8
The Nebraska Independent
OCTOBER 25, 190
THE NEBRASKA INDtPtNDtNl
ESTABLISHED 1889
J. M. DEVINE, Editor
FREDERIC O. BERGE, Business Mgr.
Published Every Thursday
1328 0 Street
Lincoln, Nebraska
Entered at the postofflce at Lincoln,
Nebraska, as second-class mall matter,
Under the act of Congress of March 8, 1879.
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THE INDEPENDENT,
Lincoln, Neb.
AN IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT
The public knows more than any
body. And when the public mind fully
recognizes an evil in the body politic
and becomes restive under the existing
regime the halo that formerly sur
rounded party leaders dissipates and
vanishes almost in a night, when the
people cease to have more interest
in the men whom they once idolized,
but who fail to meet the requirements
of the hour, then they have in the
bird's nest or the almanac of the year
that has passed. Those who fail in
the newly applied test of fitness must
sink from sight and yield the scepter
of leadership to those who voice the
living breathing spirit of the times.
Note the number" of dazzling politi
cal lights of a decade ago that are
now on the political junk heap, where
both great political parties are repre
sented by emminent leaders whose
names, less than a dozen years since,
were household words in connection
with the presidency. Depew and
Platte still occupy seats in the United
States senate from the Empire state
while aside from the power of their
votes as senators their influence in
their own state or in the country at
large scarcely exceeds that of an
Egyptian mummy. David B. Hill, ex-
governor and ex-United States sen
ator from New York, the acknowl
edged leader of his party a decade
ago, is now practically forgotten and
utterly destitute of influence.
While the evils that these leaders
stood for still flourish and yield gold
en harvests of extortion and plunder
to trust barons the word that spells
their early doom is written on the
universal American heart, and we are
now amidst the shifting scenes of
politics that is forming the line of
battle for their final and complete
overthrow.
Political parties, accurately speak'
ing, accomplish but one purpose and
then die. It is only in a very gen
eral sense that they survive, what is
left being a mere shell that carries
the name and but little more. The
party of Cleveland was not the party
of Jefferson any more than the party
of Hanna was the party of Lincoln,
the claim of each to the traditions of
the party in whose line of succession
they followed having long since ceased
to be little more than mockery.
Prior to the Chicago convention of
1896, bankers and money mongers
were able to hold both parties in
subordination to their policy of money
contraction and property confiscation.
While in both parties were found able
defenders of the rights of the people,
it was not until after the populist
party had arisen and defeated the re
publican party in Kansas, Nebraska,
Colorado, Idaho and Nevada, and the
democratic party suffered defeat at
its hands in North Carolina. And
Alabama and the masses of the whole
south were turning to the new party
that it was possible to reconstruct
party lines so as to deal with the
money question. The political re
alignment of 1896 was equivalent to
the formation of new parties and must
have so remained had the question at
issue not been taken from the domain
of politics by the accidents of dis
covery aad invention.
The money question being removed
into the indefinite future by the in
flux of new gold from the mines, into
the monetary circulation with the
prospect of an increasing supply for
many years to come, the new align
ment of 1896 practically disappeared
through the return of voters to their
former affiliations. But, the lesson of
1896, when party traditions and party
lines yielded before the pressure of
an enlightened public opinion, re
mained for the enlightenment and in
spiration of the masses who were so
soon to be confronted with the great
est of all questions, that of freeing
themselves from the deadly grasp of
monopoly, which had developed, con
federated and seized the governments
of states and the nation without either
of the parties being able to utter
more than a faint and insincere pro
test against it.
The democratic party gave Bryan a
renomination, but its Belmonts, Ryans,
McCalls, Whitneys, Taggarts and
Duffys made his defeat sure, and in
the next national convention gave
the party a corporation candidate se
lected by Belmont and Ryan with the
approval of Rockefeller, Morgan and
Company. But, here again the fates,
that defeated the money changes in
their hour of triumph by revealing
to man enormous deposits of gold and
the knowledge of a cheap process of
extracting the same from the rocks,
interposed in behalf of the people, and
party lines melted away, the demo
cratic masses rushing to the support
of Roosevelt, whose nomination the
corporations were powerless to pre
vent, but whose election they hoped
to defeat. Here again, as in 1896,
party lines were swept aside, but this
time it was the people who tri
umphed.
