PAGE 8.
THE KECnASXA InDEFENDEH?
JULY 14, 1904.
Xht Hebraska Jndeptndent
Lincoln, Iltbrsks. "
UEERTY BUILDING.
132S 0 STREET
Satered (wording to Act of Congreuof March
8, 1879, at the Potoffic at X,iacola; NebrMka,M
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T 11 TIUBLEP, Editor.
C Q DEKKANCE, Associate Editor.
1. 1). EAGElt, 1'ueIhceb Manager.
Bryan will vote
Davis.
for Parker and
. Oh! for Borne power that would make
men free from party bondage.
The people of the United States abso
lutely repudiated the supreme court
decision In the Dred Scott case and
they will serve the Colorado supreme
court in the same way.
.'Four of the leaders of the repub
lican party have died since the last
national campaign McKinley, Hanna,
Quay and Reed; but the machine
moves along in the same old grooves.
President Roosevelt got mixed in a
speech that he made the other day
when he delivered a little homily on
anarchy in a certain South American
republic. It must have been Colorado
that he had in mind.
There is the hottest political fight
"on in Wisconsin that has been known
in these states since the civil war.; An
. appeal from the republican national
convention ; has been entered. The
title of the case is "The People vs. the
Railroads." ,
It is said that Roosevelt comforted
..himself when he was informed that
Hanna's. pictures were placed all over
the convention hall, while not one of
rhis was to be seen, by repeating the
16 phrase: "The king is dead; long
live the king." .
The Fremont reporters are certain
ly an enterprising lot. They did not
print the resolutions passed by the
'state convention complimenting and
thanking their own citizens for their
part in the musical program and cour
tesies extended. - :
A platform should be a plain state
ment of principles and demands. - The
argument to sustain those principles
and demands should be left to our pub
lic speakers and the populist press. A
platform with a stump speech In it, is
a drag on auy party.
The English papers are denouncing
the Rusens in unmeasured terms for
the crushing out of the Finish nation
ality. Do those editors think that the
world has forgotten about a certain
Boer war? And the imperialist edi
tors in this country should also Keep
their mouths shut. In all the world
only the populists are in the position
to denounce those sort of things with
out playing the hypocrite.
Nothing more excites the anger of
the corporations than for a man to
ay that he wants to rce the corpora
ions have Justice done thorn. When
aVnan nays that, there are no more
paiVt' fur him. The sutzxmt ion -that
thenorutlcni ehouli have justice
lunkt'X th mnnacna knees smite to.
KftherN tforc thir vllon thcie lm
nunllivU V rtnt's atone piles ami pen I
tenttarlcj Never Ml corporation
man that you believe that ho should
have Justice, unlewi you p ak In the
Pickwickian cnse.
THE PARTING OF TM WAYf. .
The people's party is the successor
of one or two "third" parties which
have risen since the civil war in re
sponse to a demand on the part of the
wealth-producers for a political or
ganization which would represent their
economic welfare.
The election of Abraham Lincoln in
1800 was a temporary victory for that
large class described by him in his
first annual message as
"Men, with their families wives,
sons, and daughters (who) work
for themselves on their farms, in
their houses, and in their shops,
taking the whole product to them- t
selves, and asking no favors of
capital on the one hand nor of
hired laborers or slaves xn the
other."
But, "as the result of the war, cor
porations have been enthroned," and
as early as 18C8 it became apparent
that the republican party organiza
tion had passed into the hands of the
same type of men Christ drove from
the temple. The democratic party,
cursed with the odium of slavery, and
driven from power, might have died a
peaceful death had not the Belmont
family furnished the funds to keep the
organization alive the same tiibe of
Belmonts who dominated the recent
convention at St. Louis.
In 18(i8 the House of Belmont de
feated "Gentleman" Geo.; Pendleton in
convention and nominated Horatio
Seymour who was. known to favor
coin payment of the bonds. But they
were unable to control the platform
declaration, which was for
"One currency for the govern- ;
ment and the people, the laborer
and. the officeholders, the pension
er and the soldier, the producer
and the bondholder."
