The Omaha guide. (Omaha, Neb.) 1927-19??, May 18, 1935, Page SEVEN, Image 7
■.V.V.V.V.V.V.V.V.V.V.V.%V.W.V.V.V.V.,.".V.W.V.V.V.*.VAW.V.,.V.V.V.V.V.V.V.*.V.V.% ... EDITORIALS . . . V.VA’.V.V.V.V.'.V.V.VAVW.V.VA'.V/AV.V/AV.V.V.V.VWAVJ'.V.V.ViV.'.V.V.V.'.V.V.V. The Omaha Guide Published every Saturday at 2418-20 Giant St., Omaha, Xeb. Phone WEbsrer 1750 Entered as Second Class Matter March 15, 1927 at the Post Office at Omaha, X'eb., under the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. Terms of Subscription $2.00 per year. Race prejudice must go. The Fatherhood cf God and the Brotherhood of Man must pre vail. These are the only principles which will stand the acid test of good citizenship in time of peace, war and death. Omaha, Nebraska, Saturday, MAI 18th, 1935 A Message to Southern Black Men From The Chicago Defender. We have no hesitancy in stating—and this statement is based upon a belief in the Reiter con science of American citizenry—that the will of the American people has been thwarted and defeated by a minority. It is our opinion that the Costigan Wagner Anti-Lynching Bill in its intent and pur pose embodied the principles for which the great majority of American citizenry stands The people who defeated the anti-lynching bib and the forces combined to make possible this e feat did not represen. nor speak for the• and cultured white people of the South. Those forces which succeeded in preventing the passage of this measure typify and represent that element of the white South whose chief gratification finds its highest attainmen. in a form of cruelly that has its birth in sex and mental perversion. This small minority, smoke-screening its pur pose under the guise of protecang - Southern wom anhood,” was able to muster to its side sufficient strength under the skillful direction of a much ad vertised constitutional lawyer to defeat the enact ment of a piece of legislation which would have stilled .he palsied hand of the murderer and lyncher. The belter thinking white women of the Soutn .rave their moral support .o the passage of the meas ure They knew, only too well, that the fig t ina t by certain senators .o the end that lynching should be maintained in the South as a security of their virue was bold and brazen hypocrisy of the worst kind They further knew that when senators on the floor of the senate declared, “that the local authorities could solve the lynching problem, that Lhut statement was a traves.y upon reason and ex perienee. • , The intelligent white people oi the bouth ar well aware oi the fact that only too ofen the law officers themselves are a party to the lynchings. They know ilia. officials for public office in certain Southern s.a.es are elected to office because of their attitude and their favorable consideration of lynchers and lynchings. This is all known to the intelligent and cultured whue people of the South. Unfortunately for the bouth the political s.atus of most of the sta.es is shaped and controlled by the descendants of the poorest type of the slave hold ing class.. The politics of the South and shaping of" the laws of the South is in control of the descendants of that type of Southern white men who were, during slavery the holders of such po sitions in the social and economic life of the bouth as plantation overseers and paddy-rollers. This class of Southern white men, by virtue of their responsibility during the slave era, develope a brutalizing instinct, in fact a sadistic mind m that the agonv and misery of others became a joy and happiness to them. The supporters and defenders of lynching are the heirs apparent to the throne of the savagery and mental perversion of their ances tors- „ But to every black man of the South we are sending this message: “You are supposed to be freemen; the Constitution of your country say s that no freeman shall be taken, or imprisoned, or diseas ed, or outlawed, or banished, or in any way injured, unless bv the legal judgement of his peers or by the law of the laud. This law came down to you in common with other men from England s highest legal authorities. ~ In view of the repeated infringements upon your rights and privileges by mobs with no authority oi law and without any legal sanction for their action, it now becomes your imperative duty as men io de fend yourselves. You have observed the refusal of the United States senate to enact into law a bdl which would have sustained you in your citizenship rights. In view of its refusal you have no other alternative but to exert every possible effort to re sist the murderous mob when they attempt your home or your person. When the law enforcing agenceis of your coun ties refuse your aid, in faot connive with the mob to destroy your life and property, your only refuge is to stand up and die like men. No man is iolat ing any law when he defends himself against a mob. Mobs are both cowardly and criminal at heart; if you must go, then take somebody with ■ vou. Answer terror with terror; yon can die only I once; this is the message to the South. A The Bonus Becoming a Reality From The Pittsburgh Courier. I From all preseni indications. Uncle San will soon HgS saying to the World War veterans. “Come and it!'’ Hke debate and vote in the Senate indicates that inson plan will win over that of Senator Har rison or Representa.ive Patman. The House will in all likelihood follow is the footsteps of the Senate. The Vinson plan calls for an expenditure of $2,263,545,000. At the very least. 200 million dol lars will come to colored' veterans, including .he loans they have already received. Either the Vinson bill or one closely resemb ing it will pass within The next few weeks. It is doubt ful if the President will veto it. If he does, Con gress is more than likely ,o pass it over his head. With all respect to te various New Deal agencies, the payment of the bonus will consti.ute th; first j real “break” Negroes have received. — The Slaughter Pen — . From The Chicago Defender. Mississippi has been rightly named the “slaught er pen of the Sou h.v Lynchings are so prevalent in Lawrence County that the corner’s jury is now calling them suicides. Whenever a white farmer wants to steal a black man’s land or crop, a mob is organized and soon the black man is found dead. This happened in the case of R. J. Tyrone, a pros perous farmer and respectable citizen. The very fact that he was these things made him an un desirable citizen in Lawrence County. William Evans, white, living near Tyrone’s farm, had made several dishonorable aitemp s to get a portion of Tyrone’s valuable land. His efforts were of no avail so he decided to murder the owner. This he did with the knowledge, and i. might as well be added, with the consent, of the law enforc ing agencies, because Evans is still at large. That such a thing could happen in what is term ed a civilized community, and yet no self-respec. iug white people would intervene, would be beyond belief were the facts not available to the contrary. Such conduct is the product of a mind steeped in all the putridity of a passing civilization. The •South cannot rise above its own thinking. So long as murder, concubinage and robbery openly and willfully committed continue, just so long will The South typify the headhunters. Right thinking cannot find any lodging in a foul mental container. Children born under such en vironment will, throughout their lives, image the character of their parents. The communities which tolerate such crimes are the play writers and those who commit them are the actors. They are so closely inter-woven that one shapes the character of the o.her. I The Anti-Lynching Bill — From The Pittsburgh Courier The Anti-lynching Bill was defeated in Wash ington last week, but in the face of that defeat, a calm review of the history of the struggle for an anti-lyneh law reveals that progress is being made. During all the Republican administrations, the Anti-lynch Bill never made the progress that the Costigan-Wagner Bill made in the present Con gress. The ground work was laid permanently by Messrs. Costigan and Wagner, ably assis.ed by other white people who, down in their hearts, know that crime will move from community to community and attack any and everybody, regardless of race, creed or color. The practice of lynching began with Negros as the victims, but it now extends to white people, and the more the practice is tolerated, the more white people will be lynched. The white peo le of this country. North and South, expressed a desire to see the Costigan-W agner Bill made the | iaw of the land. A few reactionary Senators from the South shopped the program of the bill. They have accepted full responsibility for the defeat of the bill. They did not seem to realize it, but they were jockeyed in the position of blocking the legis lation, desired by the President of the United States, and they accepted that posiiion fully aware of their predicament. It was not so much a demand from their constituents that compelled the Southern Senators to vote against the Bill; it was their own personal convictions, due to the age in which they were born. The grandsons of these same Senators will frown upon the records of their forefathers. They will wear the scarlet letter in years to come, because future generations will point to them as the sons and daughters of grandfathers who went on record for lawlessness and for lynching. What care these Senators now about their grand children? They live only for today. They think in terms of today and not tomorrow. They are mak ing it dreadfully hard for their children and