SEPTEMBER 15, 1904
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT
PAGE 3.
roads for the benefit of the public.
(Cheers.)
Statistics show that practically
every railroad in this country was
built not by private capital but by
public combinations in lands, stocks,
and bonds, and sometimes in money.
And statistics thow that we pay for
them over again in freight, passenger
rates every ten years. We have been
doing that now for more than a gen
eration. Why . shouldn't we, the next
time we "pay for the raijroads, have
something to show for it, and thus de
stroy these great builders of the trusts
and combines, and equalize one of
these vast advantages for the benefit
of the common people.
Now, another thing; we say in con
nection with that ought to go tele
graphs and telephones, as a part of the
postal system. They laugh at it new
just as they laughed at the rural free
delivery when I first introduced the
resolution in congress in : February,
189a. But in spite of that ridicule, just
as I am now working in spite of, ridi
culein spite of that ridicule, I took
the position that if the government
sent mall two or three or four times a
day to the table of the banker or the
merchant in the city at the expense
of the government carried the mail
to him and carried his mail back to
the postofflce if they did that for the
man who was nearest to the postofflce
and could get his mail with .the least
trouble, why in the name of God and
justice, shouldn't they send mall once
a day to a man who had to go furthest
after his mail and lost, the most time
to get the benefit, of it. (Cheers.)
So the system was adopted and it is
now going all over the land and the
very menwho opposed it say that it is
one of the greatest civilizers of this
century, '
Now, I haven't time. o go, at any
length, over our platform pler'ges, but
I mention those specifically. Read
our entire platform, and you will find
that it is sound all the, way through.
ifere is the mistake our people are
going-to make. They are going to
say "We will trust the democratic
party, one more"time." Gentlemen, how
many "times would you trust your
neighbor if he had broken several im
portant contracts with you? That is
the idea. If your neighbor has made a
record with you as .being a contract
buster a man who does not regard his
pledge a man whose word is not his
bond will you go on trusting him
forever? In '93 the democratic party
pledged itself to important reforms,
and when they were put in office,
Cleveland at the head of them, they
busted every single pledge that they
bad made. (Cheefs.))
I wish I had the time to go over
that and show you in detail just' to
what extent they did break each
.pledge but-1 haven't, the time tonight.
In this, campaign, as I see, the dan
ger is that you will trust a party. that
has made these very pledges and brok
en them a party that has in it such
discordant elements that it never will
be able to unify itself on any line' of
policy. Crying "democrat," they are
not democrat. Crying that they wor
ship popular sovereignty, they are not
worshipping popular sovereignty.
Upon its head they place a crown but
it is a crown of thorns. In its hand,
they place a scepter, but It is a broken
reed. They cry "Hail, King" but they
spit upon its garments; and pretend
ing to be in favor of popular sover
eignty, they are driving it forward to
the place of skulls, where they are
going to destroy it. (Cheers.)
Oh, the sovereign people, arouse
yourselves to the danger which threat
ens principles. If Parker is elected,
the same corporations that are now
ruling this country will continue to
rule it. Changing the man doesn't
change the. policy of the government
when one of the candidates won't say
wherein he differs from the other. .If
they make any change, they ought to
Bay it like Jackson said it nml like
Jefferson said it and fight it out on
that line. (Cheers.)
And when they won't dare to say
what the Issue Is, you may just put It
down as certain that there Is no issue.
In the latter days of th Roman re
public, when it was rushing to Its
fall, the cry used to be; "There Is a
party for Caesar, a party for Potnpey,
but no party fr Rome." Today there
sx turty for Roosevelt, nnd one for
Tarker. but uulesw be It, then In
nouo for the peoph. (Applauxv) AnJ
tb pAlox party my that then
ought not to be two republican par
taw; there ought not to be two of
them Uuaiul and control 11 by Wall
fctreH; then ought not to ho two of
them servant to the corporation but
ttu mhp1 aro entitled to on and
thereon e com to the front tth
our iitf.rm and our argument and
w My: "FtMl.iw-cltleni of the fcnutb,
for your oa sake. lUteu ta u.. Mb
era! rvp tbtiann, If you trlle In the
creed that Lincoln used and believed
in, you can not follow your party now.