And when it became apparent that
Seymour would defeat Grant and that-
he would religiously carry out the
platform although a "hard money"
man himself the Belmonts, Sam Til-
den, and Manton Marble of the New
York World, a short time before elec
tion contrived a hellish scheme to de
feat him and they succeeded. There
is no room here to tell this story, but
it may be found at length in Alex. Del
Mar's "History of Monetary Crimes."
The Peter Cooper "greenback" move
ment of 1876 , was after the war the
first organized protest against . pluto
cratic domination of both old parties.
in 1880. with James B. Weaver its
standard-bearer, it polled 307,306 votes
and was promptly "fused" to death
between that and 1884. In l884, under
tne leadership of Ben Butler, it fell
back to 175,370 votes; and in 1888 was
supplanted by the union labor party
with A. J. Streator as leader,, polling
146,935 votes.
The people's party, then began to
rise from the ashes of the "green
back" and union labor parties. Gath
erings at St. Louis in 1889, at Ocala,
Fla., in 1890; at Cincinnati, May 19,
1892, each of which adopted resolu
1899, each of which adopted resolu
tions in the nature or a platform, were
the forerunners of the people's party
national convention which met at
Omaha, July 4, 1892, and nominated
James B. Weaver "for president and
jaraes'G. Field for vice president.
So rapid was the rise of the people's
party that the Weaver electors had
22 votes in the electoral college, and
the popular vote was 1,055,424. The
subsequent history of the people's par
ty is too recent to need repetition here.
Suffice it to say that the apparent rev
olution in the democratic party in 1896
almost but not quite wrought "the
undoing of the people's party.
The radical change from the strad
dling, meaningless democratic plat
rorm of 1892 to the Chicago platform
of 189C, together with the nomination
of Mr. Bryan, led most populists to
hope that' for once in its history the
democratic party was completely di
vorced from its plutocratic leading
strings. The Palmer and Buckner bolt
strengthened this notion. Hence, it
was most natural that the gTeat ma
jority of populists should sanction the
action of the people's party at St.
Louis in 189(T, and give Mr. Bryan the
full measure of their support. '
The national democratic convention
at Kansas City in 1900, however, was
sufficient notice to most populists that
the plutocratic leadership In the dem
ocratic party had not been eliminated,
but was simply pretending to be
eep. Yet the maKnetlc personality
i t Mr. Bryan Mill charmed them and
they Mth a few exceptions retained
conf.denre In hte Integrity; and they
cheerfully Joined forces with Dick
Crot-er, tl al., In an effort to elect Mr.
Urvan.
The tceent democratic convention
at St. Units marks the complete return
of the democratic party to its pluto
cratic leadlnsr trlnr. It "old man of
the n," the lielmont family, t kjUd.
rtdltiB. The ' taint ot populism" has
been removed from the platform. Hut
an! this Is most Incomprehensible
(r
Can You Match This
PHENOMENAL RECORD?
The cash and invested assets of the
Bankers Reserve Life
any,
of Omaha, Nebraska,
On June 30th, 1902. . .... ....... .. .$ 45,593.81
On June 30th, 1904 .................. . . 257,510.52
Percentage of Gain . . . . . . . . . . . . (over) 500 per cent
Comp
Its policies not excelled in the world.
Active, reliable agents wanted. .
B H. R0B!S0Nr - President
Si
even to populists who knew -that the
plutocrats had never been completely
driven from the democratic party
Mr. Bryan now says:
"I shall vote for Parker and Davis."
"The parting of the ways" has been
reached. When a man of Mr. Bryan's
great ability so far places party above
principle as to support the man he
denounced in his Chicago address as
au unfit man for president, simply and
only for the sake of "party regular
ity" surely less gifted populists can
not be blamed . for being .'regular,
especially when they have such a bril
liant leader as Watson and such a
platform as that adopted at Spring
field.
Fusion m Nebraska is done. In the
past the populists here have joined
hands with the democrats in carrying
on state campaigns, and they have
no regrets because of it, for the dem
ocrats then stood for the Chicago and
Kansas City platforms. But co-operation
- with Parker democrats is un
thinkable. "The parting of the ways"
is reached. Former "Bryan demo
crats" and "Bryan populists' must
now choose whether they will become
Parker democrats or, Watson popul
ists. Mr. Bryan himself has declared
his intention of becoming a Parker
democrat until the-election is over.
That is his personal privilege.