their children's children, but what care they for the off spring? Shortsighted men like these are expected to oppose progressive legislation, but we are mak ing progress. These same men will face a constitu ency opposed to lawlessness and lynching. The in telligent people of the South will stop sending Senators like Bailey, Bankhead, Byrnes and Smith to the Senate, because the South prefers to be classified on a par with any other section of the country, and the South will yet rise up against its reactionary Senators and retire them to the com fields and shade trees—forgotten, forsaken and un sung. This involves time, but what is a decade in the progress of a race or a nation? What is a decade ! against rights and privileges, guaranteed for life? The fight is well worth the sacrifice, and the American people everywhere are quite satisfied that, within a few years, the obstructionists of the South will constitute forgotten men who lived for themselves and a tradition, and nothing more. The Negro must keep his head up, keep his spirit, save his money, and be prepared for that larger life which is sure to come,, even in the Untied States of America. ooon child /and the school Br Dr ALLEN G. IRELAND Cbrrcor Pby.nJ -a H.Jtt EJjUfOW Nr. /-..r, Ir*r D'^.— °! I""*™” Summer Camps The summer camp is one of our most valuable gifts to childhood. There are camps to fit almost every purse, and nearly all give t »>re than money can Duy. In selecting a camp, look first to the leaders. If there is understanding of children, kindness, and tolerance, you have a safe founda tion. To run a sue cessful camp, one must nave a sm cere love of children. Look next to the camp facilities, especially sanitary features and water sup ply. Inquire into the daily menu. Are the food essentials provided, both in quality and amount. How about the milk supply? Children on vacation will need lots of it. At home, vegetables can be pur chased in cans j at camp, they should be bought fresh from the farm. Finally inspect the program, but be war}* of the overloaded day. Fatigue may offset r' cry benefit the camp has to offer. There should be outdoor sports, woodcraft, scouting, handcraft in modera te n, balanced by long restlul nights of sleep in the open. If you can afford a camp for the son or the daughter, by all means untie the apron strings. If it co« no more than that, the camp justifies its existence. "Do explorers drink milkr’ asked a little girL Dr. Ireland tells next week kow she was answered. It’s The Dime That Counts The sign on a little unpainted wooden building just east of New Albany. Miss.. “High Brown Cafe"’ your Pullman porter, who happens to be high blaek en lightens you. “We have our so cial dis inctions among colored people although I don't think much of them. The highest class is the ‘high-valler.’ They sit down in the front pews in colored churches in Washington. Then come the next lightest the ‘high brown’ and after that the plain blacks, like me. But, Boss, if I was to go into that high-brown cafe with *en cents in my hand, they’d wait on me quick as if I was the angel Gabriel.” They probably would. When a “white” in the north gets siid denly and violently rich, he be comes “high-white,” and has no difficulty in getting waited on anywhere from Newport to Palm Beach. The Emergency Conservation Work Fort Thomas, Ky., May 13.— Five Negro Educational Advisers were among the seventy-five CCC Educational Advisers in attend ance at a special meeting held here, under the auspices of the Fifth corps Area, which com promises the States of Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio. They were: P. C. Smith. Sinking Springs. Ohio; James Gray, Mitchell. In diana ; Karl Howell, Corydon. In diana; Cecil Morris. Bloomington. Indiana and James Rowland, of Portsmouth, Ohio. The srpeech delivered by James Rowland, the oldest Negro Educa tional Adviser of the Fifth Corps Area in point of service at a CCC camp was commended by the Washington officials present. Rowland took occasion to em phasize the all around program of the Emergency Conservation Work, the real contribution be ing made in a well conceived tech nique for the development of a finer character of citizenship and manhood, and an equal under standing of the pressing elemen tary and cultural phases, which have been stressed for the colored enrollees the whole gamut from teaching the boys to 'read and write to the artistic excellence, comparable to the “ Southern Aries.” the nation’s singers of the Negro Spirituals. Robert Feehnerr, Director of Emergency Conservation Work this week made public a report disclosing that during the month of January a total of 167,003 CCC men; which includes 12.000 Ne gro enrollees had voluntarily par ticipated in the Civilian Conser vation corps educational pro