The Nebraska Independent
MAT 24, 1908
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDEN1
ESTABLISHED 18S9
J. M. DEVINE, Editor
FREDERIC O. BERGE, Business Mgr.
Publithed Every Thursday
1328 O Street
Lincoln, Nebraska
i Entered at the postofflce at Lincoln.
Nebraska, aa second-class mall matter.
Under the act of Congress of March 3. 1879.
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THE INDEPENDENT,
Lincoln, Neb.
A BROKEN IDOL
The moral sense of the nation re
ceived a shock from an unexpected
quarter in the recent and much to be
deplored exhibition of human fraility
thrust upon the people of the nation
and the world by men occupying the
highest positions of eminence and re-
the world.
The United States, the land of the
free, .where the fatherhood of God
and the brotherhood of man are the
recognized foundation stones of gov
ernmental structure, and the source
of national inspiration, has long been
recognized by the human race where
soever dispersed as the exemplar of
morality in human government.
Therefore, the recent exposition of in
firmities in the head of the govern
ment culminating in vulgar crimina
tion and recrimination among men
holding positions of the highest re
sponsibility and honor, is most un
fortunate because of its damaging
effect upon public morals.
Civilization is a plant of slow
growth, and experience proves that
in the development of morality a
pound of example possesses far great
er efficacy in promoting its growth
than a ton of precept. And, vice
versa examples of moral turpitude in
individuals occupying high and ex
alted stations exert a detering influ
ence far reaching in their effect.
That which undermines public mor
als, mocks civilization and beckons
mankind backward towards despair,
therefore no higher duty devolves up
on him who essaps the role of public
teacher than to expose responsibility
for assault upon this citidel of hu
man hope, and uncover the guilty to
the odium of their guilt.
Public opinion is more potent than
statutes and is just in proportion to
its enlightenments. Individual opin
ion is partial, owing to its llmita
tions. In these two facts are found
the philosophy of popular govern
ment, the hope of justice among
men.
Popular government is impossible
without good faith in public officials,
and in final analysis public opinion
is incapable of condoning an offense
of a public official. Were it other
wise popular government would "be
only an illusion or a dream.
Men are by nature Idolators. They
are prone to invest leaders who
clothe their own aspirations in deeds
of heroism with an almost superhu
man sanctity and immolate them
selves upon the altar they erect in
their minds and upon which they
place their hero. And, wretched in
deed, is the fate of the favored one
when he fails to command their rev
erence. The pathway of human pro
gress is strewn with the fragments
of broken idols with only a saint
here and there to mark the centuries.
The human idol belongs to a period
of change when mankind has a for
ward step to take. He is' the im
personation of the purpose of the mul
titude. In proportion as the multi
tude thus represented are intelligent
and moral their human idol must be
pure and brave, because his conduct
is passed upon by a million minds in
one, united in a single aspiration, but
combining the complemental intellect
ual and moral attributes of all in a
completeness that commands the al
legiance of each distinct mentality.
Here we find the moral function per
fect and the fullness of intellectual
power, the hope of mankind for jus
tice under a popular government.
Roosevelt inspired the hope in the
breasts of the American people that
he would become their leader and de
liverer from the tyranny of monopoly.
He became a popular idol- in the
minds of the people ,who had unbound
ed confidence in his intelligence, cour
age and honesty of purpose. There
fore, the events of the past week in
which their idol is not only charged
with betraying the confidence of the
people, but with betraying his demo
cratic allies, and branding as a liar a
distinguished citizen of the republic
whose services he sought and secured
to effect an alliance with democratic
senators for the purpose of protect
ing the rate bill from its enemies,
and ultimately securing the passage
of a measure that would bring relief
to the people, has been the source
of sad dissapointment to Roosevelt's
devoted followers and a shock to the
moral sense of the nation and the
world.
In the questions of good faith and
veracity that have been raised, the
preponderance of evidence given, and
all the circumstances, go to prove
that the president has grievously erred
and signally failed to justify the high
hopes reposed in him by millions of
his fellow countrymen. And his con
duct in the whole matter has become
a source of national sorrow. The
failure of the president to justify the
hope centered upon him is accounted
for on the grounds of over zealous
partisanship, and lack of ability to
properly distinguish between the
friends and foes of the rate bill in
his own party. Roosevelt's failure is
a source of sorrow to all Americans,
and accompanying excuses and ex
planations lame from - the point of
view of intellect and - morals.
'Roosevelt may "not have known the
fact that Chandler fought the rail
roads in New Hampshire when he
was taking his first lessons in broncho
busting.
k i r 1 1
'f .
Somebody lied.
Chandler stands pat
So Moody was flabbergasted what
ever that may be.
Senator Moody won't resign; he'll
eat crow and hold his job.
Missouri seems to be determined to
be first in the field in nominating
Bryan for the presidency in 1908.
. The LaFolette amendments will
cause the retirement of a number of
senators, when their terms expire.
Some of those senate amendments
will look funny after Aldrich gets
through with them in the conference.
The boyish temper and mean dis
position displayed by many republi
can senators towards LaFollette has
hurt them in public estimation.
By the time Aldrich gets through
wfth the rate bill in the conference
committee it will be a very harmless
affairs from the railroad point of
view. '
Foraker has more courage than the
thirty -nine other senators who be
lieved as he did but dared not say
so. That is all the difference be
tween them.
' There are several independent po
litical organizations of a national
character in process of formation.
Should all of them materialize, 1908
will be a great year for national con
ventions.
With Rosewater a candidate for the
United States senate the democrats
have got to nominate their strongest
men on their state ticket in order to
stand any chance of electing a demo
cratic legislature.
One Allison, with his crafty and
diplomatic method of serving the in
terest of corporations, is more danger
ous to the interests of the people than
a dozen Forakers who speak out and
let their position be known.
In the debate on the rate bill in
the senate LaFollette represented the
people's side of the railroad question
and Foraker represented the rail
roads. All positions between the ex
tremes represented by these senators
are compromises.
Now that Roosevelt has disorgan
ized the forces that heretofore sus
tained him in the senate, in surrend
ering on the rate bill, there is noth
ing to prevent Aldrich from doing
with the rate bill as he pleases in the
conference committee.
If, as the president told Senator
Chandler, Spooner of Wisconsin, was
using his ingenuity to defeat the rate
bill in the senate, and it being ap
parent that Senator LaFollette was
doing his best to prevent the meas
ure from' being emasculated or : in
jured, it is hard to understand why
Spooner's friends in Wisconsin were
given all the federal pie, and LaFol
lette's friends were given none.
Now is the time to harrow the corn
fields. The harrow should be kept
going for two purposes to pulverize
the surface soil and make a dust
blanket to preserve moisture by pre
venting evaporation, and ' to cneck
the growth of weeds.
Hon. William E. Chandler of New
Hampshire and the late General Ben
jamin F. Butler of Massachusetts are
the only New England statesmen that '
will be remembered and talked about,
a generation hence. Chandler, like
Butler, is a man of great intellectual
power and has convictions upon the .
great questions of the day and the
patriotism and courage to give expres- -sion
to them without asking permis
sion to do so of the banks or trie rail
roads. After Secretaries Taft, Root and
Moody nurse the president through
his present trouble with senators and
others who have been assisting him
in connection with the legislation in
congress, he is sure to break out
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THE INDEPENDENT, "
Lincoln,
'vi