.PAGE 4 Gfo Nebraska. Independent SEPTEMBER 21, 1SC5 o Current Comment on Leading Topics o 0 o a LIFE INSURANCE REVELATIONS The startling revelations made by various witnesses at the New York investigation of the big life insurance companies furnish much food for sober reflection. They show that the chief officials of these companies have a low moral standard in business affairs and expend the funds entrusted to them by policy-holders for private graft and public corruption: v Evidently it made no difference whether the democrats stood for sound money or not. Judge Parker's election on a sound money platform or declaration was feared, as well as Bryan's election on a silver platform. Democrats are not safe men to be charged with the national administration apparently, in the view of the New York Life company, whether they be gold democrats or radical democrats. This Is likely to raise the ques tion in democratic minds whether they are proper men to be insured in that company. As corporation officials charged with the col lection and care of funds belonging to men of various political beliefs, they properly had -no political relations whatever, and no more right to divert money from the trust fund to any party than to give It away to their friends or to themselves, and if the officials responsible for this outrageous breach of trust are not compelled to maRe goodto the company every dollar so taken with Interest, it will prove that justice and the law of trusts may' be successfully mocked. Nor is it clear . that punishment can properly stop at this point. Springfield Republican. The further Mr. Hughes delves Into life insurance corruption the more there appears. The falsity of the public statements is con fessed. A secret card index contained items hidden from the ledgers. Bonds were entered by the New York Life as costing 99 when their real cost was first entered as 91. Who got the eight points difference? Wash sales, suspended accounts,, doctored books, false en tries and the like belong rather to bucketshop finance than to the conservative care of the savings of policy-holders. Let Mr. Hughes deeper press his probe. He cannot insert it too sternly. Any suppression of facts or glossing over of bad conditions would be only a repetition of what the state insurance de partment has done. It is no wonder the policy-holders' dividends fell short of promise and expectation when millions of dollars of assets which they cwned were hidden Enough has already come to light to prove that the sworn statements to the state and the regular books failed to give the policy holders their due. New York World. The remedy is near at hand and easily applied. If the New York legislature will extend to the life insurance companies some of the legislation it has applied to the savings banks it will control both the direction and the character of the investments made on be half of policy-holders. No promoter can touch the funds of the savings banks, and no promoter should be permitted to touch the funds of the life insurance companies. There are no $100,000 salaries in the savings banks, because there are no $100,000 opportunities. The legislature can easily specify the charac ter of the securities in which the officers of life insurance companies may invest, and In so doing may absolutely debar speculators and promoters from the use of trust funds be longing to policy-holders. Chicago Tribune. When Lawson began his picturesque ex posures it was regarded as, a sufficient re ply to call him a liar, and let it go at that. And really what could be said for those ex posures, when they were not only lurid in their picturesqueness but included such truly good persons, such eminently sane and super latively safe persons, as the high-salaried man agers of those splendid eleemosynary insti tutions, the Mutual Life, the Equitable Life, the New York Life and the Rockefeller-Morgan hierarchy? To paint such men in Law sonian colors as swindlers and pirates, how could it be other than a lie a most danger ous lie, because calculated to undermine the confidence of the unsophisticated and shatter the fragile temple of the great joss "busi ness"? True enough, Lawson retorted that If anything he said wasn't true, the good men he assailed could easily prove it wasn't true. But, they were such very good men. Why put them to the proof? And now, lo and behold! Lawson's character pictures seem tame and colorless in comparison with the rigid photographic portraits that the Armstrong investigating committee is turn ing out. And the culprits seem able to say nothing for themselves but "that they all do it." Chicago Public. Several of these secret expenditures were disclosed in yesterday's testimony. The payment of $100,000 to Andrew Hamilton is especially 'suggestive. Mr. Hamilton Is bet ter known in Albany than in New York. He is a friend of Eugene D. Wood, whose voca tion for many years is well known to every body in politics. He was an associate of David B. Hill, who when governor appointed him judge of the court of claims. He is close ly identified with Anthony N. Brady, a part ner of Thomas F. Ryan, whose interests he has looked after in Albany for many years. The hidden payment of $48,702 of the New Yor Life's policy-holders' money to the Roose velt campaign fund and of $50,000 to each of the McKinley campaign funds is not so 5ign2cant as thls lten of $100,000 paid to ' Mr. Hamilton. An explanation was made that tills payment from the secret fund was cnarged to the annex building account That as sood as any explanation for bookkeeping purposes, but it is too transparent to satisfy" the public. The trail of the connection between-life Insurance and state politics was struck when disclosure was made of this secret fund and its huge disbursements. The trail should be followed. New York World AMERICA'S PROLETARIAT In The International Socialist Review ap pears a translation of the principal parts of an article by Prof. Werner Sombart