A NOTE ON THE NEGRO
AND THE NEW DEAL
By John P Davis
. /
Executive Secretary, Joint Committee
On National Recovery.
It is highly important for the Ne
gro cit.zen of America to take inven
tory of the gains and losses which
have come to him under the “New
Deal.” The Roosevelt Administra
tion has now had two years in which
to unfold itself. Its portents are
reasonably clear to anyone who ser
iously studies the varied activities of
its recovery program. We can now
state with reasonable certainty what
the “New Deal” means for the Negro.
At once the most striking and irre
futable indication of the effect of the
“New Deal” on the Negro can be
gleaned from relief figures furnished
by the government itself. In October
1933, six months after the present ad
ministration took office, 2,117,000 Ne
groes were in families receiving re
lief in the United States. These rep
resented 17.8 percent of th total Ne
gro population as of the 1930 Census
In January 1935, after nearly two
years of Recovery measures, 3,500,000
Negroes were in families receiving
relief, or 29 percent of our 1930 pop
ulation. Certainly only a slight por
tion of the large increase in the num
ber of impoverished Negro families
can be explained away by the chari
table, on the grounds that relief ad
ministration has become more hu
mane. As a matter of fact federal
relief officials, themselves, admit that ]
grave abuses ex.st in the administra
tion of rural relief to Negroes- And
this is reliably borne out by the dis
proportionate increase in the number
of urban Negro families on relief to
the number of rural Negro families
on relief. Thus the increase in the
number of Negroes in relief families
is an accurate indication of the deep
ening of the economic crisis for black
America.
NRA Lowers Negro Standard of
Living
The promise of NRA to bring high
er wages and increased employment
to industrial workers has glimmered
away. In the code-making process
occupational and geopraphical differ
entials at first were used as devices
to exclude from the operation of mini
mum wages and maximum hours the
bulk of the Negro workers. Later,
clauses basing code wage rates on the
previously existing wage differential
between Negro and white workers
tended to continue the inferior status
of the Negro. For the particular
firms for whom none of these devices
served as an effective means of keep- ■
ing down Negro wages, there is an
easy way out through the securing of
an exemption specifically relating to
the Negro worker in the plant Such
exemptions are becoming more num
erous as time goes on. Thus from
the beginning relatively few Negro
•workers were even theoretically cov
ered by NRA labor provisions.
But employers did not have to rely
on the code-making process. The Ne
gro worker not already discriminated
against through code provisions had
many other gaunlets to run- The
question of importance to him as to
all workers was, “As a result of all of
NRA’s maneuvers will I be able to
buy more?” The answer has been
“No.” A worker cannot eat a wage
rate. To determine what this wage
a number of other factors. Thus rates
for longshoremen seem relatively
high- But when we realize that the
average amount of work a longshore
man receives during the year is from
ten to fifteen weeks, the wage rate
loses much of its significance. When
we add to that fact the increase in
the cost of living—as high as 40 per
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cent in mary cases—Lhe wage rate
becomes even more chimerical. For
other groups of industrial workers in
creases in cost of living, coupled with
the part time and irregular nature of
the work, make the results of NRA
negligible. In highly mechanized in
dustries speed-up and stretch-out
nullify the promised result of NRA to
bring increased employment through
shorter hours. For the workers are
now producing more in their shorter
work periods than in the longer per
iods before NRA. There is less em
ployment. The first sufferer from
fewer jobs is the Negro worker.
Finally the complete break-down of
compliance machinery in the South has
cancelled the last minute advantage
to Negro workers which NRA's en
thusiasts may have claimed.
Farmers Exploited Under AAA
The Agricultural Adjustment Ad
ministration has used cruder methods
in enforcing poverty on the Negro
farm population. It has made viola
t-ons of the rights of tenants under
crop reduction contracts easy; it has
rendered the enforcement of these
rights impossible. The reduction of
th acreage under cultivation through
the government rental agreement
made unnecessary', large numbers of
tenants and farm laborers- Although
t>o contract with the government pro
vided that the landowner should not
reduce the number of his tenants he I
did so. The federal courts have now
refused to allow tenants to enjoin
such evictions. Faced with this Dred
Scott decision against farm tenants,
tho AAA has remained discretely si-j
lent- Farm laborers are now jobless
by the hundreds of thousands, the
conservative government estimate of
the decline in agricultural employ
ment for the year 1934 alone being a
quar.er of a million. The larger por
tion of these are unskilled Negro agri
cultural workers—now' without income
and unable to secure work or relief.
