some admends to
our sins and the sins of our fathers. Such amends
must come not merely in words, nor even in deeds
of charity. They must come through deeds of justice,
a justice that is uncompromising in principle and in
application. Justice, not words nor charity, is the
cure for injustice. Those who seek to establish the
kingdom of God on earth must seek first God’s
| justice—all other things can then easily and fitting
ly be added. But charity without justice limps.
An editorial in a paper from
an Indiana town illustrates what
happens to the efficiency and
certainty of electric service when
politics runs the generators.
The plant, in that town, which
is municipally-owned, operated
during a number of municipal ad
ministrations without interrup
tion—inasmuch as these adminis
trations did not, according to the
editorial, make a political play
thing of it.
Then the town’s government
changed, and a new group came
into power. Recently service was
broken off twice on a single Sun
day, with all the inconvenience
and danger to persons and prop
erty that interruption entails.
Theaters were compelled to dis
miss their patrons and refund
the money; filling stations with
electric pumps could no longer
sell gasoline; routine in the hos
pital was disturbed and upset.
Electric pumps at the water
plant wrere out of commission .
The newspaper ,after investiga
tion, discovered the cause of the
interruptions- Trouble with the
main generateor had put it out of
service. The electric plant, how
ever, also possessed two smaller,
emergency generators. One of
these was immediately started,
wrhen the shearing of a pin like
wise caused it to stop. The next
generator was then started, and
was found to be so far out of bal
ance it could not be brought up
to speed. This left the plant en
tirely without facilities.
According to the newspaper,
the poor condition of the equip
ment, and the inability of plant
engineers to get it started, was
due to the fact that political ap
pointments had replaced capable
men with inexperienced workers
know'ing little or nothing about
the involved machinery they wrere
supposed to handle. As a matter
of fact, service only came on
again when an automobile me
chanic, by hooking up a large
number- of automobile batteries,
was able to produce enough cur
rent to start the generator As the
editorial stated, the towm “is ex
tremely fortunate to have an au
tomobile mechanic handy w'hen
something goes wrong at the po
litically-operated plant."
A\ hen politics steps in, good
service steps out. As a rule, it is
simply a matter of time before
municipal powder plants fall under
the control of politicans w^ho re
gard them as profitable fields for
political patronage.
In commenting on the proposal
that large corporations be pro
hibited from making gifts to
charity, 'W alter Lippman, the
well-known publicist, wrote: Gov
ernments ought not on purely
theoretical grounds, wantonly
disturb a custom of the people.
Now it is a fact, established by
usage, that private chanty de
pends for more than a fifth of its
support on corporations—Cus
toms and usage are entitled to re
spect. To disrupt them simply
because someone in authority
happens to have a personal dis
like of them is a kind of irre
sponsible meddling which no
seasoned public official would
Writer Hits Founda
tions For Meddling
In Negro Health
New York. Sept. 4.—Writing in
the September CRISES magazine.
Eh*. Louis T. Wright, eminent New
York surgeon, scores funds and
foundations, particularly the Julian
Rosenwald Fund, an instrument to
better health conditions among
Negroes. Dr. Wright accuses the
Rosenwald Fund of attempting to
control every avenue of Negro life
and of trying to establish a nation
wide system of jim crow training for
Negro doctors and nurses and jim
crow health services for the Negro
Also in the September issue is an
article “Ethiopia Awakens” by Eh\
Reuben S. Young of New York City
who lived for one year in the Afrcan
kingdom. There is, in addition, a
sketch of Howard D, Shaw, young
Chicago engineer, who has charge of
air-conditioning railroad cars of the
New York Central.
The American tax system is
outmoded, wasteful, inefficient
—and essentially vicious. That is
a digest of statements recently
made by a number of economists
of standing.
It is especially vicious when it
comes to the so-called “share
the-wealth” tax measures which
propose that higher taxes be
levied against individuals and
corporations. “Big-business” is
to be penalized for being “big”.