gram. This figure, amounting to 53 per cent of the total number of CCC men enrolled during that month represented a new all time peak for attendance in the edu cational courses at the camps. The report, prepared in the of fice of Dt. John W. Studebaker. Commissioner of Education, and transmitted to the Director through the War Department summarized the educational acti ivties in the camps for the year that the educational porisrram has been in operation. The office of Education acts in an advisory ca pacity to the War Department in the administration of the CCC edu cational work. Based on information forward ----I ' ' d to Washington by the nine Army eorps area educational ad visers. the report showed an in crease from month ;o month in at tendance in the camp schools. A total of 2*2.642 courses were be ing conducted for the men in the camps during the month of Janu ary, as compared to 15,796 in October. 19.156 in November and 21.219 in December. The number of men enrolled in classes was increased from 118,034 or 39 per cent in October to the present figure of 167,003. At the present time, a total of 13,660 persons are cooperating in providing instruc tion for the young men in Ihe CCC camps. The instructional staff of the CCC includes 1,468 camp educational advisers assign ed to full time duty in the camps. The balance is made up of camp military and technical personnel, public teachers who are contribut ing their services vo untarily and o her public spirited citizens. A survey of courses taught in the camps in January disclosed that 43 pre cent of the subjeets are voca ional. Of of the bal ance ,18 per cent were of elemen tary level, 32 per cent of high sehool leve5, 5 per cent of college level and 2 per cent general. A breakdown of statistical da a •overing the various other phases of the educational prosrram dis posed tha in January 29.506 men were enrol'ed in courses in nearby night schools; 20,700 were enroll-1 in correspondence courses,! 70,832 were carrying no hobbies and 95,602 were doing reading under supervision. Further edu- j cational activities included the showing of 4.988 educational finis and the circulation of 334,102 books. A total of 209.881 guid ance interviews were given. One of the highpoints of the ed ucational report was the state ment hat 2.388 illiterates are be ing taught to read and write and to solve simp’e arithmetic nrob lems. “Three different means are em ployed to carry out these aims: 1. —New ski'ls and trades are aught enrollees in classes and on the job as members of the camp work crews. With the hope of earning a livelihood, enrollees are learning to be butchers, cooks, cobblers, carpenters, masons, tree surgeons, e'c. The new skills de veloped by these trades strengthen the morale of enrollees by giving them the confidence and the pride of achievement. 2. —Elementary, high school, and college subjects are taught in classes. More than 2388 illiter ates are learning to read and to write, and to solve simple arith metic problems. Such subjects as English, economies, history, civics, health and hygiene, agriculture, and language .taught as part of the high school and college work in the camp school, give enrollees a better understanding and ap preciation of life. Thus they be come better citizens, capable of intelligent par icipation in the be lief of their home communites, and awakened to the responsibi lities of Americans toward their country. 3. —To provide enrollees with something worthy to do during their leisure time, both in camp and at home, hobbies and handi crafts are stimulated. A number of these are photography, wood carving. pottery, leather work, metal craft, and weaving. When enrollees learn the satisfaction of “making things’’ in their spare time, there is less likelihood of idle hands and loafing af:er the camp period is over. The Tinted States Office of Education selects and appoints j Camp Educational Advisers, and j recommends to the Secretary of. War the outlines of instruction, j teaching procedures, and types of ' caching materials for use in the j Camps. Administering the educa tional program in the field ,under! Army officers, are nine Corps | Area Advisers. In Camp is an Educational Adviser responsible to the Camp Commander for di recting the classes in Camp and on the job. He also contacts near by communities, which often op en up their schoolhouses for en rollees, lend books, and supply teachers to the Camps. An important phase of the Ad viser's work is the counseling and guidance of enrollees on such | matters as health, vocations, edu cation. and adjustment. At pres ent, 1468 Camp Educational Ad visers are on duty, while a total of 13,660 persons are giving full time or part time instruction to enrollees. “In addition to camp instruc tion, and instruction in nearby schools, instruction is given through correspondence courses from various schools, colleges, and universities. During January. 