But the unemplo; ment and tenant 1
evictions occasioned by the crop re
duction policies of the AAA is not all. j
For the tenants and sharecroppers
who were retained on the plantations,:
the government’s agricultural pro
gram meant reduced income. Whole- j
j sale fraud on tenants in the payment |
of parity checks occurred. Tenants
complaining to the Department of
Agriculture have their letters referred
back to the locality in which they live
and trouble of serious nature often
| results. Even when this does not
happen, the tenant fails to get his
check. The remainder of the land he
tills on shares with his landlord
brings him only the most meagre ne
cessities during the crop season, vary
ng from three to five months. The
rest of the period for him and his fam
ily is one of “root hog or die.”
The past year has seen an extension
of poverty even to the small percen
tage (a little more than 20 percent) of !
I Negro farmers who own their own
land. For them compulsory reduction
of acreage for cotton and tobacco
crops, with the quantum of such re
duction controlled and regulated by
local boards on which they have no
representation, has meant drastic re
duction of their already low income.
Wholesale confiscation of the income
j of the Negro cotton and tobacco far
mer is being made by prejudiced local
boards in the South under the very
nose of the federal government- In
the wake of such confiscation has come
a tremendous increase in land tenant
ry as a result of foreclosures on Ne
gro-owned properties.
PW A Seeped Through With Prejudice
Nor has the vast public works pro
gram, designed to gtve increased em
ployment to workers in the construc
tion trades, been free from prejudice.
State officials in the South are in
many cases in open rebellion against
the ruling of PWA that the same wage
scales must be paid to Negro and
white labor. Compliance with this
paper ruling is enforced in only rare
cases. The majority of the instances
of violation of this rule are unremed
ied. Only unskilled work is given Ne
groes on public works projects in most
instances. And even here discrimina
tion in employment is notorious. Such
is bound to be the case when we real
ize that there are only a handful of
investigators available to seek en
forcement.
Recently a move has been made by
Negro officials in the Administration
to effect larger employment of Negro
skilled and unskilled workers on pub
lic works projects by specifying that
failure of a contractor to pay a cer
tain percentage of his payroll to Ne
gro artisans will be evidence of ra
cial discrimination. Without doubt
ing the good intentions of the spon
sors of this ingenious scheme, it must
nevertheless be pointed out that it
fails to meet the problem in a number
of vital particulars. It has yet to face
a test in the courts, even if on* is
willing to suppose that high officials
of PWA will bring it to a test. Per
centages thus far experimented with
are far too low and the number of
such experiments far too few to make
an effective dent in the unemployment
conditions of Negro construction in
dustry workers. Moreover the scheme
gives aid and comfort to employer
advocates of strike-breaking and the
open shop; and, while offering, per
haps, some temporary relief to a few
hundred workers, it establishes a dan
gcrous precedent which throws back
the labor movement and the organiza
ion of Negro workers to a consider
able degree. The scheme, whatever
its Negro sponsors may hope to the
contrary, becomes therefore only an
other excuse for their white superiors
r.aintaining a “do-nothing” policy
A'.th regard to discrimination against
Negroes in the Public Works Admin
istration .
Long Term New Deal Policies Con
demn Negroes To Ghettoes
The Negro has no pleasanter outlook
in the long term social planning ven
tures of the new admin.stration ■ Plan
ning for subsistence homesteads for
industrially stranded workers has been
muddled enough even without consid
eration of the problems of integrating
Negroes into such plans. Subsistence
homesteads projects are over burdened
vith profiteering prices for the home
steads and foredoomed to failure by
the lack of planning for adequate and
permanent incomes for prospective
homesteaders.
In callous disregard of the interdic
“■ on in the Constitution of the United
States against the use of federal funds
for projects which discriminate a
gainst applicants solely on the ground
if color, subsistence homesteads have
been planned on a strictly “lily-white”
basis- The more than 200 applicants
for the first project at Arthurdale,
West Virginia were not even consid
ered, Mr. Bushrod Grimes ((then in
charge of the project) announcing that
the project was to be open only to
“native white stock.” As far North
as Dayton, Ohio, where state laws
prohibit any type of segregation
against Negroes, the federal govern
ment has extended its “lily-white”
pol.ay. Recently it has established
two Jim-Crow projects for Negroes."