There can oe no co-operation in Ne
braska this year on the state ticket
between Watson populists and Parker
democrats. The democratic state con
vention which meets in Lincoln, Aug
ust 10, will without doubt be "regular"
and put up Parker electors. The pop
ulist state convention, which meets
the same day, will be equally "reg
ular" and put a Watson and Tibbies
electoral ticket. To then join forces
in nominating state officers would
mean that neither populists nor demo
crats care anything for their respec
tive platforms, but are simply "an or
ganized appetite" hungry for oiUee.
Amoug the democrats of Nebraska
are men the populists have learned to
love and respect as fully as members
of their own party, and to break the
heretofore pleasant relations cannot
be done without regret. But it must
be done. The minor differences be
tween Bryan democracy and populism
were no barrier to consistent co-operationbecause
both were headed in
the same direction; both were a unit
In opposing plutocracy, populism still
stands opposed to plutocracy. Its op
position may be feeble, It's true, but
It can be genuine and unstultlfled nev
ertheless. But Bryan democracy has
been transformed Into Parker plutoc
racy, and Mr. Ilryan, making a wry
face, accepts the transformation for
the sake of regularity. And this means
that hi own party follower must also
choose whether they will be Parker
democrat or Watson populist. There
Is no middle groundeven on utatc
matters.
Thin In The Independtnt'8 view. U
lays no claim to Infallibility, howev.r,
and d sites It Nebraska reader to
express themwlvts freely ami can
didly on the nubjeet. The state cm
verities h 1 than a month ay,
and tvtry delegate who come ihouid
thorougniy understand the .situation
and be ready to represent his consti
tuents in an intelligent manner.
DO IT XOTT.
Both of the old nolitieal nartips arn.
thoroughly' in the control of plutoc
racy. All of those neoDle who have
uioped for, reform through either of
me om parties nave seen the last hope
vanish with the nomination of Par
ker at St. Louis. Mr. Bryan, the
rywnnf nr.. 1 I . ? . 1- i 1 i .
of the plain people, has been unable :?
to make a reform party out of the
democratic organization. 'Despite his
eloquent protests it has "returned to
the Cleveland vomit and is now more
thoroughly plutocratic than evtr be
fore in its history. r l:
The people's party joffers the "only
uupe ior rener rrom trust extortion
and corporate domination. Thousands
of democrats in every state will ie
fuse to follow Mr. Parker to wor
ship at . the shrine of Mammon. As
self-respecting, independent; thinking
men they will cast their ballots for the
only party that stands for true reform
for Watson and Tibbies. .
Likewise hosts of anti-moncpoly re
publicans in every part of the countiy
will-see in the present situation an"
opportunity to align themselves on the
side of real reform an opportunity to
support a platform as clear in its
meaning as the platforms of the re
publican party in 1860-1864 when it
was first organized an oppoitunity ?o
cast their ballots for a leader as bold
and fearless in his fight for the peo
ple's rights as Abraham Lincoln the
scholar, the author, patriotic Thomas
E. Watson of Georgia.
The Independent appeals to eveiy
populist to GO TO WORK. Do it now.
Help push the educational work in
every neighborhood win tr an,u
j the. people that between Parker and
iwjuMjveii mere is not the slightest
difference. Both stand for the mle
of plutocracy-for the dollar before
the man. Every reader of The Inde
pendent should help to extend its cir
culation. To make the work easy we '
have made a rate for campaign sub
scriptions that hardly covers the con
tot white paper and press work Think
of it, you can have The Independent
eent every wWk until after election to
seven of your neighbors for a dollar
only 15 cents each. Invite every neigh
bor to subscribe and send In the
SLVEN FOtt A DOLLAH means
seven votes for .Watson and Tibbies
Sriir?i r'frm D u
thoso whose names you send In will
themselves bo ending others, and the
peoples party will grow us U baa
never grown hefure in its history.
And tlmusamiroTmocrati In the
west and the south will continue to
vote for what they don't want Ai d
Wall street wJJJMoml. 1
Th DlnRleTTaIrTTdlow uie Has
whether the constitution doe or not!
Thi! oflkera and BoMlers In the Phil
Ipplnes have, to pay a heavy duty nrw
on every artlrl that they briuu with
them or which Is nent to them
Patrcnlxe Independent advcrlUcrt.