And, according to the advocates
of these measures, the average
citizen will benefit — wealth will
pay the bill, and he will receive
the services of government for lit
tle or nothing. What misrepre
sentation of fact!
The average citizen who is
taxed to death now, will be taxed
still more as new taxes are cre
ated. Every tax on industry must
be paid by him, through higher
prices for commodities and ser
vices. Every new tax adds to his
cost of living.
The confiscatory “share-the
wealth” tax bill now pending in
Congress would, acording to its
sponsors ,cause increased federal
income of $270,000,000 a year.
If that is true, it would “redis
tribute wealth” to the tune of
about $2.25 fore each man, woman
and child in this country. And
it would fall $5,000,000,000 short
of meeting the deficit incurred in
the last fiscal year alone!
It is possible that such schemes
are put forward in an attempt to
blind our citizens to the fact that
we need tax reduction and fewer
taxes—and not tax increases and
new taxes. Overtax wealth—and
you kill initiative, employment
and industrial development Over
tax industry—and the consumer
finds himself faced with rising
prices and declining income. As
a recovery measure, that looks
like economic insanity.
According to an advertisement
of a large life insurance com
pany, the driver of every woman
or child before the year is over—
if the accident experience of 1935
duplicates that of 1934. And sta
tistics fo rthe first six months of
the year indicate that little if any
progress has been made in curb
ing the dangerous driver.
Every driver should decide for
himself whether he wants to be at
the wheel of “ear number 20.“
The decison is really within his
power. He can drive carefully,
in accordance with the law and
good judgment—he can keep his
speed to reasonable levels, main
tain his car in first-class mechan
ical condition so far as safety de
vices are concerned, and work on
the basis that it is better to give
up his right-of-way than risk a
trip in an ambulance. Or he can
take chances—he car. regard i
crowded streets and highways as
playgrounds, where his reckless
and adventurous instincts may be
indulged to the full without re
gard for others or himself.
The laws of chance are im
mutable—and every motorist
who is deliberately careless, can
be certain that eventually he will
come a cropper. He may get
away with reckless acts a thou
sand times—the thousand and
first time he wdll pay the price.1
Gambles with death always lose
—the dice are loaded before you
start the game.
One car in twenty will be the
cause of someone’s death or
maiming this year 1 Are you go
ing to be the 20th driver?
New President Of
Tougaloo College
Assumes Charge
Tougaloo. Miss.. Sept. 11, (ANP)
Hh*. Judson L. Cross, newly
elected president o f Tougaloo Col
lege. arrived here from his home in
Bexton. Mass., Tuesday, to assume
his new position. He was for eight
years New England regional secre
tary of the Congregational and
Christian commission on missions,
home and foreign, and was elected
to the presidency of Toualoo Col
lege at the summer meeting of the
American Missionary Association to
succeed Dr. William T. Holmes who
retired at the end of the 1934-35
sc hoi as tc term.
C. C. C. Advisers Meet
At Hampton To Dis
cuss Program
By Whl Anthony Aery
Hampton, Va., Sept. 6—Dr.
Thomas Gordon Bennett, U. S A.
Third Corps Area Educational
Adviser, has just brought to a
close, at Hampton Institute, a
two-week Training Conference
Program for Negro Camp Educa
tional Advisers of the Civilian
Conservation Corps, whose admin
istrative officers include Maj. Gen.
Robert E. Callan, Commanding
General of the Third Corps Area,
and Col. Elvid Hunt, Assistant
chief of Staff.
Among those who took part in
the training conference program
were: Hon. Robert Gechner, Di
rector Emergency Education Pro
gram; Dr. Howard Oxley, Educa
tional Director, C. C. C.; Col.
Elvid Hunt, U. S. A , Welfare Of
ficer, Third Corps Area.; Wm.
Anthony Aery, Director of Edu
cation, Hampton Institute; Dr.