Thus the new administration seeks in
its program of social planning to per
petuate gheltoes of Negroes for fifty
years to come.
An even more blatant example of
this policy of “lily-white” reconstruc
tion is apparent in the planning of the
model town of Norris, Tennessee, by
the Tennessee Valley Authority. This
town of 450 model homes is intended
for the permanent workers on Norris
Dam. The homes are rented by the
j federal government, which at all times
maintains title to the land and dwel
lings and has complete control of the
town manp-?ment. Yet officials at
TVA openly admit that no Negroes
are allowed at Norris.
TVA has other objectionable feat
ures. While Negro employment now
approaches an equitable proportion of
total employment; the payroll of Ne
; gro workers remains disproportion
; ately lower than that of whites.
j While the government has maintained
i a trade school to train workers on the
project, no Negro trainees have been
admitted. Nor have any meaningful
plans matured for the future of the
several thousand Negro workers who
in another year or so will be left with
out employment, following completion
of work on the dam being built by
TVA.
No one at TVA headquarters at
I Knoxville seems to have the remotest
! idea of how Negroes in the Tennessee
i Valley will be able to buy the cheap
electricity which TVA is designed to
produce. The officials frankly admit
| that standards of living of the Negro
population are low that the introduc
tion of industry into the Valley is at
present only a nebulous dream, that
even if this eventuates there is no as
surance that Negro employment will
result- The fairest summary that can
be made of TVA is that for a year or
so it has furnished bread to a few
thousand Negro workers. Beyond
that everything is conjecture; conjec
ture which is most unpleasant be
; cause of the utter planlessness of
j those in charge of the project.
Recovery legislation of the present
session of Congress reveals the same
fatal flaws which have been noted in
the operation of previous recovery
ventures. Thus, for example, instead
of genuine unemployment insurance
we have an administration plan pro
posing to exclude from any insurance
domestic and agricultural workers, in
which classes are to be found 15 out
of every 23 Negro workers. On ev
ery hand the administration has used
“New Deal” slogans for the same raw
deal
Negro Masses Reacting to the Crisis
The sharpening of the crisis for Ne
groes has not found them unrespons
ive. Two years of increasing hard
ship has seen strange movement
among the masses- In Chicago, New
York, Washington and Baltimore the
struggle for jobs has given rise to
action on the part of a number of
groups seeking to boycott white em
ployers who refuse to employ Negroes.
“Don’t Buy Where You Can’t Work!”
campaigns are springing up every
where. The crisis has furnished re
newed vigor to the Garvey movement.
And proposals for a 49th state are
being seriously considered by various
groups.
In sharp contrast with these strictly
racial approaches to the problem have
been a number of interracial ap
proaches- Increasing numbers of un
employed groups have been organized
under radical leadership and have
picketed relief stations for bread.
Sharecroppers Unions, under Commu
nist leadership in Alabama, Georgia
and North Carolina and under Social
ist leadership in Arkansas, have shak
en America into a consciousness of the
growing resentment of Southern farm
tenants and the joint determination
of the NegTO and white tenants to do
something about their intolerable con
dition.
In every major strike in this coun
try Negro union members have fought
w.th their white fellow workers in a
struggle for economic survival. The
bodies of ten Negro strikers killed in
such s‘rike struggles offer mute testi
mony to this fact Even the vicious
policies of the leaders of the A. F. of
L. in discrimination against Negro
workers is breaking down under the
pressure for solidarity from the ranks
of the whites.
Nation-wide Conference Scheduled
For May
This heightening of spirit among all
elements of black America and the
seriousness of the crisis for them make
doubly necessary the consideration of
the social and economic condition of
the Negro at this time. It was a real
ization of these conditions which gave
rise to the proposal to hold a national
conference on the economic status of
Negroes under the New Deal at How
ard University May 18, 19 and 20.
At this conference, sponsored by the
Social Science Division of Howard
University and the jJoint Committee
on National Recovery, a candid and
intelligent survey of the social and
economic position of the Negro will
be made. Unlike most conferences,
it w.H not be a talk-fest. For months
nationally known economists and other
technicians have been working on pa
pers to be presented. Unlike other
conferences it will not be a one-sided
affair. Ample opportunity will be af
forded for high government officials
to present their views of the “New
Deal • ” Others not connected with the
government, including representatives
of radical political parties, will also
appear to present their conclusions.