Bryan democrats, if you believed as I
believe you' did, what you have been
saying for the last eight years, you
have got no home now except with
us. (Applause.)
- We are your only shelter. You
came to us in '96 and we helped you
fight the battle. If we were good
enough for you then, we ought to be
good enough for you now. (Cheers.)
You captured us and used us in two
campaigns. Let us try and see how it
will work to let us capture you and
use you in one campaign. -
Let us march together; we will like
each other better when we will go
shoulder to shoulder, we will under
stand each other better. We will have
unfurled the banner of resistance to
these corporation oppressors and we
will have a recruiting camp where all
can go and enlist. And beginning this
year, every vote that you give now- as
a protest against this twin combina
tion of Roosevelt and Parker will en
courage the brave man who will bear
your standards in 1908. I do not ask
to do it. Let my ambition perish, I
can but start the movement going un
til it becomes a grand army" that is
irresistible. (Cheers.) If you think
that Bryan can do it better than I,
put him on these principles just as I
am on them tonight and I will serve
as one of his lieutenants. If Bailey, or
Tillman, or Carmack or Williams or
any other leader whom you trust can
do it better than I, I won't sulk in the
tent and I will do my duty in the ranks
as far as" I 'can. But you must under
stand this, boys, we can not give up
our organization any more. (Many
voices, "No, no, no," cheers.)
It ' was ' the coal of fire which the
people's party put upon the backs of
the old democratic leaders in '96 that
made them begin to move toward Jef
ferson, and when they thought the
party was dead and the coal of fire
was dead, they got back to the old
place 'where they had been, and very
many of them very many of them
cpnsoled themselves for the result of
the campaigns of '96 and 1900 by say
ing: "Well, we did one good thing
anyhow. We killed the - people's par
ty." Is she dead? (Many voices, "No,
no, no.") No, no, and she is not going
to die. (Prolonged cheering.) We
did not link our efforts to any tern
porary issue. We are not bound by
the luck of an evanescent s notion.
Ever since human society has been or
ganized there Ias been a conflict be
tween the oppressors and the ( op
pressedthe few who wanted too
much and the many . who wanted a
fair distribution. Tonight we stand
for the many as against the few.
(Cheers) We stand upon that rock
of ages in governmental construction
which seeks to uphold the rights of
the common man against the rights
of him who by class legislation, would
create himself an aristocrat and -a
master. (Cheers.) Standing thus, we
can not die until truth itself dies;, can
not die until . the instinct of liberty
dies, but we will gather up strength
and march on and as sure as God
fives, we have got the best opportunity
that we ever had. (Cheers.) ,
In Nebraska, where I opened , the
campaign, I heard the rebel yeli and
the band played "Dixie." In New
York think of it in New Yorkin
New York in New York, I heard the
rebel yell and when I spoke of the
south, and said "the dear old south,"
as I did say it feeling every word of
it that great audience of Yankees
rocked with sympathetic applause and
the Yankee band struck up "Dixie."
(Great applause.) And at St. Louis,
the other night, on the World's fair
grounds, again, again the same spirit
brought the same cheers and the same
yell when the band struck up "Dixie."
There is the spirit of religious re
vival In this movement. I have seen
old men embrace and cry and laugh
over coining together again of the dis
ordered, disbanded populists. We had
not had a meeting In Georgia In, six
yeais. To send delegates to Spring
field only fifteeu men volunteered to
ro to Atlanta; and the other night,
after fifteen days notice after they
saw what had taken place In Nebras
ka and New York, that great, gate city
wuj overrun with the old heroes of the
campaign of the past, and If you could
have seen them hhakln hands and
linking one another and thanking God
that the revival was on again and
th conflict was up again, your hearts
would have bn torn hed and filled by
th ruthuHUflm a mine was. (Ap
plause.) t
Let the editor raM. They will un
derstand me better foms of these day.
