INDEPENDENT
APRIL 4.1WT.
It
XXXJCj
NATION VERSUS STATE
W. J. BRYAN AND SENATOR BEVERIDGE.
wpnn a air A
MR. BRYAN'S REPLY.
"Senator Beveridge's article on "The
Nation,' which appeared in the Reader
magazine, says: "There can be no
danger from the national government
except the danger that comes from the
American people themselves, acting
in common; and, of course, the people
are not going to Injure themselves or
their own interests.'
"This is a vry plausible argument,
and it would he sound but for the
fact that it entirely overlooks the
reasons which are urged in the defense
of local self-government.
"Yes, the people of the states are tiie
same people who act together as parts
of the union, but when the people of
a state act together on a local mat
ter they are nearer to the subject
under discussion and, therefore, can
act more intelligent'. If the argu
ments in defense of local self-government
are unsound, then the whole
theory of self-government is defect
ive. It must be assumed that the peo
ple want to do what is right upon
no other theory can we have self
government. It must also be assumed
that the people can act most intelli
gently upon that which they best un
derstand. That they can best under
stand a thing with which they deal
daily is axiomatic; and it is equally
true that they will study most those
things in which they are individually
interested." '
Mr. Bryan here refers to the negro
problem of the south and the oriental
problem of the Pacific coast, assert
ing that these may best be handled
by the people of those localities with
out the interference of the national
government. He continues:
".Senator Beveridge does not men
tion either of these race questions,
and yet, according to the doctrine
which he laid down, 'the American
people themselves acting in common
could deal with the subject as well aa
the American people acting independ
ently in the several states.
"The second proposition advanced
by Senator Beveridge in- the Reader
last month is that 'the powerful in
terests which exploit the people and
the nation's resources can more easily
handle a smaller portion of the Amer
ican people for their purposes than
they can handle the enitre eighty mil
lions of the people for their purposes.'
He should have said that the repre
sentatives of predatory wealth are ad
vocates of state's rights when prose
cuted by the national government and
advocates of centralization whenever
they are attacked by any state. If
he will review the history of the last
twenty -five years, he will find that
the very corporations which he now
charges with being friendly to state's
rights have constantly defied the
states and sought shelter in the fed
eral courts. Whenever a state has at
tempted the regulation of rates, the
railroads have at once invoked the
power of the federal courts to enjoin
and to suspend. The United States
courts are now filled with suits that
uught to be tried 'in 'the stair coui'U,
but which are dragged into the fed
eral courts for two reasons lirst, to
get them so far away from the plain
tiffs as to make litigation expensive,
and second, to secure trial before
judges who are appointed for life by
federal authorities and often upon the
recommendation of corporate repre
sentatives." After asserting tliat Senator Bever
idge".? position on . the state's rights
quesrron involved in th Chicago strikes
of Wi to be directly opposed to the
platform upon which Lincoln waa
elected, Mr. Bryan take up the sub
ject of the national bank charter, as
sorting that it was not urged by the
people for the purHe of restraining
large moneyen impress; it waa. on
in1 other hand, advocated by moneyed
interests and has ever since been de
fendant by moneyed Interests. Even
now the national bankers, not satisfied
with the advantage of being banks of
deposit, not content even with the prof
it,, of a bank currnu-y baaed on bond,
are urging such an extension of the
yUMii an to includt th so-called emer
gency notes which are in fact a part of
thr aset currency Hcheme, for which
national banket hate been working
for war. Mr. Bryan continue:
'Mot of lite Ulut ration gtven by
SfiMioi HeverUUe inc entirely outatd
of the tli elision. 1 IU mention four
uf lhe: First, th U forbidding the
r luting f obinvii Jterature through
th pift.ll The I't.tiN a l under federal
lonttoi. Tba authority that U rvupon
Rld fir the larryin-l of I hi msll ter
tilnly I reapom-tbltj for the moia) of
the ttrrvb a wt 11 a for the atusl
trin!'rtttm of the letter and j.
tr Tfc federal fovemtmnt couUl
Vt ex. -um l.-'f '-f ' " ''
to be employed in the delivery of ob
scene literature. The fact that a few
persons who made money out of the
circulation of such literature attempted
to employ the state's rights argument
can not be used to weaken the force of
the arguments employed against real
encroachments upon rights of the
states.