Not the least important phase will be
the appearance on the platform of
Negro workers and farmers them
selves to offer their own experiences
under the “New Deal. ” Out of such
conference can and will come a clear
cut analysis of the problems faced by
the Negro and the nation.
But a word of caution ought be
expressed with regard to this signifi
cant conference. In the final analysis
it cannot and does not claim to be
representative of the mass opinion of
Negro citizens in America. All it can
claim for itself is that it will bring
together on a nonrepresentative basis
well informed Negro and white tecn
nicians to discuss the momentous prob
lem it has chosen as its topic. It can
furnish a base for action for any or
ganization which chooses to avail it
self of the information developed by
it. It cannot act itself.
“National Negro Congress” Suggested
Thus looking beyond such a confer
ence one cannot fail to hope that it
w;il furnish impetus to a national ex
pression of black America demanding
a tolerable solution to the economic
evils which it suffers. Perhaps, it is
not too much to hope that public opin
ion may be moulded by this confer
ence to such an extent that already ex
isting church, civic, fraternal, profes
sional and trade union organizations
will see the necessity for concerted
effort in forging a mighty arm of pro
test against injustice suffered by the
Negro. It is not necessary that such
organizations agree on every issue.
Or. the problem of relief of the Negro
in America from intolerable poverty
there is little room for disagreement.
The important thing is that through
out America as never before Negroes
awake to the need for a unity of
action on vital economic problems
which perplex us
Such a hope is not lacking in foun
dation upon solid ground. Such an in
stance as the “All India Congress” of
British India furnishes an example
(and there are many) of what repress
ed groups can do to better their social
and economic status • Perhaps, a
j ‘ National Negro Congress” of dele
gates from thousands of Negro organ
izations (and white organizations will
ing to recognize their unity of inter
; est) will furnish a vehicle for channel
ing public opinion of black America.
One thing is certain: the Negro
may stand still but the depression will
not. And unless there is concerted
action of Negroes throughout the na
tion, the next two years will bring
even greater misery to the millions of
underprivileged Negro toilers in this
country.
Separate Negro
State Held Race
Problem Solutios
New York, May 2.—Whether
or not the American Negro’s sal
vation lies in a separate Negro
state in this country is the sub
ject of a spirited three-cornered
debate in the May issue of THE
CRISES, official organ of the Na
tional Association for the Ad
vancement of Colored People, out
this week. Arrayed on the side
of racial separation are Attorney
Oscar C. Brown, founder of the
49th State Movement, and James
S. Allen, Communist writer. In his
characteristic manner George S.
Schuyler, well-known author and
columnist, ridicules the idea, de
claring it to be nonsensical, un
feasible and unconstitutional. At
torney Brown is not specific as to
the possible location of the 49th
State but Mr. Allen suggests that
section of the South known as the
Black Belt where Negroes pre
dominate in the population. Each
statement is stimulating and re
vealing, and the debate will pro
voke wide discussion.
Another well-written timely,
and elooely reasoned article is
“Ethiopia and World Politics”
by George Padmore, erstwhile
editor of the Third International
organ “The Black Worker” who
was ousted by Soviet Russia be
cause he protested against the
failure of the Communists to rally
to he aid of the African workers.
In the same issue Daisy E.
Lampkin, regional field secret ary
of the N. A. A. C. P. tells of suc
cessful organization work in the
South. John P. Davis lashes the
impoverishment of Negro work
ers under the New Deal and there
is an important statement on the
much-discussed George Crawford
ease, accompanied by hither.o un
published documents.
L L D. Moves to Free
Youngest Scottsboro
Boys
Demands Hearing in Juvenile
Court for Rcty Wright and
Eugene Williams
FOR RELEASE OF Al-L BOYS
New York—CNA—Immediate
hearings in the juvenile court for
Eugene Williams and Roy Wright,
the two youngest Scottsboro boys,
will be sought by Attorney Os
nond K. Fraenkel, white, the In
ternational Labor Defense an
nounced this week.
Fur her legal steps in the cases
of Haywood Patterson and Clar
ence Norris are waiting on the
mandate to be handed dowrn by
^he U. S. Supreme Court. On
April 1, that court reversed the i
.death sentences of Patterson and
Norris.
Hearing to be Set.
B. L. Malone, white justice of
he Decatur juvenile court, was
mterviewed las week by C. B.
Powell, white, Birmingham, Ala
bama, lawyer associated with the
Scottsboro defense of the I. L.