C. J. Hyslup, Director of Student
Guidance, V. P. I.; Edgar G.
Brown, publicity department, Em
ergency Conservation Work; Dr.
T. G. Bennett; Dr. C- E. Ward, C.
C. C. Company No. 1252, Marion,
Dr. Sidney B. Hall, Superin
tendent of Public Instruction for
Virginia; Maj. S. M. Ransopher,
Assistant Educational Director, C.
C. O; George W. Burroughs,
Chairman Third Corps Area Com
mittee on Camp Papers; i. L. Blair
Buck, Virginia State Director
Emergency Education, Program ; ■
Miss Eva C. Mitchell, Extension
Service, Hampton Institute; J. A.
Atkins ,Assistant in Relief Edu
cation for Negroes, U. S. Office
of Education; Ellsworth C. Dent,
Visual Education Specialist; H.
E. Weatherwax, Virginia State
Park Division, and E. Floyd Flick
inger .Superintendent National
Historical Monument (Yorktown)
—all of the National Park Ser
Fred Morrell, Assistant Chief, j
National Forestry Service and the
following co-workers H. R Kylie, j
Educational information Service;
G. P. Kramer, Educational Direct
or. Region No. 7 and Frank A.
Connolly, Specialist in Conserva- J
tiom Writing and Public Relation
Advise, Region No. 7; Ernest H. j
Hays, Organist, Hampton Insti
tute; Walter S. Newman, Virginia
State Director, National Youth
Administration; Dowell J. How
ard, Acting Virginia State Super- i
visor of Agricultural Education;
Harry J. DeYarmett, Director ofj
Trade School, Hampton Institute, j
and Frank L. Hann, Supervisor
of Industrial Arts and Trade
Teaching; and Frank L. Crone,
who served for some years as Di
rector of Education in the Phil- ‘
ippine Islands.
Some of the bajor topics for
discussion were' “Educational
Activities in the CCC:” “Educa
tional and Vocational Guidance;”
“The Individual and the World
of Work;” “Appreciation of
Mu«ic; ” “ Giving Opportunities
for Practical Instruction;”
1 rade and Industrial Educa
tion: ’ and ’‘Camp Educational
Problems,’’ The panel-jury dis
cussion method was employed in
brining out the important phases
of a number of problems; namely,
guidance technique, occupational
information, securing jobs, ap
prenticeship training, relation of
guidance to placement, instruction
on the job, training in unit skills,
camp papers, adult-education pro
grams, applying teaching tech
nique in camp programs, and
academic programs
The members of the training
conference include the following
educational advisers: James F.
Adams, Co. 376; Richard F. Bell,
Co. 1371; Charles E. Brown. Co.
314; R. T. Boyd, Co. 354; Lorenzo
Burford, Co. 1367; Joel T. Carter,
Co. 1372: Walter H. Dabney, Co.
1334; Robert L Duren, Co. 1287;
Clarence J. Grinnel&, Co. 361;
Rushton C. Long, Co. 336; Fred
Minnis, Co. 333; J. Franklin Pet
ers, Co. 1355; Oscar A. Pindle,
Co. 1375; Theodore H. Thompson,
Co. 321; W. H. Tyler, Co. 439 ;i
Ruben R Webb, Co. 315; George
W. Williams, Co. 316; and two
newly appointed advisers—Char
les H. Clarke and James F. Childs.
N. A. A. C. P. Demands
i Att’y General Act
Against Election
New York, Aug. 30—Formal de
mand was made today on Homer S.
Cummings, U. S. Attorney Genera],
that the Department of Justice pro
secute John Cashion of Wilkesboro,
N. C., “for arbitrarily refusing to
register qualifed Negro voters and
for refusing to allow them to vote
in the general election held in No
vember, 1934.” The N. A. A. C. P. re
minds Mr. Cummings that this viola
| tion of the Federal Constitution was
reported to the Department of Just
ice by Professor W. H. Hannum of
Salisbury, N. C., more than six
months ago. The Attorney General’s
; office at that time referred the case
to Carlisle W. Higgins, U. S. Attorn
ey for the Middle District of North
Carolina, with offices at Greensboro,
The supposed investigation was made
by T. N. Stapleton of Charlotte, N.