"The same may be said of the lot
tery. The federal government being
responsible for the mails, was the only
authority which could act. The states
were powerless to interfere with the
malls or with inlerstate commerce, and
it is not fair to charge up the sins of
the lottery company or the arguments
made by its attorneys against those
who believe that the line between the
state and the nation should be pre
served. "Pure food laws and meat inspection
are also within the domain of inter
state commerce, and the enactment of
such laws should not be cited as a rea
son why the states should be reduced
in dignity and influence.
"The power of congress over inter
state commerce Is complete. This pow
er is not only complete, but its exer
cise Is necessary, the various, states
heinsr imDotent when it comes to mat
ters of interstate commerce.- I have
ertven to Senator Beveridge s child la
bor bill whatever support I could. It Is
right in principle; it is necessary, and
tt does not interfere with the reserved
rights of the states. -
"The state and the nation are both
necessary the nation for the protec
tion of the people from without and
for that work which all the people must
do together; but the state must con
tinue to be the champion of the home,
the school, the community and the lo
cal interests which are best understood
by the people of each community and
best defended by those who understand
the conditions to be met."
SENATOR BEVERIDG'ES REPLY.
"This question is far broader than
parties. I decline to permit this de
bate to degenerate into a mere par
tisan fray. Doubtless Mr. Bryan will
say, in answer to my indictments of
the financial interests that are manip
ulating this recrudescence of state's
rights, that many republicans are
against the present 'tendency toward
contralizatlon.' Of course I could re
tort that Mr. Bryan is himself as great
a 'eentralizationist' as our wonderful
young president, and even a greater
one, I am sorry to say for does not
Mr. Bryan not advocate government
ownership of railways? I admit that
certain republicans see the 'grave
dangers of centralization.' But I at
tack these, republicans more unre
servedly than I do state's rights dem
ocrats, for the latter have some ex
cuse in the traditions of their party;
and the former have none.
"Mr. Bryan says in the Reader,
that :
'A systematic absorption of power
by the federal government would not
onlv cause discontent and weaken 'he
attachment of the people for the gov
ernment, but a withdrawal of power
from the state would breed lndiffer
ence to public affairs the forerunner
of despotism."
" 'Despotism' from whom, Mr,
Bryan? For the national government
is the American people. Mr. Roose
velt is powerful only as he personifies
the American people. Jackson was
'despotic' only as he gathered into
hirr."r'f and then radiated again the
will of the people. So was Washing
ton. So was Lincoln, whose murderer
exclaimed 'Sic semper tyrannis. If
Mr. Bryan should become president
he could be "despotic" only as he rep
resented the convictions of the people.
"Again Mr. Bryan is wrong in think
ing that 'the withdrawal of power
from th state would bred indiffer
ence to public affairs:' for have the
people ever taken such an interest in
'public affair m all our history as
thev do now? And was there ever
such a 'systematic absorption of power
bv the federal government' a th.r
H now "
"Have we not. In the railway rata
bill, averted the right of the n;tlon
to control ths railways of the repub
lic? When was that ever done he
fore? Netr!"
With like effect Senator BcverMg
refM to f dTal legislation upon purs
food, meat Inspection, national rjnar
antltu", commerce and labor and aks:
"Hive all there law 'eatjr
content.' nauln to quot Mr. Bryan's
article In the Ibftder? And. if they
have Y,itid Ulw ontent,' among whom
Li that M. t ontent' fmind? N.t amen
the pop!, certain! r; for th penpla
uppHud all thee law, Hut thv hava
Ytied dtacontent' amonf the wreck
r of r.iita . th nuntnnUMr. if
Said Wit to Wisdom
"A full stomach
a light heart"
Said Wisdom to Wit
In dust tight.
moisture proof packages. & JJ
NATIONAL BISCUIT
the beef trust, the managers of the J
food and drug trust and all other
buccaneers of business. If Mr. Bryan
says that democrats voted for these
bills, the answer is that this shows
how dead 'state's rights' really is, for
these laws are violations of that
theory.