D.. Malone agreed to set a date
for the hearings and informed
Mr. Powell that he had notified
Attorney-General A. Carmichael
to that effect.
On June 1, 1933, Judge James
J. Horton was forced to separate
the cases of Roy Wright and Eu
gene Williams {from the others
because of their ages -when At
torney Fraenkel made application
for a writ of habeas corpus on the
grounds they were being illegally
held without trial. At the time,
they were both 13 years old.
Two Issues Involved
The judge of a juvenile court,
according to the laws of the state
of Alabama, must pass on two is
sues. They are, first, whether a
defendant is innocent or guilty,
and secondly, if guilty, whether
he can be reformed! If the
judge finds a defedant incorrigib
le, the case is sent back to the
ordinary criminal court for trial.
Witnesses who testified in the
previous trials of Haywood Pat
terson and Clarence Norris at De
catur, Alabama, will be used in
the hearings before Judge Malone
to prove the innocence of Eugene
Williams and Roy Wright.
Anna Damon, acting national
secretary of the I. L. D. urged all
friends and sympathizers of the
Scottsboro boys to redouble their
protest activities .raising the de
mand for no re-indictments and
the immediate, unconditional re
lease of the Scottsboro boys. Miss
Damon requested that all funds
for Scottsboro defense be rushed
to the national office of the L L.
D., at 80 E. 11th Street, New
York City.
Davis Scores NRA and
FERA Jim Crowism
Washington, May 2.—Appear
ing as a representative of the Na
tional Association for the Ad
vancement of Colored People be
fore the Senate Finance Commit
tee on Aril 16, Attorney John P.
Davis of this city scored the ad
ministration of federal relief and
NRA code differentials which
have sunk the Negro farther into
poverty and degradation.
He declared that 12 per cent
more Negroes are now on relief
than in October 1933, when the
NRA began. At that time 17.8 per
cent of the Negroes were on re
lief. The figure now is in excess
of 29 per cent he said.
Protesting against wage differ
entials in codes, Davis mentioned
the case of the fertilizer industry
in Delaware which employs-large
ly Negro workers. In order to
pay them less, Delaware is listed
as a southern state, though for
other industries it is considered
in the north and workers are paid
accordingly. Replying to a ques
tion by Senator King, Davis point
ed out that where Negro workers
organize, their wages are higher.
Intimidation keeps most of them
from joining unions in the south,
however, he said.
Referring to delays and discri
minations in cases affecting Ne- j
groes, Davis related that after 15
months of pressure to remedy a j
code wage violation in the case ;
of 134 Negro women formerly
employed by the Maid "Well Gar
ment Co. of Forrest City, Ark.,
the case is dtill pending. He
pointed out tliaf absence of Ne
groes on NRA boards makes it
easy to discriminate against them
iii labor dispu.es.
Davis ca’led for outlawing of
company unions; labor represent
ation on compliance boards; a na
tional minimum wage based on
annual labor income; abolition of
occupational, geographical and
other wage differentials; and ou.
lawing of any differencials based
on race.
Tobias Joins Staff of
Race Relations Group
“O—
Y. M. C. A. Senior Secretary Will
Divide Time With Commissicm
on Inter-racial cooperation.
Atlanta, Ga., May 2—For the
ensuing year, in addition to his
work as Senior Seere ary of the
National Council of the Y. M. C.
A., Dr. Channing H. Tobias will
devote part of his time to the
work of the Commission on In
ter-racial coopera ion, according
to an announcement from the
headquarters of the latter organi
zation in This city. The Y. M.
C. A. agreed to share Dr. Tobia’s
lime at the earnest request of the
Inter-racial . Commission, which
fell that he could render the
cause of race relations a unique
and invaluable serivce in connec
tion with certain projects which
the commission is promoting.
The ve eran Y. 1.1. C. A. leader
was encouraged to accept the ad
ded responsibility by recent op
portunities to address importan. I
Southern groups as an irterpre er
of inter-racial good-will, and by
the unifoim courtesy and appre
ciation with ivhich his services in
.hat connection were received. In,
a recent good will tour in Texas
he spoke by invitation before the
State Teachers Association and in
seven of the leading while col
leges, and everywhere was given
a most cordial and sympathetic
hearing. His appearance last
summer as one of the principal
speakers a' the Southern Method
ist Summer Conference at Lake
Junaluska, N. C., is another ease
in point.