C., Special Agent for the Department
| of Justice, which the N. A. A. C. P.
charges was “a flagrant whitewash”
because in spite of the fact that
written statements were filed by
fourteen Negro complainants, no
federal agent interviewed these com
plainants except that one agent cal
led upon Mr. Claude M. Petty of
Wilkesboro not to obtain information
against Cashion but to try to intimi
date and threaten Mr. Petty because
he had complained.”
The result, the N. A. A. C. P.
charges, was that U. S. Attorney
Higgins on May 14 wrote to Profes
sor Hannum that the Bureau of In
vestigation was of the opinion that
no action should be taken against
Cashion, this opinion being based on
the defense made by Cashion that he
“was not satisited that the compla n
ing individuals had the educational
qualificatkmse required by the law
of North Carolina.”
The N. A. A. C. P. charges that
this is a patent evasion of the facts
and alleges that “if the Bureau of In
vestgaton had been honest and thor
ough in seeking information, it would
have clscovered that the majority of
the complaining Negroes had (1) a
better education than the registrar
himself; (2) that the majority of the
complaining Negroes had a better
education than the majority of the
white voters in Wilkesboro; (3) that
the registrar did not apply any edu
cational test to the white voters of
the county”.
In July, 1935, Prof. Hannum made
a special trip to ashmgton bearing
with hirn additional writ'-en state
ments hv the Negro complainants to
the fact that no federal agent had
inter viewed with them with the ex
ception of Mr. Petty, and he only for
the purpose of intimidation and with
signed statements from white voters
of Wilkesboro that they had been
given no educational tests by Cash
icn as a prerequisite to voting The
N. A. A. C. P. reminds the attorney
general that Mr. Carusi of the De
partment of Justice with whom Prof.
Hannum conferred promised that an
investigation would be made immedi
aely and action taken within a few
weeks. The N, A. A. C. P, alleges
that this promise has not been kept
so far as it could learn and puts the
issue squarely before the attorney
general in these words: “Here we
Ere concerned not with primaries but
with a general congressional elec
tion. We are concerned with a flat
denial of suffrage in a general elec
tion. We have a precedent for prose
cution by the Department of Justice
in a similar situation in the same
district in the October term, 1931, of
the United States District Court for
the Middle District of North Carolina
at Salisbury, in the case of U. S. vs.
S. R. Sechrest. Under these circum
stances, Negro citizens all over the
country await with particular con
cern and interest the decision and
action by your department in this
Wilkesboro fiase.”
Mother, Three Months
OM Babe, Left To
Sleep on Sidewalk
lief check cut, miles of red tape from
the home relief bureau—and Mrs.
Ida Jones, her two year old child
and three months old baby were left
i to spend the night on Harlem side
walks, in front of her apartment at
11 West 118th Street.
Mrs. Jones was informed by Nata
; lie Cozan of the Home Relief Pre
i cinct No. 26, West 124th Street that
the city could “do nothing” for her
family until she had been evicted.
After the eviction, she informed Mrs.
Jones that the dlty could “do nothing
until they moved into another place”.
Sympathetic neighbors finally se
cured a moving van which moved the
Jones family to another apartment
Meantime, a police car drove up and
rushed the investigator away.
Although the relief rent checks
are stamped ‘ paid in full”, Mrs.
Jones’ landlord had been forcing her
to g.Ve over part of her food allow
ance to cover the exorbitant rent
The relief authorities refuse to pay
the six dollars charged by the mov
ing operator.
Mothers—Let your boys be Guide
newsboys. Send them to the Omaha
Guide Office, 2418-20 Grant Street