"The constitution provides that
'AH treaties made, or which shall be
made, under the authority of the
United States, shall be the supreme
law of the land; and the judges in
every state shall be bound thereby.
anything in the constitution or laws
of any state to the contrary notwith
standing.' "
In regard to the Japanese trouble
the senator remarks:
"But the offended foreign nation
whose contract with us, as a nation,
has been violated, says, T did not
make a treaty with any little nation
called a "state;" I made a treaty with
the only nation I know the American
republic' We answer, 'That is quite
true; but nevertheless this little nation
is "sovereign." And we the big na
tion are powerless.'
"The foreign nation answers, 'To
whom, then, am I to took; to the little
nation? No, for I made no contract
with it. The contract I made was with
you, the big nation and I see in your
constitution that the treaties you,, the
big nation, make are the "supreme law
of the land," the "constitution or laws
of any state to the contrary notwith
standing." '
"So we get into war with the for
eign nation because of the action of
a little nation within us which nul
lifies our constitution and violates the
pledge of the American republic. No!
not alt of this little nation called a
state either, but only a small part of
it.
"And one word further about this
Califoina matter: San Francisco had
nj! earthauake: its great buildings
tumbled to the ground. The city was
in flames. The governor failed to call
on the nation for aid, and the state
legislature was not in session. Never
theless, the national novernment gave
aid. Fnnston did not answer the call
of the governor or legislature; Funs
ton answered the call of the flames.
Secretary Taft. before a committee oi
the senate, voluntarily stated that,
strict I v speaking, the government had
committed treason. Why? Because
the constitution says that the nation
diall supply its troops to suppress dis
order only when the governor or leg
islature calls for them; and neither
California's governor nor legislature
had cuJled for troops.
" Vnd yet nobody complained or tnis
'treason.' San Francisco wa grateful.
Why. then, this commotion about Cali
fornia's 'rights' now, because of eigh
teen Japamvw children, and no protest
against the violation of the constitu
tion then, by the nation' troops aiding
M.m lvn I mv. In Ha wore distress? It
doe. not appear very consistent, does
It? Does th democratic party approve
of the action of the govrrtinvmt in that
can? If they do, why do they disap
prove of th mild attitude of Kooievett
In plead. ng with San Francisco' mayor
to avert a national war?
'Think of that! The president of
ninety mli'lon of p. -opt pieadins with
th m.yor of a few thousand ft poo
pU to prevent tho. few thound
from p'ungtnf the wh-o nlnMy mil
makes
COMPANY
lions into war. To this deep humilia
tion to this grave danger state
rights brings us. - -
"Every step upward in the world's
esteem has been won by nationality.
Shall we be one people, the greatest
force for righteousness beneath the
skies, or shall we be forty-six peoples?
That, in the final analysis, is the ques
tion. Shall we have one flag or forty
six flags?"
(Copyright, .1907, The Bobbs-Merrill
Company Indianapolis.)
Little Melinda Brown Her Boole.
Torn and battered and smeared with paint
Ladies in purple and knights in blue
Cinderella of gentle plaint -
Decked in a gown of gorgeous hue;
Hop-o'-my-thumb and Goody Two shoe;
A fairy green and a yellow spook
These are the playmates once she knew;
"Little Melinda Brown Her Book."
Here is the fabled and fair Qeraint;
Here is. the giant Bolgharhoo;
Here is the soft-voiced, lovely saint
Of the falling diamonds and pearls;
and, too,
This is tha terrible Bluebeard who
Spoke so loud that his wives all Bhook!
Do you remember? I know you do;
"Little Melinda' Brown Her Book."
Apples of Sodom have left their taint;
In the ambrosia is taste of rue;
Try as we may, alas! we mayn't
Summon them now, as we used to do;
Spirits of life when life was new,
Or ever our errant way we took;
These are the stories that once were true,
"Little Melinda Brown Her Book."
ENVOY
Friends of my childhood, fair and quaint.
Forgive, forgive, that my heart for
sook !
My love I send in this rhythmic plaint
To "Little Melinda Brown Her Book."
Harper's.
When your friends laugh at your
jokes it may not be because the jokes
are good, but because you friends ara
loyal.
It will be heaven enough after death
not to I.ave to come back to this world
and discover how soon we are for
gotten. PURE HONEY
rrom Producer
to Consummr
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A dd re:
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CaUtogws Free. Milledfeville, UL
REG0RY5
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