of Breslau uni versity on the evolution of the American Prolet ariat. Prof. Sombart writes " .T,ne Fni.ted States of America is the prom ised land of capitalism. Here for the first time are all the conditions requisite to its full and perfect development. Land and Deo- ' le4Wele. ?ever before created 80 favorable to its highest evolution. The fact is that nowhere else on earth has capitalist society and capitalist character attained so high a degree of development. Nowhere else does the desire for gain play so great a part; no where else is the hunger for nronts, the mak- LTyr its own sake- the beginning and end of all economic activity. Every mo ment of life is filled with this striving, and death alone ends the insatiable pursuit of 6 aon-PitaHst renting class is al most unknown in the United States. This struggle for gain is directed by an economic ' rationalism of a crudeness unknown in any European community. The capitalist class furthers its interests unaffected by any scru- l'eT??Jh0Uh its way Iies over corpses. The statistics of railway accidents prove this assertion. In 1903 the American railroads in ured 1 11,006, the Austrian 172. Forgery kilometer of road the American injured 3 4 the Austrian .87. For every million persons " carried the railways of the United States wounded 19; those of Austria .99. In power - of capital-the height of capitalist accumula-tion-the United States, in spite of its iy? th' stands far in advance of all other lands. The American laborer (so far at least s the "normal" laborer, whose votes seem to dominate the majority or the laboring class and among whom are included the lead ers) is on the whole not dissatisfied with existing conditions; on the contrary hejfeels fry ,Yel,1.,and ,s very wel1 satisfied with himself like all Americans. His view of the world (Weltauffassung) is most rosily opti misticlive and let live is his fundamental maxim. This unbounded optimism,, which is his most prominent characteristic, expresses itself in a faith in the mission and greatness of his country a faith that often takes on an almost religious character; for him the Americans are the chosen people of God the salt of the earth. This means, however, that the American laborer identifies himself with the present American state and is most intensely patriotic. The centrifugal force that leads to class divisions, class an tagonisms, class hatred and the class strug gle is weak, while the centripetal force that leads to endorsement of the national politi cal commonwealth of the state to patriot ismis strong; consequently there Is a lack among American workers of that enmity to the state so characteristic of continental European socialists. The American laborer is not in any way antagonistic to the capi talist economic system as such, neither men tally nor sentimentally. MAYORALTY CAMPAIGN IN NEW YORK The city campaign in New York promises to revolve around the question of municipal owner ship of public utilities. The situation is thus stated by the Chicago Review: The political situation in New York City is interesting, to say the least, and inasmuch as New York is metropolis of the nation all eyes will be turned toward that city when the final test is made. It is a foregone con . elusion that Mayor MeCleilan will make the race for. a second term and will have back of him the Tammany organization and the busi ness interests allied with it. The effort to find a satisfactory candidate to oppose him has not been encouraging. The latest Is to unite upon Judge Gaynor. The Citizens' union, which is an independent organization seeking only a good mayor and city administration, has pronounced against Gaynor, which will prove a handicap to him. The Municipal Owner ship League is willing to accept him. The republican organization is ready to nominate him. Whatever the result may be of this arrangement it is certain there will be two things conspicuous in the campaign a de mand for municipal ownership of public utili ties, and the record of Tammany in adminis tration of city affairs. The municipal owner- ship movement in New York Is directed espe - cially toward the franchises for lighting com panies, and toward keeping , the city from granting any more long-term franchises of any kind. The attitude of the Tammany lead ers seems to be forcing the republican organ ization into the same attitude on the ques tion as that taken by the democratic organi zation in Chicago. CONCENTRATED PROSPERITY The Springfield Republican noting that there has been a great increase in the country's wealth during the last few years and that this wealth has not been widely distributed, suggests the following as an explanation: If, then, a leading western agricultural state and a leading eastern manufacturing state show no evidence of equal or greater in crease, but rather reveal indications of a greatly declining rate of population growth where are we to look for the demonstration of what has evidently happened? Where has this equal i or greater population increase' gone? We, may possibly find a suggestion in this item from a New York paper: The pop ulation of Massachusetts is only 2,998,958, according to the last official report. That is' about 1,000,000 short of Greater New York. May it not be in fact that Greater New York has been gaining at the expense not only of Massachusetts, but of other parts of the country? After all, then, it Is possible and even probable that the metropolis has been absorbing more than its common share of the growth of the country. It is possible and probable that this vast prosperity the country has been enjoying in very, recent years Is peculiarly the prosperity of Greater New York. For this era of industrial revival has also been above anything ever before known an era of industrial concentration. The drift of capital has been to combine in monopolis tic trusts, and Industrial management, be fore widely localized, now becomes central ized and locates in New York. The city of