(Applause.)
Let the polltklani howl anl hate
mf.v If they art true to th south,
they won't h-te me always, Horaa of
the dys the Ilea of the statesman
vulp that won! I redeem tUt south by
crushing the tyranny of Wall street
and linking our great agricultural sec
tion, with the great agricultural sec
tion of the west some day that will
be the law of southern policy and we
will again have a real Jeffersonian
and Jacksonion democratic party,
and Jacksonian democratic party.
(Prolonged cheers.)
So with your bright-eyes looking
into mine and your cheers ringing in
my ears, I go on my way encouraged,
inspired with the belief that it is a
glorious thing to represent a people
like this and I can well afford to leave
the harvest to time and to the God
who rules us all. (Great cheering.)
Two Points in Two Sforios :
Editor Independent: - ,
Referring to Tom Lawson's exposure
of the methods of "high finance" as
practiced by our "shrewd financiers,"
you say that the real value of the ex
position lies in the fact that Mr. Law
son "reveals the game itself." That's
true, but the revelation of the proc
esses of the game shows clearly that
the 39 millions "made" by a half dozen
men in one day's "hard labor" actually
came, from the profits of legitimate
business and from the savings of la
labor and that those profits and those
savings were thereby reduced to the
amount of 39 millions of dollars.
The point liable to be lost sight of
here is that the loss of this and other
greater amounts by the capitalists of
our actual industrial enterprises, and
their thrifty workmen - and working
women, has had two . disastrous ef
fects: The first is that the ability of
these employing capitalists to advance
the wages of their workmen and wom
en has been thereby greatly impaired,
and that in numerous cases employers
have, in consequence of these unex
pected losses taking the place of ex
pected profits, - felt forced to reduce
wages, and other expenses, In a frantic
effort to recoup themselves.
The second effect has been the sud
den reduction of trade, felt by our mer
chants in consequence of the disap
pearance of the garnered savings of
thousands of widows, retired business
and active worklngmcn and women
who before they were thus held up
felt easy in circumstances.
The point in brief is that the present
reduction in the wages of the workers
and In the trade and profits of the mer
chants Is largely due to the sponging
up of the surplus and savings of the
people by these quiclc million making
financial devices. .
The other story in which the masses
of the working people at present take
so much Interest is this story of .the
"open shop." It's as mysterious until
explained as . are these , processes of
high finance but it is of the same kind
and was conceived In the same way.
That Is .this cry for the "open shop"
as a means of giving greater freedom
to labor Is a pretense and an hypoc
risy; and Is really Intended to rob la
bor of the little freedom and Independ
ence it has.
The point liable to be lost sight of,
but which clearly exposes the real
purpose of the demand, Is that the or
ganized workmen, upon whom the plan
is Intended to be forced, are asked to
sign, or distinctly assent, to an agree
ment that the organized employer shall
not only have an undisputed right to
employ as many non-union workers
as he pleases, but that the organized
workmen will work beside or with
them.without question.
The "nigger in the fence" comes
plainly to view, too, in the fact that
even where union men have hereto
fore made no objection where non
union men have worked beside them
they too are now asked to sign or
agree to Ihis new stipulation.
It was done right here In Glovers
ville, in Congressman Littaur's glove
and leather mills and the strife over
that one point, under that Identical
condition, is all that kept these glove
shops closed so long.
Tha Intention Is plain. The.?? or
ganized employers have laid this cun
ning scheme to smash the organiza
tions of labor by getting the numbers
themselves, under this plausible pre
tense, and under the pressure of on
innocent but deceived public opinion,
to agree or consent to an Iron-clad
stipulation which Hill enable every
railroad to instruct three engineers for
every engine and every machine shop
to Instruct seven machinists for every
machine and to lay the six off while
they are trying to instruc t the seventh.
JAMrM HARTLEY.
Amsterdam, N. Y.
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