22.642 classes and discussion group were being conducted for men in the Civilian Conervaton Corps, and 167.003 enrollees were carrying on efforts at self-im provement. “Educational facilities in the Camps, include libraries, educa tional movies and often projec tors. and frequently classrooms equipped with blackboards and desks. “Class attendance is not com pulsory, nor is the curriculum prescribed, nor the specific meth ods mandated. Enrollees study what they wish to study. If their attention is caught and held, their study interest is expanded to in clude supporting materials. The job of the CCC Camp Educational Adviser is to counsel with the en rolee, guide him, arrange for him suitable study materials, and point him toward "renter voca tional effectiveness.’’ ECONOMIC HIGHLIGHTS In th" words of Time, President o” his return from the Rrhamas. “seemed to White House observers almos: as tired, supersensitive as when he went away. Three mutually aggravat ing circumstances had helped to make him so. They were: 1—Congressional delay, caused by a nunwieldy party ma.iori y. lax leadership and the customary rebelliousness of Congressmen at Presidential mid-term. 2. —Steadi:y bolder hammering at his legislative program by critics. 3. —Growing confusion among plain citizens as to the direction of the New Deal program, grow ing doub as to whether the President himself knew where it was leading.” In an attempt to make these circumstances a lit;le less aggra vating. President Roosevelt sat down, in a White House study, stared at a microphone, and made his first “fireside ehat’’ in many months to the American people. First part of the talk was con fined entirely to generalities. The President said that the public at large was feeling much more confident that recovery was on the way ; something that, in view of most commentators, is highly debatable. He then said that Congress is making distinct pro gress; something that is likewise debatable. Finally he got down to specific item. These were in the same nature of a nanswer to a new bul letin of the National Association of Manufacturers, which said that the threat of New Deal reform measures was all that blocked the early appearance of recovery. On the NRA. the President said that he wished it continued. He asked that the measures whereby the Interstate Commerce Commis sion would be given the authority to regulate all transport, not just railroads: a bill to achieve this has passed the Senate, now pends in the House. Te threw his weight behind the Banking Bill, which would give the Federal govern ment almost absolute control over all the nation's banks, as the utilities bill would give it absolute control over all power and light concerns, holding or operating. And in conclusion, he said, “Nev er since my inauguration in March. 1933. have I felt so un mistakably the atmosphere of re covery.” Response to the talk tended to be less favorable to the President than it has been in the past. Most newspapers and business men seem to favor the Trausportatio measure, most want a modified NR Acontinued. But the Bank ing and Utilities Bills have no friends in industry or commerce. Further, it is believed that they have few real friends in Congress, ou.side of left-wing groups; many Congressmen will vote for them simply because they are Adminis tration ; baeked, will pay them public tribute and at the same time will hold severe private private doubts as to their wis dom. In brief, the gap between the Administration and industry is now widening. Direct criticism of the President, which was almost entirely lackng a year ago, is ap pearing now in many quarters. Business spokesmen who former ly made polite objections to bills and named no names, are laying the blame at the White House door, are saying that Mr. Roose velt is running the show and must accept the responsibility if the tent collapses. As for the future of legislation, there is a good chance that Con gress will not be so eager to pass Presidential measures as it was in the past. The Social Security Bill, in the reasonable and moderate form in which it passed the House, will probably go through; many business leaders endorse it. It is probable that a modified XRA will be continued, with prin cipal stress laid on hours and wage provisions, and that the Transportation Bill will be pas sed. But most think that the Banking and Utilities Bills will either be beaten or will be so re written as to make them hardly recognizable to their original sponsors. It has often been said, during the past five sour years, that the way to solve a depression is to develop new frontiers. The only trobule with that solution in the