Out of the election of 1904 much
good has corce. Roosevelt, half states
man and half fakir as he is, has ren
dered a service to his country of in
estimable value, chief among which
is the weakening of the ties of party
prejudice, proving the existence of
the evils which Hanna so vehemently
denied and Inaugurating the irrepre
Bible conflict between monopoly and
the square deal.
Roosevelt failed to give the country
a satisfactory rate bill, which he had
the power to give, but preferring party
to country missed his opportunity to
win imperishable fame and acquire
the power to command the support of
his countrymen to the obliteration of
party lines. But while not measuring
up to his opportunity he yet possesses
the power of forcing both political
parties to squarely meet the issue in
the coming national election. He has
created a demand in the opposition
that only Bryan or Hearst will satisfy
and can only be met in his own party
by the renomination of himself or the
nomination of the more radical and
honest LaFollette.
THE NEW YORK CAMPAIGN
The campaign that is in progress
in New York state is novel and origi
nal, no prototype of it being found
in our history. William Randolph
Hearst, the gubernatorial candidate of
the Independence League, and of the
democratic party, is displaying quali
ties and characteristics that are truly
Napoleonic. And, should he chance
to win he must per force become the
most interesting personage in the en
tire country.
At this writing the outcome is the
merest conjecture, with the monied
interests massed against Hearst and
their votaries, in desperation, seek
ing to influence the tide of opinion
by the most reckless betting of money
offering large odds on their own can
didate. But, to the calm observer the
chances of Hearst's election appear
to be at least even with that of
Hughes.
Mr. Hearst has the support of the
laboring classes generally and his
cause is championed in particular by
the labor unions whose friend he has
always been been, and whose cause
he has never failed to champion in
all of their contests. In addition to
this Mr. Hearst has always been first
in extending relief to the victims of
disasters from flood or flame, either
at home or abroad, which has won
him hosts of admiring friends.
Personally it appears that Mr.
Hearst is lacking the elements of pop
ularity. He is known not as a good
and genial fellow, but as a man of
force who does things that command
the attention and the approval of the
people of his own city and state, and
of the nation as well. He is pre
eminently a man who does things, not
small things, but great and difficult
things, a man who conceives and exe
cutes great undertakings, knowing
neither fear nor failure. Therefore,
his movements command serious at
tention, and he draws to his support
men of all classes and conditions who
would refuse to respond to the call
of a man less positive, aggressive and
strong than himself. He has made it
patent to all that he is a force to be
reckoned with in whatever undertak
ing he engages in.
In business he is a unique and in
teresting character. He has literally
broken into fields that were apparent
ly so fully occupied that it seemed folly
for any one to attempt to divide the
business with those who seemed to
have it so securely in hand, and suc
cessfully established himself In each
as a rival to be watched and feared,
This he has done in a business, that
of publishing daily newspapers, which
involves almost infinite detail requir
ing the highest order of business
ability, until he has become the
Colossus of the "newspaper world, oc
cupying a commanding position in the
journalism of the cities of New York,
Boston, Chicago, San Francisco and
Los Angeles, besides controlling one
or more magazines.
Mr. Hearst in addition to success
fully conducting his numerous publi
cations, acting the part of philanthro
pist and giving encouragement and
aid to labor organizations, maintains
a private legal bureau to aid the de
partment of justice of the national
government in the matter of bring
ing to justice violators of the national
anti-trust law. When the famous coal
strike was on three years ago and the
poor people of the eastern cities were
perishing from cold while the coal
trust was profiting by prolonging the
strike through doubling and trebling
the price of coal Mr. Hearst had his
attorneys investigate the ownership
of all of the anthracite coal mines,
and he furnished to the president of
the United States conclusive evidence
of the existence of a gigantic trust
consisting of the coal carrying rail
roads in combination as both owners
of the coal mines and common car
riers. He furnished President Roose
velt with the evidence upon which the
New York Central and other railroads
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