It should be clearly understood
that Dr. Tobias’ connection with
the Y. M. C. A. as Senior Secre
tary for Colored Work continues
unchanged. The new arrange
ment with the Inter-racial Com
mission means only that he will
divide time between the two or
ganizations. The Commission
counts itself fortunate in effect
ing this arrangement.
Biographical
Dr. Tobias is a native of Au
gusta, Ga., and is a graduate of
Paine college and of Drew Theo
logical Seminary. He is a trus
Tee of Paine college, Howard Uni
versity, and Palmer Memorial In
stitute. He taught six years at
Paine college and for twenty-four
years has been connected with the
International Committee of the
Y. M. C. A., for the last eleven
years as senior secretary. Dt. To
bias has twice been To Europe,
first as a delegate to the Pan
African Congress and later as a
delegate to the Y. M. C. A. world
conference at Helsingford. In
1928 he received the Harmon Aw
ard for distinguished service in
the field of religion.
Orators to Clash in
Contest on May 13.
New York, May 2.—Champion
orators selected from contests
staged by the Staten Island, New
York, Jamaica and New Rochel
le, N. A. A. C. P. branches will
participate in the Metropolitan
district oratorical contest held by
the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People
at Curtis high school, Staten Is
land on Friday evening, May 3.
Participating branches are hold
ing preliminary contests as fol
lows: New" York at Grace church
on April 28; Jamaica at Allen A.
M. E. church, 160th St. near South
Road, on April 26: and New Ro
chelle at Wingah Avenue Method
ist church on April 24. Staten
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The State
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Corner 14th and Dodge
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Prices the Lowest
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Terms the Easiest
Island helds its contest, March
29 and Miss Edna Morgan won it.
Subjec s must deal wi.h the his
tory, achievements, problems and
activities of the Negro race.
The Lehman cup, given by Gov
ernor Herbert II. Lehman, a di
rector of the N. A. A. C. P., will
go lo the winning branch. Any
branch receiving the cup twice in
succession or three times, will
keep it. Individual prizes of
gold, silver and bronze medals
will be awarded those winning
first, second and third places.
Evade Michigan Law to
Fix Death Penalty
Detorit, Mich.—CNA—Federal
authorities here are determined
to execute James O. Kirk al
though Michigan law prohibits
the death penalty.
Kirk, a laborer of Battle Creek,
Mich., in charged with “criminal
assault” within a United States
mili;arv reservation. Federal of
ficials are attempting to remove
him from the jurisdiction of the
sta.e in order to secure a death
sentence.
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Banish Offensive Odors
In just one minute after an appli
cation of Emerald Oil you’ll get the
surprise of your life. Your tired,
tender, smarting, burning feet will
literally jump for joy.
No fuss, no trouble; you just ap
ply a few drops of the oil over the
surface of the foot night and morn
ing, or when occasion requires. Just
a little and rub it in. It’s simply
wonderful the way it ends all foot
misery, while for feet that sweat
and give off an offensive odor,
□ there’s nothing better in the
world.
. Moone’s Emerald Oil is
guaranteed to end your fool
troubles or money back.
TIRED, WORN OUT,
NO AMBITION
HOW many
women are
just dragging them
selves around, all
tired out with peri
odic weakness and
pain? They should
know that Lydia
E. Pinkham’s Tab
lets relieve peri
odic pains and dis
comfort. Small size only 25 cents.
•Mrs. Dorsie Williams of Danville,
Illinois, says, “I had no ambition
and was terribly nervous. Your Tab
lets helped my periods and built me
up.” Try them next month.
|]- -
t
t
a
How to Get Rid of
GRAY HAIR
Look Years Younger
When you can change your gray,
faded, or streaked hair to its natural
youthful soft color in less than half
an hour—
And do it at home without fear of
harm to the hair—why go on looking
years older than you should look.
Rap—I—Dol i3 the real, original
hair colorer—18 shades to choose from
it is so supremely good that the best
beauty shops in all the large cities In
the world feature it. Rap—I—Dol
will not wash off or fade nor affect
marcell or permanent waves.
Go to any Beaton Drug Store today
and choose the shade you need—you’ll
be a happy woman if you do—for a
long time to come.
Special!
MENS HATS
; CLEANED and BLOCKED
EMERSON LAUNDRY
and ZORIC DRY CLEANERS
2324 North 24th Street WEbster 1029