present depression is the lack of frontiers to develop. One frontier is still left, how ever: Alaska. Only a minute por tion of its food is produced with in its boundaries: the rest must be imported from Continental U. S. As a result, a scheme which FERA officials set upon in Janu ary. is now getting under way. In Southern Alaska is the Mat anuska Valley, with 76,000 rich acres, which now houses but 117 families. FERA p'an is to trans plant bankrupt farm families to the valley from United States farming regions, put them to work producing necessities. Wint er temperatures iu the valley are higher than those in northern Michigan, Minnesota, etc. so there is no climate problem. Each fami ly will be given equipment, live stock. a house and for.y acres, worth. $3,000, which they-can re pay to the Government with 3 per cent interes over 3 ) years. First families started for the valley a fortnight ago. The plan has vast possibilities; has enlisted the sympathy of many observers. Southern Heat Over Anti-Lynch ig Bill From the St. Louis Post-D.spatch. As is usually the case wiien an anti-lynching bill is discussed ni congress, the senate debate on the Costigan-Wagner bill has been characterized more by heat than by light. Members from the south seem unable to discuss the ques tion dispassionately, as was point ed out recently by the Greensboro N. C. Daily News, in an editorial reprinted on this page, the Daily News said: “Honestly, we, who have never lived or moved and had been anywhere else save right down here in the midst of those who believe in the high hand as the savior of womanood. have never met more than half a dozen south ern gentlemen to whom we would delegate the right to lynch. “None of these, we might add, was, had been or expected to be right soon a member of congress. ” What are the facts about lynch ing? Briefly, they are: Since 1882, there have been 5,071 lynchings in the United States, and these by no means have been confined to the southern states. In the past 35 years, the records show, fewer ’ than 1 per cent of these crimes have been followed by prosecu tion. In only 12 instances have , convictions resulted. These fig ures bear out what everyone knows—that it is next to impos sible for local government to deal with lynching. In 1922, when the Dyer anti lynching bill was before congress, ' it was defeated by a filibuster of | southern senators who contended ; .hat lynching is a matttr for local 1 government alone. Since them 280 lynchings have occured, with a pi execution record of approxi mately zero. It is interesting to observe that while the Dyer bill was pending lynching decreased; ! ;hat when the agitation for fed eral action weakened after the de feat of the bill, lynchings rose in number. The same pheonema oe ettred in connection with the Berger bill of 1928. If the mere .hreat of federal action has a salutary effect upon lynching, passage of a law permitting fed eral intervention under certain circumstances might well make lynching one of the rarest of of lenses. The Costigan-Wagner bill has its constitutional basis in the right of all persons to equal protection under our laws. Willful failure on the part of peace officers to protect prisoners from mobs -or to arrest persons who had taken part in a lynching would be made a felony. If prosecutions were not commenced by the state with in 30 days after commission of the offense, the bill would empower the federal government to act. Inder a further provision, which is regarded by many as the most powerful feature of the bill, a county in which a lynching occured would be held liable to the injured person or to his heirs or legal representatives. The re coverable damages would be not less than two thousand dollars or more than 10 thousand dollars. It is believed that to place finan cial responsibility on counties would have the effect of cooling off the ardor of would-be lynch ers who are also taxpayers. Is this measure constitutional? Senator Connally of Texas says no and quotes numerous authori ties to prove it. Senators Costi gan and "W agner, who have given much thought and labor to the proposed legislation, sav yes. They also cite numerous authori ties. Certainly, the constitutional question will never be settled in congress. It is one that must await the decision of the courts. The question for congress is whether or not an attempt is to be made to deal with an evil by which more than five thousand persons since 1882 have been de prived of their legal rights; an evil which has reached Heights in the United States duplicated no where else in the civilized world; an evil which has resulted in the death of many innocent persons: an evil which menaces respect for our courts and our processes of jutice. ^ e believe it to be the dutv of congress to act.